THE

CHRONICLES

OF

ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET.

H. Bryer, Printer, Bridge Street, Blackfriars, London.

During the time the Duke of Burgundy resided in his duchy, he was visited by the cardinals d'Orsini and di San Marco, who had been sent by the pope to France to endeavour to make up the quarrels between the king, the queen and the duke of Burgundy. The duke paid them every respect, and feasted them magnificently, and declared that he was ready to make[Pg 2] peace with all who wished it; and for this purpose had sent ambassadors to Bray-sur-Seine to meet others from the king.

On this the cardinals left Burgundy, and, passing through Troyes, went to Bray and Montereau, where they were handsomely received by the ambassadors from each party. Thence the cardinal di San Marco went to Paris, and in the presence of the king, his constable and ministers, explained the object of his mission, and the infinite advantages that would result from a peace. After he had been much honoured by the lords of the court, he returned to the ambassadors at Montereau, where he and the cardinal d'Orsini remained the whole time of the negotiations, going daily to the church of La Tombe, wherein the conferences were held.

They laboured so diligently in this business that a treaty was drawn up and sworn to by the ambassadors, in the presence of the cardinals, on condition that the ambassadors should carry copies of it to their respective lords; and if the terms were not approved of by them, each party was to remain in the same state as before[Pg 3] any negotiations were begun. Thus some of them went to Paris, to wait on the king and constable; and others to Troyes, to the queen and the council of the duke of Burgundy.

These last, on being shewn the treaty, very much approved of it, and sent it to the duke for his approbation,—who, having examined it with his ministers, returned for answer, that he accepted it wholly without exception; that he would cheerfully swear to its observance, and cause all of his party to do the same.

In like manner, the ambassadors from the king and the constable, on their arrival at Paris, laid a copy of the treaty before the king, the dauphin, some of the principal ministers, and most leading citizens, who were well satisfied that the king should sign it. But when it was shewn to the count d'Armagnac, to the chancellor, the provost of Paris, and Raymonnet de la Guerre, they were highly indignant thereat, and said plainly, that they would never remain in the room where the king should sign it as it then was. The chancellor even[Pg 4] declared, that the king might seal it himself, for that he never would.

The bishop of Paris, many of the citizens, and several of the ministers of the king and dauphin, who were very desirous of peace, were thunderstruck on hearing these declarations, and advised the dauphin to call a meeting at the Louvre on this matter. He did so; but the constable would not attend, saying, that those who had agreed to such a peace, and those who advised the king to consent to it, were traitors.

By these means the peace was prevented: all negotiations were broken off, and both parties remained in the state they were in before, without peace or truce. This, however, created very great hatred among the Parisians to the constable, who nevertheless ordered detachments against the castles of Montlehery and Marcoussy, possessed by the Burgundians, but who were obliged to surrender them to the king's forces. The constable regarrisoned them for the king.

At this season, as has been before noticed, king Henry of England was in great force in Normandy, where he conquered towns and castles at his pleasure; for scarcely any resistance was made against him, owing to the intestine divisions of France. He thus easily gained possession of the towns of Evreux, Fallaise, Bayeux, Lisieux, Coutances, Avranches, St Loth, and many more.

Through fear of king Henry, the count de Harcourt had retired within his castle of Aumale, with all his dependants; whither on a certain day, under the appearance of a visit to pay his compliments, came his cousin sir James de Harcourt, attended by about sixty combatants. He purposely dismounted at the gate of the castle, which, on[Pg 6] his being recognised, was instantly opened, and every honour was paid him by the officers of the count. Part of his men entered with him, and he went to the count, who joyously received him, saying, 'Fair cousin, you are welcome.' Sir James had ordered the remainder of his men to come to the castle when they had put up their horses in the town; and shortly after some conversation together respecting the wars now going on in France, seeing the opportunity was proper, sir James took the count by the hand, and said, 'My lord, I make you a prisoner in the king's name.'

The count, much astonished, replied, 'Fair cousin, what do you mean? I am the king's man, as you know, and have never acted to his prejudice.' However, in spite of his protestations and claims of kindred, or any other excuses, he was detained a prisoner and placed by sir James under a secure guard. On the morrow, after sir James had seized on all the moveables within the castle, and appointed a part of his men for its defence, he departed, and carried the count with him to the castle of Crotoy.

[Pg 7]

Sir James, by these means, got from the count a beautiful chesnut horse, with a short tail, which was afterward famous as a war-horse. After that day, the count remained prisoner to his cousin; but he was frequently transported from one castle to another, and it was commonly reported that he was thus kept prisoner with the consent of his son, John de Harcourt, count of Aumale.

THE CITY OF PARIS IS TAKEN BY THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY.—THE PARISIANS TURN TO HIS PARTY.—THE CONSEQUENCES THAT FOLLOW.

You have already heard how the Parisians were much discontented with the count d'Armagnac and others of the king's ministers, because they would not accept of the treaty of peace that had been made with the duke of Burgundy. They were much afraid of this duke and his army, and saw clearly that if he was not reconciled to the[Pg 8] king and the dauphin, they must remain in their present uncomfortable state for a long time. Numbers of them were strongly attached to him, and wished him to have the government of the kingdom,—but in fact they knew not how to accomplish it, for they were very narrowly watched, and dared not hold any meetings to communicate together, because the ministry had always ready a body of men at arms to punish them on the slightest appearance of rebellion.

Notwithstanding this, some daring youths of the commonalty, who had formerly been punished for their demerits, adventured to have a conference with the lord de l'Isle-Adam at Pontoise, where he was in garrison. These youths were six or seven in number; and the principal were Perrinet le Clerc, son to John le Clerc, Ferron, John Thiebert, son to Michael Thiebert butcher, Perron Bourdechon.

The lord de l'Isle-Adam concluded a treaty with them, that he would assemble as great a number of men at arms as he could, and, on the 29th day of May ensuing, would march them to the gate of St[Pg 9] Germain des Pres at Paris, which they engaged to have opened to him. On this, they separated; and the lord de l'Isle-Adam collected, as privately as he could, about eight hundred men at arms, among whom were le veau de Bar bailiff of Auxois, the lord de Chastellus, the lord de Chevreuse, Ferry de Mailly, Louis de Varigines, Lionnet de Bournouville, Daviod de Guoy and others. These the lord de l'Isle-Adam led to the appointed rendezvous on the day fixed on, where he found Perrinet le Clerc, who had stolen from behind his father's pillow the keys of the gate of St Germain, to whom they had been intrusted, and the aforesaid youths.

The gate was opened according to their promise, and some of the Parisians came out to speak with the lord de l'Isle-Adam and the others: they assured them that they might enter the town in security, and that they would conduct them whithersoever they pleased.

Upon their report, the burgundian lords and their men armed ready for battle, entered the town on horseback. It might be about two hours after midnight;[Pg 10] and Perrinet le Clerc, seeing them within the town, locked the gate and flung the keys over the wall.

They began their march in silence toward the Chatelet, where they met about four hundred of the Parisians ready armed to join them: they then, with one accord, resolved to make attacks on the houses of the different ministers of the king, and ordered two parties to parade the streets, shouting, 'that all who wished for peace must unite with them in arms.'

This cry brought great multitudes of the populace to join them,—and they hastened to attack the houses of the ministers of state. One party went to the king's hotel of St Pol, where they broke down doors and windows, and were not satisfied until they had spoken to the king, who was forced to grant them all their demands. They, shortly after, made him mount his horse, as well as the brother to the king of Cyprus, and ride with them through the streets of Paris.

Another party went to the hotel of the constable to seize him; but he had been advertised in time of their intent,[Pg 11] and had escaped in disguise to the house of a poor man adjoining his own. Some went to the hotels of the chancellor and Raymonnet de la Guerre, whom they arrested. Tanneguy du Chatel, provost of Paris, hearing the uproar, hastened to the hotel of the dauphin, and, wrapping him up only in a blanket, carried him to the bastille of St Anthony, whither numbers of their friends had retired on the first appearance of the insurrection.

During this night and the two following days, the burgundian lords, and the populace of Paris, plundered the houses of the ministers, and of their favourites and adherents, whom they robbed of every thing. An infinite number of prisoners were made, and confined in the palace, the Louvre, the Chatelet, and in other places: among them were the bishops of Bayeux, Senlis and Coutances, sir Hector de Chartres, sir Enguerran de Marcoignet and others.

The lord de l'Isle-Adam went himself to the hotel de Bourbon, where he found Charles de Bourbon, then about fifteen years of age, whom, having awakened,[Pg 12] he demanded which party he was of: he replied, "Of the king's party;" upon which, the lord de l'Isle-Adam made him rise, and conducted him to the king, with whom he remained during all the time these sad events were passing.

Great part of the men at arms attached to the constable and to Tanneguy du Chatel had retired within the bastille of St Anthony, and with them John Louvet, president of the parliament of Provence, master Robert Masson, with numbers of high rank.

The cardinals de Bar and di San Marco, with the archbishop of Rheims, were also made prisoners, and their horses seized; but at the intercession of the bishop of Paris, and because they had advised peace, they were set at liberty, and had their effects returned to them.

About eight o'clock on the Monday-morning, the king, by sound of trumpet, dismissed Tanneguy du Chatel from the provostship of Paris, and appointed le veau de Bar, bailiff of Auxois, in his stead. In short, all the king's ministers,[Pg 13] the members of the different courts of justice, and all the citizens of rank who were attached to the Armagnacs, were plundered and made prisoners, or cruelly murdered. It was also proclaimed throughout the streets, in the king's name, by sound of trumpet, that all persons of either sex who should know of any of the Armagnac party being hidden or disguised must, on pain of confiscation of their property, instantly denounce them to the provost of Paris, or to some of the captains of the men at arms. In consequence the poor man in whose house the constable was hidden, went to inform the provost of it, who instantly returned with him, and found the constable as he had said. The provost made him mount him behind him, and carried him to the palace with other prisoners.

While these things were passing, Tanneguy du Chatel sent away Charles duke of Touraine and dauphin, by the bridge of Charenton, to Corbeil, Melun, and to Montargis: he at the same time dispatched messengers to the leaders of his party, to hasten to his succour, with[Pg 14] as many men at arms as they could collect.

The lord de l'Isle-Adam and the other great lords were not dilatory in summoning their party, from Picardy and elsewhere, to join them with speed in Paris; and in a few days very great numbers came thither.

Early in the morning of the Wednesday following the capture of Paris, the marshal de Rieux, the lord de Barbasan and Tanneguy du Chatel, with sixteen hundred combatants, picked men, entered Paris by the gate of saint Anthony, in hopes of conquering it. A party of them went by the back way to the hotel de St Pol, thinking to take and carry off the king; but on the preceding day, he and all his household had been conducted to the castle of the Louvre.

The remainder, with displayed banners, marched through the streets, as far as the hotel de l'Ours, shouting, 'Long live the king, the dauphin, and the constable d'Armagnac!' This cry instantly brought forth a great number of the Parisians in arms, with the new provost of Paris, the lord[Pg 15] de l'Isle-Adam, and all the other men at arms within Paris, to offer them combat. A very severe battle took place; but in the end, from the multitudes of Parisians coming upon them on all sides, the marshal de Rieux and his men were forced to retreat toward the bastille, but not without heavy loss,—for there remained dead on the field of battle from three to four hundred of his best men. On the side of the Parisians about forty were killed, and among them was a gentleman, called Hairpin de Guoy, attached to the lord de l'Isle-Adam.

After this, Barbasan and Tanneguy du Chatel, seeing their cause for the present hopeless, placed a sufficient garrison in the bastille, and departed, some to Meaux en Brie, others to Corbeil, to Melun, and to different towns that were under their obedience.

On the Thursday following, Hector and Philip de Saveuses arrived in Paris with two hundred combatants. The lords within that city were rejoiced at their coming, and quartered them at the Tournelles, and in different houses facing the bastille, wherein there was still a garrison of the Armagnacs.

[Pg 16]

On the Friday, Saturday, Sunday, and the eight ensuing days, the greater part of the captains of Picardy arrived at Paris with their men at arms, such as sir John de Luxembourg, the lord de Fosseux and his brothers, sir Janet de Poix, the lord de Cohen, and many more, expecting to find much gain in that city; but the majority were greatly disappointed, and were forced to pay their own expenses.

Those of the Armagnacs who had fallen in battle were flung into carts, and carried by the public executioner out of Paris, and buried in the fields, while the Parisians that had been slain were handsomely interred in consecrated ground.

All Paris now wore the badge of the duke of Burgundy, namely, a Saint Andrew's cross, which had of late been held in much contempt. On the Saturday, those within the bastille, seeing it was but lost time to remain there, entered into a treaty with the lord de l'Isle-Adam and the other lords in Paris, that they would surrender the bastille, if they were permitted to march away in safety. This was accepted; and, on passports being granted them, they departed.[Pg 17] The lord de Canny, who had remained a prisoner in the bastille ever since his return from his embassy from the king to the duke of Burgundy, as has been before mentioned, was nominated governor thereof by the king and the duke of Burgundy.

About this time, by orders from the king, Hector and Philip de Saveuses, and the lord de Crevecoeur, were dispatched with their men at arms toward Compiegne and the adjoining castles. On their coming before Compiegne, they concluded a treaty, that all who were of the Armagnac party should depart in safety with their effects; and that the other inhabitants of the town, who would swear allegiance to the king and the duke of Burgundy, should remain unmolested.

[Pg 18]

In like manner were surrendered to them the town and castle of Creil, St Maixence, Mouchy le Piereux, Pont a Choisy, and other places, in which they placed garrisons of their own men. Noyon submitted to the obedience of the king and the duke by means of the lord de Genly[1], and le Plaisser by sir John de Roye. Laon, Corbeil, Soissons, Chauny sur Oise and Gisors, also submitted.

In the town of Creil, a gentleman called le Begue de Groches was appointed governor,—but only eight men entered that town. In the castle were the count de Ventadour, the lord de Chateau-morant, and sir Charles de Saint Saulieu, with a certain number of men at arms attached to the party of the Armagnacs; but they were forced to surrender it by le Begue de Groches and the commonalty of the town, on condition of their lives and fortunes being spared, and le Begue de Groches remained governor of the castle and town for a long time.

I must not forget to say something of Perrinet le Clerc and his companions, who[Pg 19] had delivered up the city of Paris to the Burgundians. They were, at first, in great authority, and lived in high state; but, in the end, they became as poor and as wicked as they had been before.

When the inhabitants of Peronne, who had been strongly attached to the king, the dauphin and the count d'Armagnac, heard of the capture of Paris, and of the surrender of so many towns and castles, they were much astonished and alarmed, considering that they were so near to the territories of the duke of Burgundy, lest they should have their town taken by storm, or besieged. They therefore resolved to send a deputation to the count de Charolois, to propose submitting themselves to the obedience of the king and the duke.

They in consequence sent ambassadors for this purpose, although sir Thomas de Lersies, bailiff of the Vermandois, exhorted them to keep steady to the dauphin. These ambassadors, namely, master Oudard Cuperel, a canon of St Foursy, and others, treated so successfully with the count de Charolois and his ministers that the town was surrendered to the duke. Notwithstanding[Pg 20] the magistrates and inhabitants had promised not to conclude any treaty that should be prejudicial to sir Thomas de Lersies, he was arrested, carried to Laon and beheaded. In like manner were executed John de Bervenucourt, his lieutenant, and Alard de Vercuigneul.

About four o'clock on the 12th day of June, the populace of Paris rose to the amount of about sixty thousand, fearing (as they said) that the prisoners would be set at liberty, although the new provost of Paris, and other lords, assured them to the contrary. They were armed with old mallets, hatchets, staves, and other disorderly weapons, and paraded through the streets, shouting, 'Long live the king and the duke of Burgundy!' toward the different prisons in Paris, namely, the Palace, St Magloire,[Pg 21] St Martin des Champs, the Chatelet, the Temple, and to other places wherein any prisoners were confined.

They forced open all their doors and killed Chepier and Chepiere[2], with the whole of the prisoners, to the amount of sixteen hundred, or thereabout: the principal of whom were the count d'Armagnac constable of France, master Henry de Marle chancellor to the king, the bishops of Coutances, of Bayeux, of Evreux, of Senlis, of Saintes, the count de Grand-Pré, Raymonnet de la Guerre, the abbot de St Conille de Compiegne, sir Hector de Chartres, sir Enguerrand de Marcoignet, Charlot Poupart master of the king's wardrobe, the members of the courts of justice and of the treasury, and in general all they could find: among the number were several even of the burgundian party confined for debt.

In this massacre several women were killed, and left on the spot where they had been put to death. This cruel butchery lasted until ten o'clock in the morning[Pg 22] of the following day. Those confined in the grand Chatelet, having arms, defended themselves valiantly, and slew many of the populace; but, on the morrow, by means of fire and smoke, they were conquered, and the mob made many of them leap from the battlements of the towers, when they were received on the points of the spears of those in the streets, and cruelly mangled. At this dreadful business were present the new provost of Paris, sir John de Luxembourg, the lord de Fosseux, the lord de l'Isle-Adam, the vidame of Amiens, the lord de Chevreuse, the lord de Chastellus, the lord de Cohen, sir James de Harcourt, sir Emond de Lombers, the lord d'Auxois, and others, to the amount of upward of a thousand combatants armed and on horseback, ready to defend the murderers should there be any necessity.

Many were shocked and astonished at such cruel conduct; but they dared not say any thing, except 'Well done my boys!' The bodies of the constable, the chancellor, and of Raymonnet de la Guerre were stripped naked, tied together with a cord,[Pg 23] and dragged for three days by the blackguards of Paris through the streets. The body of the constable had the breadth of two fingers of his skin cut off crosswise, like to a bend in heraldry, by way of derision; and they were thus publicly exposed quite naked to the sight of all; on the fourth day, they were dragged out of Paris on a hurdle, and buried with the others in a ditch called la Louviere.

Notwithstanding the great lords after this took much pains to pacify the populace, and remonstrated with them, that they ought to allow the king's justice to take its regular course against offenders, they would not desist, but went in great crowds to the houses of such as had favoured the Armagnacs, or of those whom they disliked, and killed them without mercy, carrying away all they could find. In these times, it was enough if one man hated another at Paris, of whatever rank he might be, Burgundian or not, to say, 'There goes an Armagnac,' and he was instantly put to death, without further inquiry being made.

When news of the capture of Paris, and of the submission of so many towns and castles, was carried to the duke of Burgundy in Dijon, he was greatly rejoiced, and collecting in haste a body of men, went to the queen at Troyes, where he was magnificently received. He gave orders for preparations to be instantly made for the queen's journey to Paris, and summoned men at arms from all quarters to attend her.

Sir John de Luxembourg, the lord de Fosseux, with other captains from Picardy, and about a thousand combatants, went to meet him so far as Troyes. The duke first heard when at Troyes of the massacre of the count d'Armagnac and the other prisoners at Paris, which angered him greatly; for he had planned by their means, and by offering them their liberty to gain possession of the person of the dauphin, and[Pg 25] of all the towns and castles held by the Armagnacs.

On the 2d day of July, the queen and the duke of Burgundy set out from Troyes for Paris in grand array,—the Picards, under the command of John de Luxembourg, forming the vanguard. The duke, with his battalion, conducted the queen, taking their road through Nogent-sur-Seine and Provins. On the 14th day of the same month, they entered Paris attended by an immense crowd of armed men and displayed banners.

Six hundred of the Parisians went out to meet the queen and the duke, dressed in blue jackets, having thereon a St Andrew's cross, which they had worn for some time. They presented the duke and his nephew the young count de St Pol, with two robes of blue velvet, which they put on, and thus made their entry through the gate of St Anthony.

They were received in Paris with the greatest joy: carols were sung in all quarters, and flowers were thrown in abundance on the carriage of the queen, and on the lords who accompanied her from all the upper[Pg 26] windows in the streets they passed through. The duke of Burgundy escorted the queen to the hôtel de St Pol, where the king resided, who gave to both of them a most welcome reception.

Shortly after, many great councils were holden by the duke and other lords, on the present state of the kingdom and on its government. At their conclusion, the king, to please the duke of Burgundy, created several new officers: the lords de l'Isle-Adam and de Chastellus were made marshals of France, sir Robinet de Mailly grand butler, sir Charles de Lens admiral of France, although the king had a little before nominated sir Jenet de Poix to that office, and he for a short time bore the title of admiral: master Eustace de Lactre was appointed chancellor of France, and master Philip de Morvillers first president of the parliament.

The duke of Burgundy was made governor of Paris, and chose sir Charles de Lens as his lieutenant. Many great changes were made, with which the king seemed satisfied, and granted every thing that was asked by those who had the government of him.

[Pg 27]

In these days (as it was commonly believed by orders of sir John de Luxembourg), Jean Bertrand, governor of St Dennes, was put to death at La Chapelle, between Paris and St Dennis. He had been one of the leaders of the companies with sir Gastelin Vas, Jean de Guigny and Jean de Clau, and was a butcher. The Parisians were greatly exasperated at his death, and issued out in crowds to find and punish his murderers, but in vain,—for, having performed the deed, they hastened to escape.

They made loud complaints of it to the duke of Burgundy, who demanded of sir John de Luxembourg if he had been the author of this murder; and he replied that he was not. It was afterwards known, that the perpetrators of it were principally Lyonnet de Vendôme, and the bastard de Robais, with about twelve other wicked fellows as their accomplices.

At this period, pope Martin, with the consent of the holy council of Constance, adjourned that council to the month of April in the year 1423, to be held in a convenient city, which should be named by him or his successor in proper time. The pope then departed from Constance, and was conducted from the palace of the bishop by Sigismund emperor of Germany and king of Bohemia, walking on foot, and holding the bridle of his mule. When he was without the town, the pope mounted his horse and went to Geneva, where he held his court for three months.

At this same time, king Henry of England advanced to Louviers in Normandy, which had submitted to his obedience, and thence went to quarter himself at the abbey[Pg 29] of Bomport, of the order of Cisteaux[3], very near to Pont de l'Arche, of which place sir John de Graville was governor for the king of France. King Henry sent sir John de Cornwall to summon him to surrender it, but the lord de Graville replied that he would not: upon which Cornwall said, 'Graville, I pledge my word, that in spite of you or of your men I will cross the Seine. Should I do so, you shall give me the best courser you have; and if I fail, I will present you with my helmet of steel, which I will prove to be worth five hundred nobles.' After this conversation and engagement, they parted mutually pleased with each other.

Sir John de Graville sent in haste to all parts for reinforcements of men at arms to guard the fords of the river, and among them came sir James de Harcourt, who happened at that time to be at Estampigny. Several other gentlemen, and many lords, came to his aid, to the amount of eight hundred combatants, and full twelve thousand of the common people.

[Pg 30]

On the morrow, as Cornwall had promised, he came to the banks of the Seine, and embarked on board eight small boats, attended by his son, fifteen years of age, sixty combatants, one single horse, some small cannons, and military stores: he made for a little island that was in the middle of the stream, whence he could fire at the enemy who guarded the opposite shore. But although the French were so many as I have said, they did not even attempt to make any defence, but instantly fled in the utmost disorder, every man escaping as well as he could.

Sir John de Graville returned to Pont de l'Arche, sir James de Harcourt to Estampigny, and the commonalty fled to the woods. Sir John de Cornwall and his men seeing all this from the island re-imbarked in their boats, and landed without opposition. He immediately created his son a knight; and shortly after, others of the English crossed also in these boats, to the number of about a thousand combatants, part of whom followed sir John de Cornwall, to skirmish before Pont de l'Arche, and the rest scoured the country round. Sir John de Cornwall[Pg 31] addressed sir John de Graville, and said, that he and his countrymen had badly acquitted themselves, to suffer him and his small company to cross the river, when they were so very numerous, declaring, that if he had been in his situation with only his sixty English, he would have defended the landing against the united forces of the kings of France and of England.

When the English who had passed the river were re-assembled, they fixed their quarters in the abbey of Mortemer, in the forest of Lyons. The whole of the country of Caux were much alarmed, and not without cause, when they learnt that the English had passed the Seine.

The next day the king of England ordered his brother the duke of Clarence to cross the river with four thousand combatants, and to invest the town and castle of Pont de l'Arche on all sides. He had also a bridge thrown over the Seine, on the side leading toward Rouen, that he might cross whenever he pleased; and this bridge was called the Bridge of Saint George.

After three weeks siege, sir John de Graville surrendered the town and castle[Pg 32] to the king of England, on condition that he and his men might depart in safety with their baggage. Thus king Henry was master, to pass the Seine at his pleasure; and he placed a strong garrison in Pont de l'Arche, in dread of whom the greater part of the peasantry fled the country with all their effects.

True it is, that at this time sir Tanneguy du Châtel, the viscount de Narbonne, Jean Louvet president of Provence, master Robert Masson, and the other ministers of the duke of Touraine, dauphin of the Viennois, who had escaped from Paris, as you have heard, exerted themselves as much as possible to induce him to continue the war against the duke of Burgundy and his partisans.

[Pg 33]

The dauphin had been several times summoned and required to return to Paris by the king, the queen and the duke of Burgundy, who offered to pay him every respect and deference. He would not, however, listen to them, but began to make preparations in all quarters to renew the war, styling himself Regent of the kingdom of France.

At this time also, about eight of his men, secretly armed, came to the gate of Compiegne that leads to Pierrefons with a small cart laden with wood. When on the drawbridge, they stabbed one of the cart-horses, so that the bridge could not be raised, and killing some of the guards at the gate, instantly made a signal which had been agreed on,—and the lord de Bocquiaux, who was lying in ambush in the forest, suddenly appeared with five hundred men, and entered the town without opposition, shouting, 'Long live the king and the dauphin!'

On their arrival, they slew one named Boutry, who had been left there by Hector de Saveuses to manage his household. The lord de Crevecoeur, who was lieutenant[Pg 34] to Hector, hearing the noise, retreated to the tower of St Cornille, and with him the lord de Chievres, Robinet Ogier, and others; but it was in vain, for they were soon forced to surrender themselves.

The Dauphinois lost no time in plundering the town, and took every thing they could lay hands on, not only from those of the burgundian party, but even from such of the inhabitants as had shewn any partiality to them. Thus did the lord de Bocquiaux and his companions regain the town of Compiegne, in the name of the dauphin. He kept up, in his name also, a heavy warfare on the adjoining country, and sent the lords de Chievres and de Crevecoeur prisoners to the castle of Pierrefons, whence they meditated an escape by means of a brother of the lord de Chievres, who was attached to and had long served the lord de Bocquiaux; but it was discovered, and the lord de Bocquiaux caused him to be beheaded. However, some time afterward, they obtained their liberty by paying a sum of money.

A strong garrison was placed in Compiegne, and the lord de Gamaches came[Pg 35] thither; and by their means, those attached to the party of the king and the duke of Burgundy were sorely oppressed.

At this time, duke John of Brabant espoused his cousin-german Jacquelina of Bavaria, countess of Hainault, Holland, Zealand and Ostrevant: she was his god-mother. This marriage had been managed by his mother Margaret of Burgundy, with the three estates of those countries, in the good intention and hope that, as these countries joined those of the duke of Brabant, greater concord and peace would subsist between them. Notwithstanding the countess had given her consent, she was not very well satisfied with the match; for she knew the duke to be weak in body and mind, and unfit for the government of her country or person, which was handsome and well made; and she herself was well informed in various matters.

On the accomplishment of this marriage, the war between the countess and her uncle John of Bavaria was put an end to by means of a negotiation that took place on that subject.

It happened, that while the duke and[Pg 36] duchess were at Mons in Hainault, and whilst he was gone to hunt and amuse himself without the town, sir Evrard, bastard of Hainault, and brother to the duchess, with some others came purposely to the hôtel de Nactre, the residence of William le Begue, the confidential adviser of the duke, and put him to death when lying ill in bed. Sir William de Sars, bailiff of Hainault, was present when this murder was committed; but they forbade him to stir; and when it was accomplished, they departed without any hindrance, and left Mons.

When the duke heard of this murder, he was much troubled; for he loved him in preference to all his other counsellors; but in the end, his duchess pacified him,—for, according to the reports of the time, she was not averse to the above deed being done.

In these days, several captains were ordered by the king and the duke of Burgundy to Rouen, to aid the inhabitants in the defence of their town against the king of England, by whom they daily expected to be besieged. In their number were the lord de Gapennes, sir John de Neuf-châtel lord de Montagu, sir Anthony de Toulongeon, sir Andrew des Roches, Henry de Chaufour, the bastard de Thian, le Grand Jacques, a native of Lombardy, Guerard bastard de Brimeu, and many others renowned in arms.

Sir Guy le Bouteiller, a Norman, was captain-general of the town, having under him Langnon, bastard of Arly. The whole of the men at arms were selected for their courage, and amounted to about four thousand; and the citizens, well armed and clothed suitably to their degree,[Pg 38] were full fifteen thousand, ready and eager to defend themselves against all who might wish to injure them.

They united cheerfully with the men at arms in making every preparation of defence, in strengthening the gates, bulwarks, walls and ditches of their town, as well within side as without. They also made many regulations, distributing to each captain of men at arms certain portions of the town to defend. The citizens were likewise divided into constablewicks; and it was proclaimed by sound of trumpet, that all persons, whatever might be their rank, who intended to remain in the place, must provide themselves with provision for ten months; and those who were unable to do this must quit the town, and go whither they pleased.

In consequence of this proclamation, numbers of poor people departed, as did several ladies, damsels, and citizens' wives, with churchmen and others, who could not be of any assistance. After this, the garrison made frequent sallies on the English, who were hard by, and killed many, and made prisoners,—at other times they were unfortunate.

[Pg 39]

There was living in that part of the country near to Pontoise, l'Isle-Adam, Gisors, and on the borders of Normandy, a captain of a gang of thieves called Tabary, who had taken part with the Burgundians. He was of small stature, and lame; but he often collected bodies of forty or fifty peasants, sometimes more, sometimes less, armed and dressed in old jackets and haubergeons, with decayed battle-axes, half lances with mallets at their end, and other poor armour. Some were mounted on miserable horses; while others on foot formed ambuscades in the woods, near to the English quarters. Whenever Tabary could lay hands on any of them he cut their throats, as indeed he did to all the dauphin's friends. This conduct made him greatly feared by both these parties.

King Henry of England marched a most powerful army, accompanied by a large train of artillery and warlike stores, in the month of June, before the noble and potent town of Rouen, to prevent the inhabitants and garrison from being supplied with new corn. The van of his army arrived there at midnight, that the garrison might not make any sally against them. The king was lodged at the Carthusian convent; the duke of Glocester was quartered before the gate of St Hilaire; the duke of Clarence at the gate of Caen; the earl of Warwick at that of Martinville; the duke of Exeter and earl of Dorset at that of Beauvais: in front of the gate of the castle were the lord Marshal and Sir John de Cornwall. At the gate leading to Normandy were posted the earls of Huntingdon, Salisbury, Kyme, and the lord Neville son to the earl of Westmoreland. On the hill fronting[Pg 41] St Catherine's were others of the english barons.

Before the English could fortify their quarters, many sallies were made on them, and several severe skirmishes passed on both sides. But the English, so soon as they could, dug deep ditches between the town and them, on the top of which they planted a thick hedge of thorns, so that they could not otherwise be annoyed than by cannon shot and arrows. They also built a jette on the banks of the Seine, about a cannon shot distant from the town, to which they fastened their chains, one of them half a foot under the water, another level with it, and a third two feet above the stream, so that no boats could bring provision to the town, nor could any escape from it that way. They likewise dug deep galleries of communication from one quarter to another, which completely sheltered those in them from cannon or other warlike machines.

The garrison in the fort of St Catherine, at the end of a month, surrendered it to the English from want of provision, and were allowed to depart in safety, but without baggage.

[Pg 42]

The king of England had in his army numbers of Irish, the greater part of whom were on foot, having only a stocking and shoe on one leg and foot, with the other quite naked. They had targets, short javelins, and a strange sort of knives. Those who were on horseback had no saddles, but rode excellently well on small mountain horses, and were mounted on such paniers as are used by the carriers of corn in parts of France. They were, however, miserably accoutred, in comparison with the English, and without any arms that could much hurt the French whenever they might meet them.

These Irish made frequent excursions, during the siege, over Normandy, and did infinite mischiefs, bringing back to their camp large booties. Those on foot took men, and even children from the cradle, with beds and furniture, and, placing them on cows, drove all these things before them; for they were often met thus by the French. By such means was the country of Normandy wasted, and its poor inhabitants ruined, by English, Irish, Burgundians and Dauphinois.

[Pg 43]

The king of England, during this siege of Rouen, had the gates and walls of the town battered by bombards and other engines to destroy them; but to relate the whole, and the many sallies that were made, would occupy too much time. Suffice it to say, that the besieged behaved with the utmost courage.

While the siege was going on, Langnon bastard d'Arly, one of the principal captains in the town, and in whom the inhabitants placed their greatest confidence, had the charge of guarding the gate of Caux. One day, an English knight, called sir John le Blanc, governor of Harfleur under the earl of Dorset, came before this gate, and demanded of Langnon to break three lances with him, which he granted,—and, having quickly armed himself, sallied out with about thirty companions on foot. In front of the barriers, they attacked each other gallantly; but it happened, that at the first thrust, the english knight was run through the body, and unhorsed: he was then dragged by force into the town, and soon after died. Langnon received four hundred nobles on returning the body, and was universally[Pg 44] applauded by the townsmen for the address and valour he had shewn on this occasion.

In these days, a public procession was made from all the churches in Paris, and mass was chaunted in that of Nôtre Dame. While mass was celebrating, a friar minorite, doctor in theology, preached a solemn sermon in the square before the church,—at which were present the king's ministers, such as the chancellor and others, the rector and principal heads of the university, several great lords, the provost of Paris, and some of the chief citizens. There were also present the vicars and officials of the bishop of Paris, who, having received an[Pg 45] especial commission for the purpose from the bishop, then very ill at St Maur des Fossés, reversed, in his name, the sentence which he and others had formerly pronounced contrary to the honour of the duke of Burgundy, and against the proposition avowed by this duke through the organ of master John Petit, as has been before related, and now made every possible reparation in regard to the honour and loyalty of the said duke, as the true champion of the crown of France.

The preacher, in his sermon, compared him to the prop that supports the vine, and explained the legality of the powers granted by the bishop to his vicars to annul this sentence, at the same time making excuses for the bishop's absence on account of his illness. In short, every thing was done to the satisfaction of the duke of Burgundy, and the sentence was annulled in the middle of the sermon.

At this time news was brought to the duke while at Paris, that the Dauphinois at Meaux-en-Brie had taken the town of Laigny-sur-Marne, by the carelessness of the garrison, which was true, and the day they[Pg 46] won it, they committed many outrages. Some of the garrison escaped into a strong tower, and sent in haste to the duke for help, who instantly dispatched thither the lord de l'Isle-Adam; and, by means of those in the tower, he gained admittance to the town, and put the greater part of the Dauphinois to the sword,—when, having placed therein a strong garrison, he returned to Paris.

On the morrow, the duke of Burgundy, attended by a large body of men at arms, went from Paris to the bridge of Charenton, to meet the duke of Brittany, who was coming to negotiate a peace between him and the dauphin; but as nothing could be agreed on, the duke of Burgundy returned to Paris, and the duke of Brittany to his own country.

The reason why they met at Charenton was the epidemical disorder that then raged in Paris. By accounts from the rectors of the parishes, it was known that upward of fourscore thousand had died within that town. Many of the dependants of the duke of Burgundy were carried off by this pestilence, as were the prince of Orange,[Pg 47] the lord de Fosseux, sir Jenet de Poix, the lord d'Auxois, and numbers of other gentlemen.

Shortly after, the cardinals d'Orsini and di San Marco returned to Saint Maur des Fossés, to treat of a peace between the dauphin and the duke of Burgundy; and many notable ambassadors were sent to them from the king, queen and duke, who at length concluded a treaty by means of these cardinals with the commissioners sent from the dauphin. It seemed good, and to the mutual advantage of both parties; but when it was carried to the dauphin and his advisers, they were dissatisfied with it, so that the war continued with greater bitterness than before.

To add to the tribulations of these times, the Parisians again assembled in great numbers,[Pg 48] as they had before done, and went to all the prisons in Paris, broke into them, and put to death full three hundred prisoners, many of whom had been confined there since the last butchery. In the number of those murdered were sir James de Mommor, and sir Louis de Corail chamberlain to the king, with many nobles and churchmen.

They then went to the lower court of the bastille of St Anthony, and demanded that six prisoners, whom they named, should be given up to them, or they would attack the place. In fact, they began to pull down the wall of the gate,—when the duke of Burgundy, who lodged near the bastille, vexed to the heart at such proceedings, to avoid worse, ordered the prisoners to be delivered to them, if any of their leaders would promise that they should be conducted to the Châtelet prison, and suffered to be punished according to their deserts by the king's court of justice.

Upon this, they all departed,—and, by way of glossing over their promise, they led their prisoners near to the Châtelet, when they put them to death, and stripped them naked. They then divided into several[Pg 49] large companies, and paraded the streets of Paris, entering the houses of many who had been Armagnacs, plundering and murdering all without mercy. In like manner as before, when they met any person they disliked, he was slain instantly; and their principal leader was Cappeluche, the hangsman of the city of Paris.

The duke of Burgundy, alarmed at these insurrections, sent for some of the chief citizens, with whom he remonstrated on the consequences these disturbances might have. The citizens excused themselves from being any way concerned, and said they were much grieved to witness them: they added, they were all of the lowest rank, and had thus risen to pillage the more wealthy; and they required the duke to provide a remedy, by employing these men in his wars.

It was then proclaimed, in the names of the king and the duke of Burgundy, under pain of death, that no persons should tumultuously assemble, nor any more murders or pillage take place, but that such as had of late risen in insurrection should prepare themselves to march to the sieges of[Pg 50] Montlehery and Marcoussi, now held by the king's enemies. The commonalty made reply, that they would cheerfully do so, if they had proper captains appointed to lead them.

Within a few days, to avoid similar tumults in Paris, six thousand of the populace were sent to Montlehery, under the command of the lord de Cohen, sir Walter de Ruppes and sir Walter Raillart, with a certain number of men at arms, and store of cannon and ammunition sufficient for a siege. These knights led them to Montlehery, where they made a sharp attack on the Dauphinois within the castle.

The duke of Burgundy, after their departure, arrested several of their accomplices, and the principal movers of the late insurrection; some of whom he caused to be beheaded, others to be hanged or drowned in the Seine: even their leader Cappeluche, the hangsman, was beheaded in the market-place. When news of this was carried to the Parisians who had been sent to Montlehery, they marched back to Paris to raise another rebellion; but the gates were closed against them, so that they were[Pg 51] forced to return to the siege. Within a short time, however, they were recalled thence,—for negotiators from the two parties were busily employed to establish peace.

The lord de Château-vilain, at this period, came to wait on the duke of Burgundy in Paris: he was preceded by a fool, who, riding some paces before him as he entered the gate of St Anthony, shouted aloud, 'Armagnac for ever!' and was instantly put to death by the guards at the gate, to the great anger of his lord, but he could not amend it.

The Dauphinois, to the amount of three hundred combatants, under the command of the lord de Bocquiaux, won by storm at break of day the city of Soissons from the lord de Longueval, governor of it for the king and the duke of Burgundy. The lord de Longueval escaped with much difficulty on foot, in company with Robert de Saveuses and others, by leaping down from the walls. The city was, in great part, plundered of every thing.

With the consent of the king and queen of France, and the duke of Burgundy, the dauphiness was honourably sent to the dauphin in Anjou: she had remained in Paris at the time when it was taken: and with her were sent all her jewels and wardrobe, that the dauphin might be the more inclined to peace and to return to the king. It was in vain; for those who governed him would not suffer it, as they knew that in that case they should be deprived of all their offices and employments.

The young count d'Armagnac now joined the dauphin magnificently accompanied by men at arms, and made bitter complaints concerning the murders of his father, the constable of France, and of the other great lords. The dauphin and his council replied, that speedy and substantial[Pg 53] justice should be done, in proper time and place, on those who had committed these murders.

The dauphin then marched a powerful army to lay siege to Tours in Touraine, of which place sir William de Romenil, knight, and Charles l'Abbe were governors. They in a short time surrendered both town and castle to the dauphin; and Charles l'Abbe even turned to his party, and took the oaths of allegiance to him. The men at arms that were under his command, being unwilling to follow his example, received passports to go whither they pleased. The dauphin kept his court at Tours for a considerable space of time.

The duke of Burgundy, on the other hand, who held the king and queen under his subjection, ordered the government of the kingdom according to his pleasure; and notwithstanding he had formerly abolished all subsidies and taxes, he caused the king's ministers to issue a royal edict to raise certain sums for the relief of the city of Rouen, which was hard pressed by the English. In addition to this, the Parisians were required to furnish a loan for the same purpose; and[Pg 54] the municipality lent one hundred thousand francs, on condition that every tun of wine should pay twelve farthings when brought to Paris, until the above sum were repaid,—and the municipality were to receive this duty by their own officers. Large subsidies were likewise raised throughout those parts of the realm that were under the king's obedience,—namely, in the bishoprick of Beauvais, in the bailiwicks of Amiens, of the Vermandois, and elsewhere. Master Robert le Jeune, advocate in the parliament, was nominated to collect these taxes; and one of the judges with some of the king's officers were sent to enforce payment from such as refused.

At this period, a priest of a tolerable age, and of clear understanding, was deputed,[Pg 55] by those besieged in Rouen, to the king of France and his council. On his arrival at Paris, he caused to be explained by an augustin doctor, named Eustace de la Paville, in presence of the king and his ministers, the miserable situation of the besieged. He took for his text, 'Domine quid faciemus?' and harangued upon it very ably and eloquently. When he had finished, the priest addressed the king, saying,

'Most excellent prince and lord, I am enjoined by the inhabitants of Rouen to make loud complaints against you, and against you duke of Burgundy, who govern the king, for the oppressions they suffer from the English. They make known to you by me, that if, from want of being succoured by you, they are forced to become subjects to the king of England, you will not have in all the world more bitter enemies; and if they can, they will destroy you and your whole generation.'

With these or with similar words did this priest address the king and his council. After he had been well received and entertained, and the duke of Burgundy had promised to provide succours for the town[Pg 56] of Rouen as speedily as possible, he returned the best way he could to carry this news to the besieged.

Shortly after, the king of France and the duke of Burgundy sent ambassadors to Pont de l'Arche, to treat of a peace with the king of England. This embassy consisted of the bishop of Beauvais, master Philip de Morvilliers, first president of the parliament, master Regnault de Folleville, knight, sir William de Champdivers, master Thierry le Roy, and others: they were likewise accompanied by the cardinal d'Orsini, as a mediator.

The king of England appointed the earl of Warwick, the lord chancellor, and the archbishop of Canterbury to meet them at Pont de l'Arche, with others of his council. The negotiations lasted fifteen days,—during which the cardinal paid a visit to the king of England, at his siege of Rouen, and was handsomely received by him and the other lords.

The ambassadors from the king of France had brought with them a portrait of the princess Catherine, daughter to the king, which was presented to the king of[Pg 57] England, who liked it well; but he made too great demands for her marriage-portion, namely, that with the princess should be given him a million of crowns of gold, the duchy of Normandy, of which he had conquered a part, the duchy of Acquitaine, the county of Ponthieu, with other lordships, the whole to be held independent of the crown of France.

Nothing therefore was concluded; and the English ambassadors replied to those from France, that their king was not in a situation to form any treaty with,—for the dauphin was not made a party, and it was unbecoming the duke of Burgundy to dispose by treaty of the inheritances of France. On receiving this answer, the cardinal and ambassadors returned to the king and queen of France and the duke of Burgundy, who had lately quitted Paris, and were at Pontoise.

They reported to the council all that had passed at Pont de l'Arche; and soon after the cardinal went to pope Martin at Avignon, for he saw clearly that no peace was likely to take effect between the three parties.

[Pg 58]

The inhabitants of Rouen knowing well that the negotiation between the kings of France and England was broken off, and fearing that succour would be too long delayed, resolved to make a sally, and fight their way through one of the quarters of king Henry's army, to seek for succour themselves. On mustering their forces, they found they were full ten thousand combatants, leaving a sufficiency for the defence of the town. Orders were given for each man to provide himself with two days provision. When all were ready, and two thousand of them had made an attack on the king's quarters, where they had done much damage, they began their march out of the town; but it happened that the props which bore the drawbridge had been wickedly and secretly sawed nearly through, so that when their first ranks advanced thereon it broke, and very many fell into the ditch and were killed or wounded.

They hastened to another gate to support their men that were engaged with the English, and ordered them to retreat; but they could not regain their town without[Pg 59] great loss, although they had made their enemies suffer also.

There were now many murmurings against the honour of sir Guy le Bouteiller, who was believed to have caused the supporters of the drawbridge to be sawn.

Not long after this sally, Langnon bastard d'Arly died of sickness, to the great sorrow of the commonalty, who as I have before said, had greater confidence in him than in any of the other captains.

At this time sir John de Luxembourg took to wife Joan of Bethune, daughter and heiress to the viscount de Meaux, who had before espoused Robert de Bar count de Marle and de Soissons. She had a young daughter, two years old or thereabout, the heiress of these counties. This marriage was concluded through favour of the duke of Burgundy and the count de Charolois; and by it sir John de Luxembourg had the management of extensive territories. Within a year, the lady brought him a son, who died young. The duke of Burgundy gave up to him many lordships, such as Dunkirk, Varmeston and[Pg 60] others, which he had holden as being confiscated,—for the late sir Robert de Bar, during his lifetime, had been of the opposite party.

We must now return to the situation of the king of France, and of the duke of Burgundy's government. It is true that large bodies of men at arms had been summoned in the king's name for the relief of the town of Rouen, from different parts of the kingdom, and ordered to rendezvous at and near Beauvais. A great many of the lords from Picardy, with a numerous body of their men accustomed to bear arms, came thither; and the country suffered much from them wherever they passed.

The king, queen and duke of Burgundy,[Pg 61] with their households, came from Pontoise to Beauvais, to have provisions in greater plenty, and held there many private councils on the best means to relieve the town of Rouen. They could not devise any mode that would be successful, on account of the quarrel between the dauphin and the duke of Burgundy, and because the king of England had too powerful an army. Notwithstanding this, they daily summoned more men at arms and cross-bows from the towns under their obedience.

While the court resided at Beauvais, four gentlemen, and four citizens of Rouen, were sent to lay before the king and council their miserable state: they told them, that thousands of persons were already dead of hunger within their town; and that, from the beginning of October, they had been forced to live on horses, dogs, cats, mice and rats, and other things unfit for human creatures. They had nevertheless, driven full twelve thousand poor people, men women and children, out of the place, the greater part of whom had perished wretchedly in the ditches of the town.[Pg 62] That it had been frequently necessary to draw up in baskets new born children from mothers who had been brought to bed in these ditches to have them baptised, and they were afterward returned to their mothers: many however, had perished without christening,—all which things were grievous and pitiful to be related. They then added, 'To you our lord and king, and to you noble duke of Burgundy, the loyal inhabitants of Rouen have before made known their distress: they now again inform you how much they are suffering for you, to which you have not yet provided any remedy according to your promises. We are sent to you for the last time, to announce to you on the part of the besieged, that if within a few days they are not relieved, they shall surrender themselves and their town to the English king, and thenceforward renounce all allegiance, faith and service, which they have sworn to you.'

The king, duke and council, courteously replied, that the king's forces were not as yet adequate to raise the siege, which they were exceedingly sorry for; but, with God's pleasure, they should very soon be relieved.

[Pg 63]

The deputies asked, by what time: the duke answered, before the fourth day after Christmas. They then returned to their town with difficulty, from the great danger of being taken by the besiegers and related all that had passed.

The besieged now suffered the greatest distress; and it is impossible to recount the miseries of the common people from famine: it was afterward known, that upwards of fifty thousand had perished of hunger. Some, when they saw meat carried through the street, in despair, ran to seize it, and, so doing, allowed themselves to be severely beaten, and even wounded. During the space of three months, no provisions were seen in the markets, but every thing was sold secretly: and what before the siege was worth a farthing was sold for twenty, thirty, or even forty; but these prices were too high for the common people, and hence the great mortality I have mentioned.

December was about half over when these last ambassadors returned to Rouen; and during this tempestuous season, sir James de Harcourt and the lord de Moreul[Pg 64] assembled about two thousand combatants, whom they led to within two leagues of the English quarters, with the hope of plunder. They posted their men in two ambuscades near to each other, to fall on the enemy, should he pass that way,—and then ordered about six score of their men at arms to attack a village near the town, in which were a party of English. These were either taken or killed, except a few, who by having good horses, escaped to their main army, crying out that they had seen the French in great force.

The English were instantly in motion, and under arms; and the king of England ordered sir John de Cornwall to mount his horse, and take six hundred men to see what truth was in this report. Sir John de Cornwall, without delay, marched off his men, taking with him some of those who had seen the French, and soon came up with the enemy; but the French, seeing the English were too numerous, hastily returned to their ambuscades, to whom they told that the enemy were coming.

Sir John de Cornwall followed them in good array, and so closely that he could[Pg 65] plainly distinguish their numbers,—when the French that were in one ambush advanced in order of battle to combat them, but the greater part of the others turned their backs and fled. The English, noticing this, made a vigorous charge, and put the whole to the rout, with a very trifling loss on their side,—and to the great confusion of the French, for on this day were twelve score men at arms killed or made prisoners: among the last was the lord de Moreul, Butor bastard de Croy, and many noble gentlemen of high rank. Sir James de Harcourt and others saved themselves by the fleetness of their horses. Sir John de Cornwall returned with his prisoners to the camp, very much rejoiced at his victory.

The king and queen of France, and the duke of Burgundy, held very many councils, while at Beauvais, on the most effectual means to relieve Rouen; but as it was found that at the moment the royal forces were insufficient to combat the army of England, and to raise the siege, the greater part of the men at arms that had been assembled were disbanded, excepting some from the principal towns, who were sent to garrison the frontiers, as well against the English as the Dauphinois.

When this was done, the king, queen, and duke of Burgundy, escorted by his Burgundians and a considerable body of men at arms, departed from Beauvais, and, passing through Creil and Laigny sur Marne, went to Provins. Many were astonished at this measure.

[Pg 67]

News of it was carried to Rouen, and the duke of Burgundy privately advised the besieged to treat with the king of England on the best terms they could. When this was made public, there was an universal grief throughout the town, for the inhabitants were sorrowful at heart: however, some of the captains and principal citizens comforted them as well as they were able, and afterward assembled in the town-hall to consider on their future conduct toward the king of England.

They resolved, since they had now lost all hope of relief, and that their provisions were nearly exhausted, to treat with their adversaries,—for that purpose they sent a herald to the king of England, to require a passport for six persons, which was granted. They nominated, as their ambassadors, two churchmen, two gentlemen, and two citizens, who were wise, prudent and well spoken. They went strait to the tent of the king, and were conducted to the lodgings of the archbishop of Canterbury, who, with the earl of Warwick, had been appointed to treat with them.

[Pg 68]

When they were met, they opened the business, to discover on what terms they would be received, but could obtain no other answer than that the whole of the inhabitants must submit unconditionally to the king. On this they returned to their town without saying more,—and again assembled the principal burghers and many of the commonalty, to whom they related the answer they had received, which appeared to those who heard it uncommonly harsh. They declared it would be far preferable to die combating the enemy, than to be reduced to subjection by this king. The assembly now broke up, but met again on the morrow more numerous than before. After much conversation, it was resolved unanimously to undermine part of their wall, and support it on props withinside the town, to which they would set fire,—and when the wall should fall down, having completely armed themselves, they would then sally forth through the breach, with their wives and children, and march whither God might please to lead them.

They separated, with the intention of putting their plan into execution on the night[Pg 69] of the morrow; but the king of England, having had information of it, and being desirous of gaining the whole town and its inhabitants, had the late ambassadors privately summoned to come again to the camp by the archbishop of Canterbury, who with others delegated to this purpose, concluded a treaty on the following terms.

In the first place, the king of England was to receive from the inhabitants of Rouen the sum of three hundred and sixty-five crowns of gold, of the coin of France, and three men to deal with as he might please,—first, master Robert de Linet, vicar-general to the archbishop of Rouen, who during the siege had conducted himself most imprudently; the second was a citizen called Jean Jourdain, who had had the command of the cannoneers; the third was Alain Blanchart, leader of the common people, and the principal of those who had formerly murdered sir Raol de Gaucourt, bailiff of Rouen, as has been before mentioned. The whole of the inhabitants were to swear faith and loyalty to the king of England and to his successors, he and they promising[Pg 70] in return to guard and defend them against all who might attempt to injure them,—and also to maintain them in their liberties, privileges and franchises, of which they had been in possession since the reign of St Louis.

It was likewise ordained, that all who chose to quit the town might freely depart, having only their usual clothes on, leaving the rest behind, as confiscated to the king; and also that the whole of the men at arms should deposit their armour and effects at a specified place; when, after they had sworn not to bear arms for one whole year against king Henry, passports would be granted them, and they would be escorted in safety beyond the king's outposts, but dressed in their usual clothing, with staves in their hands.

When this treaty had been concluded, and sufficient pledges given to the king for its due observance, a certain number of the townsmen were permitted to enter the English camp at their pleasure to seek for provisions, of which there was such abundance that the whole carcase of a sheep was not worth more than six sols parisis.

[Pg 71]

This treaty was concluded on the 16th day of January in the year 1419; and on the following Thursday, the 19th of the same month, the king of England made his public entry into the town of Rouen with great pomp, attended by the princes of his blood and numbers of his nobles. He was followed by a page mounted on a beautiful horse, bearing a lance, at the end of which, near the point, was fastened a fox's brush, by way of streamer, which afforded great matter of remark among the wise heads.

On his entrance, which was about two o'clock in the afternoon, the bells of all the churches were rung, and the mitred abbots, and all others of the clergy, went out in procession to meet him dressed in their sacred robes, bearing many relics, who, with chaunting, conducted the king to the cathedral of our Lady. When he was come to the great gate, he dismounted, and, bare-headed, reverently entered the church, and returned his thanksgivings to God at the high altar: thence he went to the castle, where he was lodged, and the others wherever they could in the town.

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This city of Rouen, now conquered by the king of England, had, with all Normandy, appertained to France, and been under the obedience of her kings for 215 years from the time when king Philip, grandfather to saint Louis, acquired it from king John of England, by judgment of the peers of France, in right of confiscation.

King Henry, the day after his entry, had Alain Blanchart, who had been the leader of the populace, beheaded: the two others escaped punishment by dint of money. The garrison were ordered to march out by the gate leading toward the Seine, and were escorted by the English as far as the bridge of St George, where they were searched by commissaries from the king, who took from them all their money, with every thing valuable, giving them in return only two sols. Some of the gentlemen were even stripped of their handsome robes, made of martin skins, or embroidered with gold, and others of less value given them in return.

This conduct was noticed by those of the garrison who were in the rear; and[Pg 73] foreseeing the same would be done to them, they quietly, and unobserved, threw into the Seine many purses full of gold, silver and jewels. Others, to avoid being plundered, had sewed up their money within the waistbands of their breeches. When they had all passed the bridge of St George, they kept together until they came to Pontoise, where they separated, and went to different parts, excepting the nobles, who joined the king of France and the duke of Burgundy at Provins.

Sir Guy le Bouteiller, who had been governor of Rouen, turned to the English, with several of his men, and took the oaths of allegiance to the king of England, deserting his own natural lord the king of France, for which he was much blamed by the French, and even by the English. Sir Guy was a native of Normandy, and not only had his estates restored to him, but was appointed deputy to the duke of Glocester, the new governor of Rouen.

The surrender of this town spread such an alarm and fear of the king of England throughout the whole of Normandy and the adjacent countries, as far[Pg 74] as Pontoise, Beauvais and Abbeville, that the greater part of the chief towns and castles submitted to him without offering any resistance, or even striking a blow; such as Caudebec, Monstieriller, Dieppe, Fêcamp, Argues, Neuf-Châtel, Denicourt, Eu, Monchaulx,—and on the other side of the Seine, Vernon, Mantes, Gournay, Honfleur, Pont au de Mer, Château Molineaux, le Treict, Tancarville, Abrechier, Maulevrier, Valmont, Neufville, Bellaucombre, Fontaines le Bourc, Preaulx, Nogondouville, Logempré, St Germain sur Cailly, Baudemont, Bray, Villeterre, Charles Maisnil, les Boules Guillencourt, Ferifontaines, le Becq Crepin, Bacqueville,—and many more, in which the king of England placed his own garrisons.

From that time, the inhabitants of these countries wore a red cross as a badge, and several bore arms for the English; not indeed those of great authority, for it was not then become the custom for gentlemen or nobles to join the English. The inhabitants of Rouen in general took the oath of fidelity before the commissioners, at least all who intended[Pg 75] to reside there; and they individually gave security to pay whatever they should be assessed to make up the sum of three hundred and sixty-five golden crowns before mentioned.

None were permitted to go out of the town without a billet from the king; and the same was practised in all the other towns under his obedience. These billets cost four sols each, French money; and by this means large sums were raised, to the advantage of the king and his ministers.

About Candlemas in this same year, Peter de Saint Treille, governor of the castle of Coucy for the duke of Orleans, prisoner in England, was betrayed by some of his servants, namely, his taylor[Pg 76] and marshal. They had entered into a conspiracy with the Burgundians, numbers of whom were confined in this castle, and had suffered many to escape: they went with others secretly by night to knock at the window of the governor's apartment in the great tower. A varlet who slept in the apartment arose, and, opening the window, demanded what they wanted: upon this, the taylor replied, that he had within his room a piece of his master's robe, which he had just cut out. On the door being opened, six persons with stout staves burst into the apartment, and murdered the governor and his servant.

They went thence to another tower, wherein were confined the lord de Maucourt en Santerre, Lyonnet de Bournouville, and other gentlemen,—from whom having obtained certain promises, they set them at liberty.

After this, with one common accord, they seized and killed the watch porters, and all who were not of their party, shouting with a loud voice, 'Burgundy for ever!'

[Pg 77]

A gentleman, named Brutel de Humerculles, was confined with his servant in the great tower; but hearing this cry, they burst open the doors of the dungeon, and got upon the drawbridge.

While this was passing, La Hire, who was in the town with a body of men at arms, being told what had happened by some of the garrison who had escaped over the walls, and also by a trumpeter that was posted on the leads of the castle, sounding to arms, marched his men to the bridge, thinking to reconquer it: but Brutel found means to ascend to the leads, and flung down on them stones so fast, and the others who had been prisoners made so vigorous a defence, that La Hire and those with him, seeing their attempt was now fruitless, retired with his men within the town until it should be day.

They then armed themselves again, packed up their baggage, and mounted their horses; and alter they had cruelly put to death sixty prisoners who were under confinement in the town, they departed for Guise.

[Pg 78]

This very much rejoiced those who had won the castle, and they instantly examined into its strength and the great wealth it contained. They dispatched messengers to sir John de Luxembourg to come to their aid, who, without delay, collected as many men at arms as he could, and set out for Coucy.

In the mean time, those who had sent for him resolved, nevertheless, not to let him enter the castle until he should promise that all the riches it contained should belong to them; and for this purpose, they sent the lord de Maucourt to meet him and declare their intentions, but who, in good truth, was afraid of telling him their resolution.

On the arrival of sir John de Luxembourg before the castle, to his great surprise, it was not instantly opened to him, for the reasons above mentioned; and he was so displeased that he caused the lord de Maucourt to be arrested, reproaching him with a design of betraying him,—and if an executioner had been present, or any one who would have done the office, he would have had him immediately[Pg 79] beheaded. Shortly after, however, through fear of him and his men, those within the castle opened its gates, and admitted him, excusing themselves for the delay the best way they could. He directly new-garrisoned it; and with regard to its wealth, he seized the greater part, and those who had conquered it were not much enriched thereby.

At this time, the frontiers of Normandy, as far as Pontoise, Clermont, Beauvais, Mondidier, Bretueil, Amiens, Abbeville and St Valery, were overrun by the English, and wasted by fire and sword: sometimes, in their excursions, they carried off prisoners and considerable booties. The Normans now generally wore the red cross, which served them as a passport to go whither they pleased in security; and the Dauphinois also adopted the same badge. The party of the king and the duke of Burgundy were not idle; and thus the noble realm of France was, in divers places, torn in pieces by three different factions. The clergy and poor people were left defenceless, and had no other resource than to[Pg 80] offer up their prayers lamentably to God their Creator, and patiently to wait his benign grace and pity.

While the king of France and the duke of Burgundy resided at Provins, an embassy, consisting of the earls of Warwick and Kent, was sent to them by the king of England. They were escorted by a party of Burgundians, but, on the road, were attacked, close to Chammes in Brie, by Tanneguy du Châtel and the Dauphinois,—who at first succeeded in gaining some of the horses and baggage of the ambassadors, but in the end were defeated, leaving upwards of forty men at arms dead on the field. The remainder, with Tanneguy, retreated to Meaux.

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After the English had conferred with the duke of Burgundy and the king's ministers at Provins, they returned to the king of England at Rouen.

To afford satisfaction to the Parisians, Philip count de St Pol, nephew to the duke of Burgundy, and about fifteen years of age, was sent thither, and appointed king's lieutenant thereof: he was accompanied by master Eustace de Lactre, chancellor of France, who was to reside in Paris, and direct every measure as well respecting justice as war.

Le veau de Bar, bailiff of Auxois, was deprived of the provostship of Paris, and sir Giles de Clamessy nominated in his room.

At this period, Hector de Saveuses collected a great body of men at arms at Pont de Remy, whom he marched against the castle of Monchaulx, in the county of Eu, held by the English. On their approach, the garrison made a vigorous sally, and a severe skirmish ensued, in which the governor made Hector prisoner, and carried him off some distance; but he was rescued by his men, who killed about a[Pg 82] dozen of the English, and took a gentleman of arms called Jovancherum. After this, they all returned to Pont de Remy.

In like manner, sir Louis Burnel, his brother Guichard, Guavain and Jean de Hersellames, with several other gentlemen who were in the town of Gamaches, kept up a sharp warfare against the English, often killing them, or making prisoners, and plundering all they met. They also sorely harrassed the towns and peasants who had turned to the enemy.

On the other hand, sir John de Luxembourg was hard pressed on the frontiers to resist the enterprises that were daily made on him by La Hire, Poton de Santrailles, and other captains of the dauphin's party. He was also charged with the defence of the fortresses toward Roye and Mondidier, against those of Compiegne, which obliged him to keep up a very large force of men at arms in those countries.

The dauphin, on gaining Tours, made that place his residence, and carried on from thence a vigorous war on Chartres and other places under the subjection of the duke of Burgundy. The town of Bonneval surrendered to his arms, as did several more in the country of the Chartrain.

During these unfortunate times, Lyonnet de Bournouville, brother-in-law to the lord de l'Isle-Adam, marshal of France, and Daviod de Gouy, both very expert in arms, had posted themselves in Gisors, near to the frontier of the English, to whom they did much mischief. They had information that about eight hundred of the Irish were quartered in Ferrifontaine, together with about two hundred English.[Pg 84] They formed a plan to attack their quarters during the night; and when they executed it, found them all disarmed, fast asleep, and without any guard. Their attack was so sudden, that very many were instantly killed; but the others, hearing their cries, barricaded and defended their houses the best way they could, when their enemies set them on fire. In short, what with killed and burnt, there remained four hundred dead on the spot, and one hundred were made prisoners, the rest saved themselves as they could in the adjacent woods. With their prisoners and plunder, the Burgundians returned to Gisors in great joy for their victory.

About Palm-Sunday, the king and queen of France and the duke of Burgundy, with their households, went to reside at Troyes in Champagne, where they were most honourably received by the inhabitants, and celebrated the feast of Easter there in company with a large retinue of nobles.

In the beginning of this year, sir John de Luxembourg, accompanied by Hector de Saveuses and about six hundred combatants, marched through the Vermandois, Laonnois and Rheimois, to meet his brother, the count de Conversan, in the county of Brienne. On their junction, they made a severe war on the Dauphinois, who, a little before had wasted that country, and burnt the suburbs of Vitry. They also overran great part of the Barrois, toward Grand Pré.

When this had been finished, sir John de Luxembourg departed, leaving the greater number of his men together with his banner, under the command of Hector de Saveuses. Fifteen days after this, Hector, with the consent of the count de Conversan,[Pg 86] set out with about three hundred combatants, and the banner, on his return to Artois; but, on passing through Champagne, he was surprised by the Dauphinois, who had posted themselves in Montagu. Notwithstanding the Dauphinois were inferior in numbers, they conquered Hector and won the banner: many were killed and one hundred taken, with a quantity of baggage, all of which they carried back with them to Montagu; but the men at arms saved themselves by the goodness of their horses, with their commander Hector, who retreated very melancholy at his ill success toward the Artois. The Dauphinois brought only about forty prisoners to Montagu, who within a month perished in prison, not without suspicion of being poisoned, excepting a few who had been set at liberty, to seek for their ransoms.

About the middle of April, the English ambassadors, who had been lately at Provins, returned to the king of France and the duke of Burgundy at Troyes in Champagne,—when a treaty was negotiated so far that a truce was agreed on between the two kings, to last for a certain space of time, in the expectation that more conclusive measures would be adopted; and a day was fixed on for the negotiation to be continued on both sides, near to the town of Meulan.

When this had been settled, the ambassadors went back to their king at Rouen; and within a short time afterward, the king and queen of France, with their daughter, the princess Catherine, and the duke of Burgundy, escorted by a powerful body of[Pg 88] men at arms, came to Pontoise. On their arrival, according to the measures that had been agreed on with the said ambassadors, they ordered a large inclosure to be made with planks, within which the conferences were to be carried on: it was also surrounded with a deep ditch, having one side on the bank of the Seine. There were several entrances, well secured by three barriers; and tents and pavilions were pitched within, for the lords to repose themselves in.

They then had proper arrangements made in the adjacent villages for the lodging the attendants and equipages of the ambassadors. At this time the king of England had advanced from Rouen to Mantes.

When the day appointed for the conference was come, notwithstanding the king of France was much indisposed as to his health, the queen, the princess Catherine, the duke of Burgundy and the count de St Pol, with the members of the council, escorted by a thousand combatants, went to the place of conference near to Meulan, and entered the tents that were without the inclosure.

Soon after, the king of England arrived,[Pg 89] attended by his brothers, the dukes of Clarence and Glocester, and a thousand men at arms. He entered the tent that had been pitched for him, as the others had done; and when they were about to commence the conference, the queen on the right hand, followed by the lady Catherine, the duke of Burgundy, and the count de St Pol, entered the inclosure. In like manner did the king of England, with his brothers and council, by another opening, and, with a most respectful obeisance, saluted the queen, and then kissed her and the lady Catherine. After this, the duke of Burgundy saluted the king, bending his knee a little and inclining his head; but the king took him by the hand, embraced him, and shewed him great respect.

They then entered the tent appointed for the conference, the king leading the queen, where they staid a very considerable time. Their men at arms were drawn up without the paling; but a sufficient number of guards were within side, to prevent any improper persons, or such as were not especially ordered, from entering it.

After they had remained in conference[Pg 90] a long time, they separated, taking most respectful leaves of each other; and one party returned to Pontoise, and the other to Mantes.

On the morrow three weeks, they again met there, and remained together for several days, in the same state, and with the same number of persons, as before, with the exception of the lady Catherine, who had been brought the first time that the king of England might see her, and who was not now present. King Henry was very desirous to marry her, and not without cause, for she was very handsome, of high birth, and of the most engaging manners.

During their meetings, several matters were brought forward, in the hope of concluding a solid peace. It frequently happened that one party was more grandly attended than the other, and at other times less; and although the English and French were quartered close together, there was never the smallest riot or quarrel between them,—and they exchanged provision with each other. This conference, however, ended in nothing, from the demands of the king of England, in regard to the portion[Pg 91] of the lady Catherine, being as exorbitant as before.

The dauphin, during the holding of this conference, with the intent of seducing the duke of Burgundy, sent Tanneguy du Châtel to propose a treaty of peace with him, although the duke had before made repeated offers of the same. When the conference was broken off, the inclosure was destroyed, the tents and pavilions pulled down,—and the two parties returned to Pontoise and Mantes.

The king of England was much displeased at the breaking off the conference, as it prevented him from gaining his ends, and was very indignant against the duke of Burgundy, whom he considered as the cause of it, he being the principal leader of the government. The last day they were together, seeing that his demands would not be complied with as to his marriage with the lady Catherine, he said to the duke of Burgundy, 'Fair cousin, we wish you to know that we will have the daughter of your king, and all that we have asked, or we will drive him and you out of his kingdom.' The duke replied, 'Sire, you are pleased to say[Pg 92] so; but before you can drive my lord and me out of his kingdom, I make no doubt but that you will be heartily tired.'

Many more words passed, which would be too tedious to report; and, taking leave of each other, they separated, and went different ways.

Within a few days, sir John de Luxembourg came to Pontoise with a large body of men at arms, which he had assembled from Picardy by orders of the duke of Burgundy, to escort him to Melun, where he was to meet the dauphin; for the ambassadors from each had advanced their treaty so far, that they had fixed on a place and day for their principals to meet and conclude it. In compliance with the above, the dauphin had departed from Tours, and was come to Melun, by Montargis, with a large force of men at arms.

In like manner, the duke of Burgundy had left Pontoise, attended by his nephew, the young count de St Pol, sir John de Luxembourg, many great lords, and a numerous body of men at arms, and went to Corbeil. The lady of Giac, who had been the chief manager to bring about[Pg 93] this reconciliation, was also in company with the duke.

On the morrow, the 11th day of July, the two parties took the field with their whole force, and met about a league from Melun, near to Pouilly le Fort. When they were about two bow-shots distant from each other, they halted their men, and, attended by about ten persons each, whom they had selected, they rode forward between the two battalions, and dismounted. On the duke of Burgundy's approaching the dauphin, he inclined his body most humbly several times; and the dauphin doing the same, took the hand of the duke, who was on his knees, and kissed it, and wished to make him rise, but he would not, saying, 'My lord, I know how I ought to demean myself when speaking to you;' but the dauphin, in the mean while, raised him up, and pardoned him for any offences he might have committed against him, adding, 'Fair cousin, should there be any articles in the treaty that has been drawn up between us that you dislike, we will that it be altered; and henceforth doubt not but that our wishes shall be ever the same as yours.'

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In short after much conversation between these princes and their attendants, they swore to preserve for ever a peace between them; on which the two battalions, joining together, shouted for joy, and cursed all who should ever again bear arms in so damnable a quarrel. When they had remained some time together, mutually shewing each other the greatest affection, the dauphin mounted his horse, the duke of Burgundy holding the stirrup, notwithstanding the dauphin frequently requested him to desist. The duke then mounted, and, having rode a short way together, they took an affectionate leave, and separated: the dauphin went to Tours, and the duke to Corbeil.

Here follows a copy of the treaty that was concluded between them.

'Charles son to the king of France, dauphin of Vienne, duke of Berry and of Tours, count de Poitiers, and John duke of Burgundy, count of Flanders and Artois, palatine of Burgundy, lord of Salines and of Mechlin, to all who these presents shall see or hear of, greeting. Since by the unfortunate divisions that have for some time reigned within this kingdom several[Pg 95] hatreds and suspicions have arisen within the hearts of ourselves, our vassals and our subjects, against each other, the which effectually put a stop to any concord or unanimous effort for the reformation of abuses that have crept into the government, or to resist the damnable enterprises of our ancient enemies the English, who under the shadow, and by means of these divisions, have been hardy enough to advance into the middle of the kingdom, and in fact have conquered, and do now occupy a great part of the dominions of our lord the king, and may do still greater mischiefs, should public affairs remain as they are at this moment.

'We make known, therefore, that considering what infinite evils might result from these divisions unless put an end to, even to the total perdition of the kingdom, which, though severe to all, would fall most heavy on us, who are bounden by every tie to provide a remedy against so great a misfortune.

'In consequence, we have entered into terms of pacification, and are now assembled with the unanimous intent of concluding[Pg 96] a peace,—first in honour of God, and for the love of peace, to which every good Catholic ought to incline, and to relieve the poor people who have suffered many grievous oppressions from these said divisions.

'We have therefore promised and sworn, in the presence of the reverend father in God, Alain, bishop of Léon in Brittany, sent to us for this purpose by the holy apostolical see of Rome, on part of the true cross, and on the holy evangelists by us touched, on condition of failure to be deprived of Paradise, and on the word of honour of a prince, to observe and punctually maintain every article of the treaty of peace made between us.

'And in the first place, I John duke of Burgundy, so long as I shall live, do promise and swear, that, after the person of my lord the king, I will honour and obey, from the bottom of my heart, the person of the dauphin, and will not suffer any thing knowingly to be done to his prejudice, but will aid and support him and his measures to the utmost of my power, and will conduct myself toward[Pg 97] him as becomes a loyal and kind relative; and I will always advertise him of any thing that may be attempted to injure him.

'And should it happen that any person, whatever may be his rank, undertake a war against him, I will serve him with my whole forces, in the same manner as if the war had been mine own.

'In like manner, I Charles the dauphin, so long as it may please God to grant us life, having put out of our memory all remembrance of past actions, do promise, very sincerely to love our very dear and well beloved cousin the duke of Burgundy,—and in all that concerns him will treat him as our near and loyal relative, and procure for him all the good he may desire, and ward off every evil. Should any one attempt to injure him of his estates, we will aid and support him to the utmost of our power, when he shall call on us, against all persons whatever: even if any of our blood and kindred should, on account of matters that have passed some time since, pretend to injure him or his dominions, we will exert ourselves to the[Pg 98] utmost in his support, and defend him against them.

'Item, we Charles the dauphin and John duke of Burgundy do undertake henceforward the government of public affairs for the good of the realm, without harbouring any envy or jealousy of each other; and should any of our officers make to us reports contrary to our honour, and likely to create a division between us, we mutually engage to give information thereof, and not to put any faith in such reports.

'As true and loyal subjects to our lord the king, and to the crown of France, we will earnestly exert ourselves to drive the enemy out of the kingdom, and to repair the mischiefs done by him as speedily as possible; and we will neither of us enter into any treaty or alliance with him, without the approbation and consent of the other; for we engage that henceforth all our alliances shall comprehend both of us. Should any treaties or alliances have been made with the said enemy, or with others, prejudicial to our personal interests, we will and agree that all such shall be and are annulled: all which things we do faithfully[Pg 99] promise and swear to observe, without any fraud or covin whatever.

'Should either of the parties wish to infringe or break this present treaty, which God forbid! then we will and order that all vassals, subjects and servants of the person who shall thus break it, do not obey his orders, but do aid and support his opponent; and in this case they shall be absolved from all oaths of allegiance and service,—and in times to come, no blame or reproach shall ever be cast upon them or their heirs for so doing.

'For the further security of this treaty, we willed and ordered, that our principal vassals and servants should swear to the observance of every article; and they instantly did take the oath prescribed, at the hands of the said bishop of Léon, in as much as it concerned them, and that they would use their utmost endeavours to preserve union between us; and should any appearance of coolness arise, they would immediately strictly perform their duty by giving information thereof under their seals.

'Our faithful and well beloved servants, hereafter mentioned, by orders from[Pg 100] us the dauphin, have sworn to the above on the holy evangelists, namely, sir James de Bourbon, master Robert le Masson, late chancellor, the viscount de Narbonne, the lords de Barbasan, d'Espaignon, du Bosquaige, de Montenay, de Gamaches, sir Tanneguy du Châtel, sir John Louvet, president of Provence, Guillaume de Margouin, Hue de Noyeries, Jean de Mesnil, Pierre Frotier, Guichard de Bourdon and Collart de la Vuigne.

'On the part of the duke of Burgundy, his well beloved and loyal servants the count de St Pol, sir John de Luxembourg, sir Archambault de Saxe, the lord de Nouaille, the lord d'Autun, sir Thibault de Neuf-chatel, the lord de Montagu, sir John de la Trimouille, Guillaume de Vienne, sir Pierre de Bauffremont grand prior of France, sir Gaultier des Ruppes, sir Charles de Lens, John lord of Coctebrune marshal of Burgundy, John lord de Toulongeon, Regnier Pot, Pierre lord of Giac, Anthony de Toulongeon, Guillaume de Champdivers, Philip de Jossequin and Nicolle Raullin.

'And for greater security of the above[Pg 101] treaty, we will and consent that the princes of our blood, ecclesiastics, and the magistrates of the principal towns, do likewise swear to the observance of the different articles, which we, on our part mutually and individually, do faithfully promise to keep; and should we, or any of those who may take the said oath fail to observe it, we submit ourselves and them to our holy mother the church, and to our sacred father the pope, or to any persons deputed by him, to inflict on us their interdict or excommunication, or any other punishment that may be appointed for our said breach of promise.

'In testimony whereof, we have each of us signed this treaty with our own hands, and have added our seals. Given at our place of meeting on the Ponchiel, one league distant from Melun, and very near to Poilly le Fort, on Tuesday, the 11th day of July, in the year of Grace 1419.'

On the morrow after the conclusion of this peace, the dauphin left Melun with his whole force, and went by Tours to Partenay, which he had before held besieged, by the count de Vertus and others of his captains, because the lord de Partenay had been ever attached to the duke of Burgundy. He ordered the count to break up the siege, and to make every preparation to carry on the war against the English.

The duke of Burgundy returned to Pontoise, where he gave great joy to the king and queen of France by his intelligence of the happy reconciliation that had taken place. From Pontoise, the duke conducted the king and queen, with their state, to reside at St Denis, leaving the guard of Pontoise to the lord de l'Isle-Adam,[Pg 103] marshal of France, and giving him a large sum of money to pay the men at arms that should garrison that town.

When the articles of the peace were made public, the greater part of the nobles, clergy and people were much rejoiced, flattering themselves that there would be an end of the heavy persecution they had suffered from a war that had lasted for such a length of time. People of both parties began to traffic, and to visit each other. In many of the principal towns the commonalty assembled and shouted for joy, making at the same time large bonfires in the squares, more particularly at Paris.

On the 20th day of July, the archbishop of Sens brought the treaty to Paris and presented it to the lords of the court of parliament, of the requests, and of the chamber of accounts; where it was read by master Nicolle Raullin, in the presence of master Robert Mailliere and master John Champion, both secretaries to the dauphin. When it had been read, the archbishop produced an edict from the king, by which he ordered a general oblivion of all crimes that had been perpetrated in consequence of[Pg 104] the late intestine divisions, and directed that every person whose properties had been confiscated should be restored to their possession, with the exception of the moveables.

The duke of Burgundy was to appoint a governor of Partenay, for the defence of Poitou, that was well inclined to the dauphin; and all garrisons were ordered to be removed, excepting from those towns and castles on the borders near to where the English lay.

Letters were then produced from the dauphin, which were incorporated with those of the king, by which he consented, agreed to, and promised to observe all the articles of the treaty, and to conform to the royal edict.

In like manner, Raullin produced similar letters from the duke of Burgundy. When these different papers had been read and verified, the lords of the parliament and all present swore to keep this peace, which was now proclaimed in Paris and elsewhere. On the morrow, a solemn procession was made to the church of St Martin des Champs, to return thanks to Heaven for the above peace.

We must now return to the king of England. When king Henry heard of a peace being concluded between the dauphin and the duke of Burgundy, he was not very well pleased, for he was aware how much stronger they would be by their union than when divided.

Notwithstanding this, he determined to pursue his enterprise in spite of all obstacles, and considered, that if he could gain Pontoise, it would be very advantageous to him.

He summoned his most trusty captains, and those who had attended the late embassy to Pontoise, and declared to them his intentions: they replied, that in whatever he should be pleased to command them,[Pg 106] they would exert themselves to the utmost, without regarding their lives or fortunes, or the difficulties and hardships they might have to encounter. The king then nominated those who were to be of the expedition against Pontoise.

They arrived on the last day of July, between day-break and sun-rise, at one of the gates of Pontoise, and might be about three thousand combatants. The gate was not open, and some of them scaled the walls by means of ladders, without alarming the guard, and instantly opened the gate, so that their whole army entered, shouting 'Saint George!' 'The town is taken!'

At this cry, there was a general alarm, and the lord de l'Isle-Adam awakened, who, without delay, armed himself, mounted his horse, and, with some of his men, hastened to where the shoutings came from; but when he saw the English so numerous within the place, he speedily returned to his quarters to pack up his effects and money, and, with many of the principal inhabitants, went to the gate leading to Paris, which was still closed,—but he had it forced[Pg 107] open, and, with about ten thousand of the townsmen, in despair and affliction, took the road toward Paris. Several of them carried away their most precious articles, such as plate and jewels, and, having separated from the others to go toward Beauvais, were robbed of their effects by Jean de Guigny and Jean du Clau.

The English, meeting with no resistance, treated the place as a conquered town, and did innumerable mischiefs: they gained great riches, for the town was full of wealth. The principal commander of this expedition was the captal de Buch, brother to the count de Foix.

The whole country of France, more particularly those parts nearer to Paris were infinitely alarmed at this conquest; and the inhabitants within the Isle de France began to quit their dwellings in all haste. When the news of it was brought to St Denis, where the king of France and the duke of Burgundy held their court, they instantly departed, and, by way of Provins, hastened to Troyes in Champagne, accompanied by the queen, the lady Catherine, and many others of the nobility. They left in Paris,[Pg 108] for its government, the count de St Pol, master Eustace de Lactre chancellor, and the lord de l'Isle-Adam marshal of France.

This last, so soon as he could assemble a sufficient body of men at arms, posted himself with them in garrison at Beauvais, to oppose the English in that quarter, where they were daily making inroads. The lord de l'Isle-Adam was, however, greatly blamed for having kept so negligent a guard at Pontoise; and the ministers of the dauphin were particularly dissatisfied with him.

Shortly after, the king of England caused the town of Gisors to be besieged by his brother the duke of Clarence, in which as governors were Lyonnet de Bournouville and Daviod de Gouy. When the siege had[Pg 109] lasted for three weeks, the town, being in want of provisions, surrendered to the duke of Clarence, on condition that the garrison should march away with all their baggage, and that the inhabitants should place themselves under the obedience of the king of England, and take the oaths of fidelity to him. The garrison departed, and joined the lord de l'Isle-Adam at Beauvais.

The English who had gained Gisors, within a few days, laid siege to St Martin le Gaillart, in which place were Regnault de Fontaines, sir Karados de Quesnes, and some others, who had always been attached to the party of the dauphin and the duke of Orleans: a valiant captain, named sir Philip Les, was the governor.

Sir Karados left the town one night very secretly, and went to the lord de Gamaches in Compiegne, who at that time was its governor, and earnestly entreated him to assemble a body of men to raise the siege of Saint Martin. The lord de Gamaches collected a large force in as short a time as he could, and summoned the brothers Anthony and Hugh de Beaussault, and many other gentlemen, partisans of the[Pg 110] dauphin, as well as of the duke of Burgundy, so that they amounted to near sixteen hundred combatants. With this army he marched for St Martin, and about sun rise came near to the place, when, drawing up his men in battle-array, he detached four hundred of them to attack and win the barriers which the English had erected.

About sixty English were on guard at these barriers, and defended them manfully; but they were defeated, and put to death, except a few who saved themselves by flight. The lord de Gamaches, at the head of his army, now attacked the town, but the greater part of the English had retired with their horses within a large church, and fought valiantly. The lord de Gamaches, apprehensive that the enemy might be soon reinforced, as the English were spread over the country, set fire to the castle, and carried the garrison safely away.

On this occasion, Anthony de Beaussault, Gilles de Rouvroy, and some others, were created knights.

Within eight days after the earl of Huntingdon, governor of Gournay in Normandy, assembled about two thousand English[Pg 111] from the troops on the borders, and led them to a considerable village named Poix, where they quartered themselves and did much damage. Thence they marched to Bretueil, to make a grand attack on the abbey; and because some of their men were killed, they set fire to the town, which was very strongly built, and retreated toward Clermont. They won the tower of Vendueil, and burnt it; and after destroying the country with fire and sword, they marched back to Gournay, carrying with them many prisoners and much plunder.

On the other hand, sir Philip Les, before mentioned, had fixed his quarters at Eu and Monchaulx, and made excursions from Abbeville to Pont de Remy, over the whole of Vimeu, so that the country was greatly desolated. Sir James de Harcourt, who resided at Crotoy, and Hector de Saveuses, with the garrison of Pont de Remy, put a check to these excursions as much as in them lay; as did also sir Louis de Thiembronne and those with him in garrison at Gamaches.

The king of England, about this time, ordered the castles of Château Gaillard and of La Roche-Guyon to be besieged, which are the two strongest places in Normandy, and were garrisoned by the party of the dauphin.

At the end of two months, La Roche-Guyon surrendered, with the consent of the lady who was within it, to king Henry, who immediately gave it to sir Guy Bouteiller, and was desirous of giving him also the lady in marriage; but she would not consent, and marched away from that country with all her men.

Château-Gaillard held out for the king of France sixteen months, and then surrendered in consequence of the cords being worn out with which they drew up their water. Sir Olivier de Manny was the governor,[Pg 113] having with him six score gentlemen at the utmost; and the siege was carried on by the earls of Huntingdon and Kyme.

While these things were passing, many of the Dauphinois and Burgundians had frequent intercourse with each other since the peace, hoping that it would last for ever, and often assembled in parties to attempt to drive the English, the ancient enemies of France, from their conquests; but dame Fortune provided in such wise that, within a very few days, a more rancorous hatred arose between them than ever, as shall be fully related hereafter.

When Charles duke of Touraine and dauphin had visited his duchies of Berry and Touraine, he marched to Montereau-faut-Yonne with about twenty thousand combatants.[Pg 114] Soon after his arrival, he dispatched sir Tanneguy du Châtel, with others of his confidential servants, to Troyes in Champagne, with letters written by himself to the duke of Burgundy. In them he addresses the duke most affectionately on the affairs of the realm, and concludes by desiring that he would come to him at Montereau, where they could more fully discuss what related to public affairs.

The duke for some days deferred giving any answer, saying, that the dauphin ought to come to his father the king, and the queen at Troyes, and often remonstrated with Tanneguy how much more proper it would be for him to come thither to discuss all that related to the good of the realm. Sir Tanneguy, upon this, returned to the dauphin with the answer he had received; but in the end, the dauphin and his ministers resolved to remain at Montereau.

Sir Tanneguy returned to Troyes, and at length prevailed on the duke to come as far as Bray sur Seine, whither many messages were sent from both sides. The dauphin dispatched to the duke the bishop of[Pg 115] Valence, brother to the bishop of Langres, who was one of the duke's principal advisers: his name was Charles de Poitiers. The bishop of Valence, on his arrival at Bray, frequently conversed with the duke, and admonished him to wait on the dauphin, saying, that he need not have any fears or suspicions of mischief happening to him. His brother supported him in these remonstrances, adding, that he might loyally go, and that he would act unwisely if he refused so to do. This bishop, however, was perfectly ignorant of what happened afterward, and gave his advice with the most upright intentions.

At length, in consequence of these remonstrances, and the assurances of sir Tanneguy du Châtel, the duke ordered preparations to be made for his departure, and set out from Bray to wait on the dauphin, attended by the bishop of Langres and his council on Sunday the 10th day of September 1419. He was escorted by about five hundred men at arms and two hundred archers, under the command of sir Charles, de Lens admiral of France, and James de la Barne master of the cross-bows. There[Pg 116] were many lords in his company, such as Charles eldest son to the duke of Bourbon, the lord de Nouaille brother to the count de Foix, John son to the count de Fribourg, the lord de St George, sir Anthony du Vergy, the lord de Joinville, the lord d'Ancre, the lord de Montagu, sir Guy de Pontailler, and many more.

They rode joyously on until they came near to Montereau, about three o'clock in the afternoon, when three of the duke's dependants came thence to meet him, sir Anthony de Toulongeon, Jean d'Ermay and Saubretier. They told him they were come from the town, and had noticed on the bridge, where the conferences were to be held, several new barriers erected much to the advantage of the dauphin's party, and advised him to take care of himself,—for if he should enter within them he would be in danger from the dauphin.

The duke, on hearing this, called a council on horseback to know what were best to be done. The opinions were divided, for many suspected what might happen, and the reports they had just heard confirmed them in their fears: others, who[Pg 117] imagined no evil, advised the duke to proceed and wait on the dauphin, saying, they could never suppose that a prince, son to the king of France, and successor to his crown, would harbour any thoughts but such as became his rank.

The duke, hearing such diversity of opinions, declared aloud, that he would proceed and wait whatever it might please God to ordain, adding, that he would never suffer his courage to be any way doubted, and that the peace and reformation of the kingdom and government might by his failure be delayed; for he well knew that if any quarrel or dissention should arise between them, the fault would be all thrown on him.

He continued his march, and dismounted at the gate of the castle of Montereau—which leads to the open fields; for this castle had been, by orders of the dauphin's ministers, appointed for the lodgings of himself and his men, that he might not have any suspicions of mischief being intended. All the principal lords dismounted with him; and two hundred men at arms and one hundred archers were selected as his guard.

[Pg 118]

The lady of Giac accompanied him, who, as has been said before, had made some journeys to the dauphin on matters between the duke and him: she had chiefly persuaded the duke to come to Montereau, remonstrating that there could not be any fear of treasonable practices against him. The duke was very much attached to this lady, and put full confidence in all she said. He gave her in charge, with part of his jewels, to Philip Josquin, as to the most faithful of his servants.

As soon as he was within the castle, he ordered Jacques de la Baume to post all his men at arms at the entrance of the gate leading to the town, for the better security of his person, and also to preserve the articles of the convention. In the mean time sir Tanneguy du Châtel came to him to say that the dauphin was ready and waiting for him. He replied, that he was going to him; and then calling to those who were to attend him, forbade all others to follow excepting such as had been so ordered.

The duke was accompanied by ten persons, namely, Charles de Bourbon, the[Pg 119] lord de Nouaille, John de Fribourg, the lord de St George, the lord de Montagu, sir Anthony du Vergy, the lord d'Ancre, sir Guy de Pontailler, sir Charles de Lens, sir Peter de Giac, and a secretary, named Pierre Seguinat. In company with the above, he advanced to the front of the first barrier on the bridge, when many of the dauphin's people came to meet him, and again renewed the promises and oaths that had been taken before: they said, 'Come to my lord: he is waiting for you on the bridge;' and then they returned toward the dauphin.

The duke demanded from his companions if they thought he might in safety advance to the dauphin, on the securities offered him. They, having upright intentions, answered, that certainly he might proceed with safety, considering the promises and assurances given by so many noble persons on each side, adding, that they were willing to run the same risk as he should. On this answer, he advanced, ordering some of his attendants to keep close behind him, and entered the first barrier, where he found others of the dauphin's[Pg 120] men, who again said, 'Hasten to my lord, for he is waiting for you.' He replied, 'I am going to him,' and entered the second barrier, which was instantly closed and locked by those appointed to do it, so soon as he and his company were within it.

As he advanced, he met sir Tanneguy du Châtel, and, from affection, slapped him on the shoulder, saying to the lord de St George, 'This is he in whom I trust.' He then passed on until he approached the dauphin, who was completely armed and girth with his sword, and leaning on one of the barriers: when near, to pay him greater honour, the duke dropped on one knee, and most respectfully saluted him. The dauphin, however, made no return, nor shewed him the least sign of affection, but reproached him for not having kept his promise of discontinuing the war, and for not disbanding his forces from different garrisons, according to his engagements. At the same time, sir Robert de Loire, taking him by the right arm, said, 'Rise, for you are too great a man thus to bend.' The duke, as has been said, was[Pg 121] on his knee; and his sword having turned too much behind him as he knelt down, he put his hand to replace it properly, when sir Robert cried out, 'What! do you put your hand to your sword in the presence of my lord the dauphin!!!'

During these words, sir Tanneguy du Châtel approached him on the opposite side, and making a signal, saying, 'It is now time,' struck the duke with a small battle-axe he had in his hand so roughly on the face that he felled him on his knees, and cut off part of his chin. The duke, on this, put his hand to his sword to draw it, and attempted to rise to defend himself; but at the instant, Tanneguy with others repeated their blows, and laid him dead. While he was on the ground, Olivier Layet, assisted by Pierre Frotier thrust a sword under the haubergeon into his belly.

The lord de Nouaille, seeing this, drew his sword half out, to defend the duke; but the viscount de Narbonne held a dagger in his hand, ready to strike him. The lord de Nouaille now turned toward him, and vigorously wrested the dagger out of[Pg 122] his hand: however, while he was thus engaged, he received a blow from a battle-axe on the back part of his head, which put an end to the scuffle and his life.

While these things were passing, the dauphin leant on the barrier, looking on, but soon drew back, as one much frightened, when he was immediately conducted to his lodgings by Jean Louvet, president of Provence, and others his counsellors.

On the other hand, Jean de Fribourg drew his sword, but was soon forced to drop it by dint of blows. In short, the whole of the ten, with the secretary who had accompanied the duke of Burgundy, were without delay made prisoners, excepting the lord de Nouaille, who was killed, and the lord de Montagu, who escaped over the barriers to the castle. The lord de St George was wounded in the side by the point of a battle-axe, and the lord d'Ancre by a cut on the hand.

The lord de Montagu, when clear of the barriers, loudly cried out, 'To arms!' upon which, sir Anthony de Toulongeon, sir Symon Othelimer, Saubertier, and John Demay, with some others, hastened to the[Pg 123] barriers, and began to skirmish with their lances with those within them. In this conflict, sir Symon was wounded in the head; for their opponents, and the rest within the town, began to shoot lustily at them with cross-bows: finding, therefore they could not gain entrance to the barriers, they retreated to the castle.

Thus was the duke of Burgundy cruelly murdered, trusting to the promises and securities of the duke de Touraine, dauphin of Vienne, and his ministers. The act and the manner of perpetrating it were most horrible; and the hearts of noble and worthy men, natives of France, must suffer the greatest shame and grief thus to witness the noble blood of the flower de luces, and princes so nearly allied destroy each other; and the kingdom, by these and other acts done prior to this, put to the infinite risk of changing its sovereign, and all things thrown into confusion and peril.

The principal actors in this conspiracy against the duke of Burgundy were Jean Louvet, president of Provence, the viscount de Narbonne, sir Guillaume Batiller, sir Tanneguy du Châtel, sir François[Pg 124] de Grimaulx, sir Robert de Loire, Pierre Frotier, Olivier Layet, sir Ponchon de Namac, seneschal of Auvergne, and several more. They had for a considerable time before confederated, and sworn to bring the matter to the conclusion they had just accomplished; and, as I have been informed, they intended to have put their plan in execution at the moment of the meeting of these two princes at Pouilly le Fort, when peace was made between them,—but were then forced to abandon it because the duke was too powerful in arms, and because the armies of each were drawn up so near that great mischiefs must have ensued.

The lord de Joinville and the others in the castle of Montereau, to whom the duke had confided the guard, were greatly alarmed, and not without cause, when they noticed the conduct that was observed toward their lord, whose real situation they were as yet ignorant of, and those who had accompanied him. They were likewise very uneasy as to themselves,—for they were unprovided with any stores of provision or of ammunition, excepting what[Pg 125] they had brought with them, which were not in any great quantities; and before their arrival, the castle had been dismantled of artillery, and every other store carried away. They held many consultations, whether they should depart or not, but at length determined to remain where they were until they should receive more certain intelligence respecting their lord than they had hitherto had. Notwithstanding the lords de Joinville and de Montagu most earnestly and often begged of the duke's men to stay with them in the castle, they would not listen to their words, but set off in haste, and in a most disorderly manner galloped away for Bray sur Seine, whence they had come that morning.

However, a large body of the dauphin's army pursued them, and killed and wounded great numbers without any resistance. The lords de Joinville and de Montagu remained, as I have said, in the castle,—and with them sir Robert de Marigny, sir Philip de Servoiles, sir John de Murat, the lord de Rosmat, John d'Ermay, John de Caumaisnil, Sabertier, Philip de Montant, Regnault de Chevilly, Regnault[Pg 126] de Rethel, Guillaume de Biere, the lady of Giac and her woman, Philip Josquin, with about twenty varlets and pages of the household of the late duke of Burgundy.

When the duke of Burgundy had been thus cruelly murdered, the dauphin's people stripped him of his tabard, his coat of mail, his rings, and of every thing except his doublet and drawers; and in this state he remained on the ground until midnight, when he was carried on a table to a mill near the bridge, and, on the morrow-morning, was interred in front of the altar of St Louis, in the church of our Lady at Montereau, in his doublet and drawers, with his bonnet drawn over his face, and twelve masses were hastily said for him.

At this moment, there were several[Pg 127] noble persons with the dauphin, who had been kept in ignorance of the plot against the duke, many of whom were highly displeased at what had happened, considering the great evils that would probably result from it, as well to the kingdom in general as to the person of their lord the dauphin. In this number were John de Harcourt, count d'Aumalle, and the lord de Barbasan: the last loudly reproached those who had contrived this murder, saying, that they had ruined their master in honour and reputation; and that he had rather have been dead than present at that day, although perfectly ignorant of what was intended to be done.

The dauphin, however, on his return to his lodgings after the murder, ordered, by the advice of his ministers, two hundred men at arms to march to the castle and demand its surrender. On their arrival, admittance was denied them, for those within had posted a party over the drawbridge, and another party in the tower facing the suburbs of the town, where they remained the whole of the night.

The detachment from the dauphin[Pg 128] walled up the gate leading to the town, and continued inactive until the ensuing morning, when they opened a battery of cannons against one of the gates, and, shortly after, some four or five knights went from the dauphin to signify that the castle must be surrendered, otherwise they would win it by storm, and those that should then be found therein would have their heads cut off.

The lords de Joinville and de Montagu made answer, that my lord of Burgundy, their commander, to whom the dauphin had delivered this castle, had intrusted them with the guard thereof, and that they would not surrender it but upon some tokens sent them from their lord. The knights on this went back to the town, and soon returned with sir Anthony du Vergy, who calling to the two aforesaid lords, they replied, by asking after his health. He made no answer to this, but said, 'Brothers, my lord the dauphin bids me tell you, that if you do not yield the castle to him, and you should be taken within it by storm, he will have you beheaded; but that if you will surrender it, and join his party, he will shew you every kindness, and divide between[Pg 129] you very liberally the different offices in the realm.'

On hearing this speech, the two lords asked sir Anthony if he knew any thing of their lord the duke. To which he made no other reply than by pointing his finger to the ground, and then said, 'I would advise you to surrender the castle to my lord the dauphin;' but they repeated as before, that until they should have some certain intelligence of their lord the duke, who had intrusted them with its defence, they would not surrender.

The knights of the dauphin now advanced, and said, 'Put on paper what terms you expect, and you shall have an answer.' Both parties withdrew, and those in the castle wrote down as follows:

In the first place, they demanded to restore the castle into the hands of the duke, who had confided to them the guard of it, or to have a discharge from the same, signed by the duke.

Item, that all those who had been made prisoners by the dauphin's party, and those attending the duke, should have their liberties without paying any ransom.

[Pg 130]

Item, that all persons, of whatever rank, and of both sexes, now within the castle, should have permission to depart freely with all their effects, and be allowed to go whithersoever they should please.

Item, that a delay of fifteen days be granted for them to continue in the said castle, or until their horses shall arrive.

Item, that passports be given for two hundred men at arms that shall come to fetch them, and escort them to such places as they may choose: the said passports to be of force for fifteen days.

When these articles had been examined by the dauphin and his council, they were returned to the castle by the same knights who had brought them, who said, that in regard to the person or signature of the duke of Burgundy nothing need be said, for it could not be obtained. With respect to the prisoners, they belong to my lord the dauphin, who will divide among them the several offices in the kingdom, so that no more need on that subject. As to the effects in the castle appertaining to the duke of Burgundy, they are the property of my lord the dauphin, who will receive them[Pg 131] according to an inventory made thereof, and give a receipt conformable to such inventory, to those who have the charge of them. Those within the castle shall be permitted to carry away whatever effects they may have brought thither. With regard to the fifteen days delay required, it cannot be granted; but my lord the dauphin will have them escorted as far as Bray-sur-Seine. With respect to the passports for two hundred men at arms, there will not be any need of them, as they will have a sufficient escort.

After much parleying, the lords de Joinville and de Montagu concluded for themselves and their companions a treaty with the dauphin, on condition that they should freely depart, with all their baggage, on yielding up the castle,—and that all the effects of the duke of Burgundy should remain in the possession of the dauphin, and also the lady of Giac, who, as was commonly reported, was consenting to this murder of the duke of Burgundy.

Philip Josquin remained behind also: he was afraid to return to the duchess of Burgundy, or to her son the count de Charolois,[Pg 132] for he was not in their good graces. This Philip Josquin was a native of Dijon, and son to an armourer of Philip of Burgundy, and for a long time had been beloved more than any of his other servants by the late duke John, who even intrusted him with his private signet, and made him sign his letters, insomuch that there was scarcely any difference between the handwriting of the duke and that which counterfeited it.

All this great favour and authority created him many enemies among the princes and lords who repaired to the duke's court; but notwithstanding their hatred, from the situation he was in, he amassed great wealth, and built a very handsome house in Dijon. On his leaving that place, he disposed of his money in various parts of Burgundy, Flanders, and elsewhere, which was seized and confiscated by the count de Charolois and given by him to some of his servants,—and this Philip was consequently thus deprived of all his riches.

On Monday, the 11th day of September, after the dauphin had held a grand council in the town of Montereau on the[Pg 133] state of his affairs, he wrote and dispatched letters to the towns of Paris, Rheims, Châlons and others, to gloss over his having broken the peace, and having perjured himself. The contents of that sent to Paris were as follow:

'Dear and well beloved,—we understand that you are fully sensible how lately we agreed with the duke of Burgundy at a place called Pouilly on the terms of peace, for the obtaining of which we acceded to all his demands. To prevent the destruction of my lord the king's and of our realm, among other articles, the said duke did engage on his faith and oath, that within one month he would wage war against the English, the ancient enemies of this kingdom. It had been also agreed, that in consequence of this, we were to unite our mutual endeavours to reform the grievances and disorders of the government and to join in expelling the common enemy out of the country.

'On this account, we came to the town of Montereau, and waited there the space of eighteen days for the coming of the duke of Burgundy, for whose accommodation we[Pg 134] had dislodged from, and assigned to him, the castle, as his residence.

'Afterward, when we did meet on the terms he had demanded, we amicably remonstrated with him, that notwithstanding his promises, and that peace was now between us, he had not waged war against the English, nor had disbanded the troops from the garrisons under his command, according to his solemn engagement, and which we now again required him to do.

'The duke of Burgundy, in reply, made use of several foolish expressions, and even laid his hand on his sword to attack and disfigure our person, intending, as we were afterward informed, to seize and keep us under his subjection, but from which, however, through Divine mercy, and the attachment of our loyal servants, we were preserved, and he for his mad conduct was put to death on the spot.

'We signify the above matters to you, well knowing how much you will rejoice that we have been preserved from such imminent danger; and we most earnestly entreat and command, on that loyalty you have alway had for my lord the king[Pg 135] and for us, that whatever events may happen, you do not fail to make a strong resistance to the enemies of my lord and us; and that you prepare yourselves for war, in which we will aid and comfort you to the utmost of our power, and, thanks to the grace of God, that is sufficiently great.

'We will that every thing that has passed be pardoned and forgotten, and that no retaliations be made on any one, but that an entire oblivion may cover the whole, and that the peace be maintained, the which we promise to keep on the faith and word of the son of a king. To this effect we have sent our letters to the provost of merchants, the sheriffs and citizens of Paris, that they may be proclaimed and published wherever it may be thought necessary: and for the due observance of what we have said, we are willing to give such securities as may be demanded.

'We are desirous of preserving the peace with the duke of Burgundy and his friends, and all of his party, on the terms concluded, without infringing it in the smallest degree, being anxious to unite[Pg 136] all the faithful subjects of my lord the king to oppose the common enemy.

'We shall in this warfare personally serve: and we will, that you do proclaim these our intentions in all the towns and villages near to and within your several jurisdictions.—Dear and well beloved, may the Lord have you in his holy keeping. Written at Montereau faut Yonne, the 11th day of September,' and contersigned, 'Charles Champion.'

This paper was indorsed, 'To our very dear and well beloved the burghers, clergy, and inhabitants of the town of Paris.'

To these letters, especially from the towns subject to the Burgundian party, no answer was given.

In like manner, sir Clugnet de Brabant, whose quarters were at Vitry, wrote to many of the large towns to detatch them from the dauphin; but, when he found by their answers that he could not succeed, he made a severe war upon them.

The lord de Montagu, instantly on his return from Montereau to Bray sur Seine, caused letters to be written, charging the dauphin and his advisers with having committed murder on the person of his lord the duke of Burgundy,—which letters he dispatched to Troyes, Rheims, Châlons, and to all the towns attached to the king and the duke of Burgundy.

In these letters, he humbly begged of them to be on their guard, and not to pay any attention to the lies and assertions of those who upheld the dauphin's party, for that their disloyalty was now discovered, but remain firm to the king and to the count de Charolois, successor to the duke of Burgundy, from whom, under God's[Pg 138] good pleasure, they should have speedy assistance and support.

The towns received these letters in great kindness, and strongly expressed their thanks for them to the lord de Montagu, saying they were mightily grieved at the unfortunate death of the duke of Burgundy.

On the 11th of September, the duke's death was known at Paris; and the inhabitants on hearing the manner of it were thrown into the utmost consternation and sorrow. On the morrow-morning, the count de St Pol, lieutenant of the king in Paris, the chancellor of France, the provosts of the town and of the merchants, together with the greater part of the king's ministers and officers, great numbers of nobles and inhabitants assembled as early as they could; when, after the detail of the manner in which the murder of the duke of Burgundy had been perpetrated, they renewed their oaths of fidelity to the count de St Pol, and swore to serve and obey him with all their forces, in the guard and defence of Paris, and the preservation of the realm, against the damnable intentions of all wicked and[Pg 139] seditious persons, who have violated the peace; and to pursue, to the utmost of their power of vengeance, the conspirators and actors in the murder of the duke of Burgundy, and to denounce and accuse before the courts of law all who shall any way favour the aforesaid conspirators and murderers.

They likewise engaged never to surrender the town of Paris, nor to enter into any treaty whatever without its being made public; and this they also swore to in the hands of the count de St Pol,—which oaths were afterward sealed, and sent to Senlis and other places of their party, to induce them to take similar oaths to their governors.

When these things were done, many persons of both sexes were arrested in Paris, who were known to be of the dauphin's party, as well those who had returned in consequence of the peace as others of whom they had any suspicions. They were confined in different prisons, and some of them were executed in a summary way of justice.

The dauphin having appointed sir Pierre de Guitry (who had been present at the murder of the duke of Burgundy), governor of Montereau, departed thence with his whole force. He sent the prisoners, with the lady of Giac and Philip Josquin, to Bourges in Berry. Charles de Bourbon and sir Pierre de Giac took oaths of fidelity to serve the dauphin; but although the other prisoners were repeatedly solicited by the dauphin and his ministers to turn to their party, to which they were tempted by the most splendid offers of wealth and honours, they would never consent, replying to such solicitations, that they would rather die in prison, or suffer such death as the dauphin might please to inflict, than do any thing for which they or their successors might be blamed.

[Pg 141]

When it was seen that they were firm in their resolution, they were all set at liberty, on paying certain sums as their ransom, except sir Charles de Lens, admiral of France, whom they put to death.

On the dauphin's arrival at Bourges, he summoned men at arms on all sides to join him there, with whom he advanced into Anjou, and had a conference with the duke of Brittany, who consented that a part of his nobles should serve the dauphin. He received also great succours from Scotland, which he caused to be conducted down the Loire, and thence to Poitiers. He collected likewise men at arms in Auvergne and in Languedoc, and elsewhere, that he might have sufficient strength to oppose all who should attempt to injure him or the kingdom of France.

He caused it to be declared throughout all the towns and countries under his dependance, that what had been done to the duke of Burgundy was in his own defence, and that he had been justly put to death, alledging numerous reasons in his justification for suffering it, but which it would occupy too much time to relate.

[Pg 142]

When the king and queen of France heard of all these matters, they were highly displeased, and to provide a remedy for them, different royal edicts were published in all parts of the kingdom, under the king's obedience, containing an account of the death of the duke of Burgundy, and the disloyalty of the perpetrators of it, commanding all governors, magistrates, and others, under pain of death, not to afford any aid, support or advice, to the dauphin or to his party, but to prepare themselves in all diligence to oppose him and them; in so doing, they should have steady and effectual support.

Philip count de Charolois was at Ghent when he was informed of the cruel death[Pg 143] of his father, and was so sorely afflicted by it that it was some days before his ministers could comfort him. When his countess, the lady Michelle de France, sister to the dauphin, heard of it, she was greatly troubled, fearful that her lord would, on this account, be estranged from her, and hold her less in his affections; but this did not happen, for within a short time, by the exhortations and remonstrances of his ministers, he was no way displeased with her, and shewed her as much kindness as before.

He soon afterward held a council with the principal persons of Ghent, Bruges and Ypres, and then took possession of the country of Flanders, without paying any attention to his liege lord. He departed thence for Mechlin, where he had a conference with the duke of Brabant his cousin, John of Bavaria his uncle, and his aunt the countess of Hainault, on several matters; and from Mechlin he went to Lille. From this day he styled himself duke of Burgundy, and in his letters assumed all the titles of the late duke John his father.

[Pg 144]

While he was at Lille, many great lords came thither to offer their services to him, as they had been the dependants of his father, some of whom he retained in his household, and promised the others great advantages hereafter. Master Philip de Morvillers, first president of the parliament of Paris, came also, with many notable persons; and in concert with them, and with his own ministers, the duke resolved to write letters to the different towns attached to the king's and his party, setting forth, that as they had been the friends and supporters of his father, he hoped they would in like manner be his. He added, that he would very shortly request a truce from the English; and desired them to send him a deputation to Arras on the 17th day of October, with sufficient powers to agree to whatever terms might be demanded from them by him.

The duke of Burgundy did not delay to send ambassadors to the king of England at Rouen, to endeavour to obtain a truce for a certain space of time, for all the countries under the dependance[Pg 145] of the king of France and himself. The ambassadors were the bishop of Arras, the lord de Toulongeon, sir Guillaume de Champdivers, sir Guillebert de Launoy and some others; and they obtained the requested truce, hoping also to proceed further with the English.

During this time the Dauphinois, quartered at or near Compiegne, recommenced a sharp warfare against such of the Burgundians as were near to them. In another part of the country, La Hire and Ponton de Santrailles, with a large force, took the town of Crespy, in the Laonnois, and the castle of Clarcy; by which conquests, the town of Laon and the countries of the Laonnois and Vermandois were kept under great subjection.

When the 17th of October was come, the duke of Burgundy, sir John de Luxembourg, with numbers of other lords and captains, together with the deputations from the principal towns, assembled in Arras. They were very affectionately addressed by the dean of Liege, by orders of the duke, and particularly those lords and captains who had served his late father,[Pg 146] and requested that in like manner they would serve him in an expedition which he proposed shortly to undertake for the good of the king and kingdom. The deputies from the towns were also required to support his party, and to afford him every aid and assistance, should there be occasion. To these requests all present unanimously assented.

On the 13th day of this same month of October, the duke of Burgundy had a solemn service celebrated in the church of St Vaast, in Arras, for the salvation of the soul of duke John his father. There were present at it the bishops of Amiens, of Cambray, of Terouenne, of Tournay, and of Arras,—many abbots from Flanders, Artois[Pg 147] and the adjacent countries,—and there were in the whole twenty-four crosiers.

The chief mourner, the duke of Burgundy, was supported by sir John de Luxembourg and sir James de Harcourt. The bishop of Amiens said mass,—during which friar Pierre Floure, doctor in divinity and of the order of preaching friars, delivered the sermon. He was also inquisitor of the faith in the province of Rheims; and he exhorted the duke most strongly in his discourse not to take vengeance into his own hands for the death of his father, but to apply to the laws for reparation of the crime,—and should the laws be insufficient, he should afford them every assistance, and not think of executing justice himself, for that belonged to God alone.

Many of the nobles present were not very well pleased with the preacher for his sermon.

Some days after this service, sir John de Saulx, knight, doctor of laws, and chancellor to duke John, sir Andrieu de Valines, master John d'Orle, advocate in the parliament, John de Caumesnil, with others of the principal citizens of Paris,[Pg 148] sent by the count de St Pol and the Parisians, arrived at Arras, and waited on the duke of Burgundy, to know what his future intentions and plans might be. When they had been well entertained by the duke and his ministers, they were told, that within a few days the duke would form an alliance with the king of England, by the consent of the king of France; and that when this was done, he would, with his whole force, seek for reparation and vengeance on the cruel murderers of his father.

On receiving this information, and after having concluded several agreements, the Parisians returned home to carry back the intelligence, and to keep the citizens and inhabitants of the isle de France in good obedience. The duke of Burgundy then assembled some of his most powerful and faithful lords, as well seculars as ecclesiastics, with whom he held many secret councils, to consider how he should conduct himself in the present state of his affairs, more especially respecting the death of his father.

On this subject their opinions were[Pg 149] divided; but at length the majority determined, that since he had permission from the king of France, he should form a strict alliance with the English. In consequence of this resolution, an embassy was again sent to the king of England at Rouen, consisting of the bishop of Arras, sir Actis de Brimeu, sir Roland de Uniquerke, and others, who, on their arrival at Rouen, were kindly received by the king and princes; for he was very desirous of forming a connection with the duke of Burgundy, well knowing that through his means in preference to all others, he could obtain the hand of the lady Catherine of France, which he was so anxious to have.

When the ambassadors had declared the causes of their coming, and exhibited a sketch of their articles for the proposed alliance, the king was tolerably satisfied, and told them, that within a few days he would send ambassadors to the duke, who should declare his final resolutions. With this answer, they returned to Arras.

About St Andrew's day following, the bishop of Rochester, the earls of Warwick and of Kyme, with other knights and[Pg 150] esquires, arrived at Arras, as ambassadors from the king of England, to whom the duke gave a most honourable reception. They laid before him the different articles of a treaty which the king wished to conclude with Charles king of France and the duke,—who, in return, gave them other articles, such as he would abide by. In short, the negotiations were carried on so effectually that a treaty was agreed on, provided the king of France and his ministers would consent thereto.

At this time, the king and queen of France, with the lady Catherine their daughter, resided at Troyes in Champagne, and were under the guidance of such as had been posted there purposely, who were strongly attached to the party of Burgundy. In consequence of this treaty, it was ordered, that the men at arms of the king of France and of the duke of Burgundy should discontinue their warfare against the English, who were, on their part, to desist from all offensive operations. The truces were again renewed and confirmed; and it was agreed, that the king of England should send ambassadors, in company[Pg 151] with the duke of Burgundy, to the king of France at Troyes, in Champagne, who intended going thither soon, to put a finishing hand to this treaty of alliance. When these matters had been arranged, and the ambassadors had been greatly feasted and honoured by the duke of Burgundy in Arras, they returned to the king of England at Rouen.

While this treaty was going on, sir James de Harcourt showed himself every way strongly attached to the duke of Burgundy. He was the first called to the private councils of the duke, who paid him more attention and greater honour than to any other person of his court; for he loved him most cordially, in consequence of his having sworn to serve him on the death of duke John. Sir James, in these days, caused the castle of Crotoy, of which he was governor for the king of France, to be strongly repaired, and replenished with all sorts of provision and military stores.

In conformity to the treaty with the English, the duke of Burgundy commenced his operations by assembling men at arms in Artois, Flanders and elsewhere, which he sent with different captains to be under the general command of sir John de Luxembourg, near to Peronne, who was to muster them, and lead them to lay siege to the castle of Muyn, which was strongly garrisoned by the Dauphinois, who had sorely oppressed the country round Amiens and Corbie.

Several of the nobility joined sir John de Luxembourg, at Peronne, such as, the lord de l'Isle-Adam, marshal of France, the vidame of Amiens, Anthony lord of Croy, le borgne de Fosseux knight, John de Fosseux his brother, the lord de Longueval,[Pg 153] Hector and Philip de Saveuses, the lord de Humbercourt, sir John de Luquerque, the lord de Cohen, with many other notable knights and esquires, who marched from Peronne to Lyhons in Santerre, and to the adjacent villages, intending to besiege the castle of Muyn, but their intentions were soon changed.

During the time that these men at arms were at Lyhons, and on the night of the 10th of December, sir Karados de Quesnes, Charles de Flavy, the bastard de Tournemine, and one called Harbonniers, made a sally from Compiegne, with about five hundred combatants, to the town of Roye in the Vermandois, which they attacked, and, from neglect of the guard, great part of them entered the place. They assembled in the market-place, shouting out, 'Town won! Long live the king and dauphin!' The inhabitants were awakened by these shouts; and, seeing they could not make any resistance, the greater part escaped over the walls, and fled.

A detachment of the Dauphinois now advanced to the gate, which they opened to admit the remainder of their forces, and[Pg 154] their horses, into the town. Perceval le Grand, governor of the place for the duke of Burgundy, having been awakened like the others, and perceiving that no resistance could be made, escaped as well as he could from the town, leaving behind his wife, children, and great part of his wealth. He hastened to Lyhons, and very dolefully related to his commander, sir John de Luxembourg, the news of the capture of Roye.

Sir John instantly ordered his trumpets to sound for the assembling of his men at arms, and led them toward Roye, sending forward a party of scouts to the town, to gain intelligence, who found the scaling ladders still reared against the walls by which the enemy had entered. They were no sooner observed, than the Dauphinois made preparations for defence, and gave a sharp discharge of cannons, cross-bows, and bows on them, and on some men at arms, who had joined the scouts. However, notwithstanding their defence, one of the suburbs was taken, and in the conflict several were wounded on each side. On that of sir John de Luxembourg was a valiant man at arms named Robert de Rebretanges, and[Pg 155] who, in consequence of this wound, died shortly after.

After sir John had posted his men in the different suburbs and houses round the town, he fixed his own quarters at a village about half a league distant. He then sent the lord de Humbercourt, bailiff of Amiens, to that place, and to Corbie, to require that they would send him cross-bowmen, cannons, and other implements of war, to enable him to subdue the Dauphinois in Roye, which request was complied with in the most ample manner. With the same eagerness were the cross-bowmen of Douay, Arras, Peronne, St Quentin, Mondidier, Noyon, and other places under the dependance of the king, sent to Roye in great numbers.

On the arrival of these reinforcements, sir John invested the town on all sides, and made some vigorous assaults: he also had some bombards, and other engines, pointed against the walls and gates, which greatly harrassed the besieged. They made, however, a handsome defence, and some sallies; but in these they did not gain much.

At length, the besieged seeing all their[Pg 156] efforts vain, and hopeless of succour, concluded a treaty with sir John, by his commissioners, on the 18th day of January, to surrender the place, on condition that they should depart in safety, with their baggage, and with a part of what they had gained in the town. When this treaty was ratified, the Dauphinois marched away under passports from sir John de Luxembourg, who appointed Hector de Saveuses to escort them; and, when out of the town, they took the road to Compiegne, marching with great speed.

Very soon after their departure, about two thousand English came to Roye, under the command of the earl of Huntingdon, and his father-in law sir John de Cornwall,[4] to assist the Burgundians; for, as I have said, there was a truce between the English and them, expecting that this truce would shortly be (as it happened) turned into a solid peace. The English, hearing of the departure of the Dauphinois, hastily set out in pursuit of them, and overtook them about four leagues from Roye. The moment[Pg 157] they came near, without any words, they attacked them lance in hand, although they were few in number; for, having rode so hard, three parts of their men were behind.

The English were accompanied by many of the men at arms of sir John de Luxembourg, the principal of whom were Butor bastard of Croy, Aubellet de Folleville, the bailiff de Foquesolle, the bastard Dunon and several other gentlemen. The Dauphinois made no great resistance, and were therefore soon routed, very many were killed, taken or robbed; but a few escaped as well as they could, by flying to the woods and other places.

Hector de Saveuses, observing this, made sir Karados de Quesnes his prisoner, in order to save him and restore him to liberty; but sir John de Cornwall took him from him, saying that he had not any right to make him his prisoner, since he had a passport from his captain; and because Hector would not release him at the first word, Cornwall smote him severely on the arm with his gauntlet, which incensed Hector much,—but he could not help himself; as the English were too numerous.

[Pg 158]

Sir Karados, the lord of Flavy, and the most part of the men at arms were made prisoners by the English; but those taken by the Picards were put to death by them, for they were afraid to bring them to their quarters on account of the passports that had been granted them. However, Harbonniers, who was prisoner to Aubellet de Folleville, was carried to Noyon, and there beheaded.

The English, after this affair, returned with their prisoners to a village within two leagues of Roye, where they quartered themselves. Hector de Saveuses made what haste he could to sir John de Luxembourg, to relate all that had passed, who was greatly enraged that his passports should have been treated with such contempt, especially by those of his own army and under his command. He therefore dispatched an angry message to Anthony lord of Croy, to order him to send Butor de Croy, his bastard-brother, and some others of his people, who had infringed his passports, that he might punish them accordingly. He sent a similar order to the lord de Longueval for the bastard Dunon, brother to his wife, to be[Pg 159] brought before him, but neither of these lords would obey his commands.

Upon this, sir John sent word, that if they did not deliver them up instantly, he would take them by force from their quarters. Longueval replied, that if he attempted it, and was not the strongest, he should not have them; and he would prefer putting them to death to yielding them up to him. These and other expressions created a great animosity between sir John and these two lords, which lasted a considerable time. However, nothing further was done in the matter; for those who were demanded to be delivered up departed secretly, and went whither they pleased.

On the morrow, sir John de Luxembourg, attended by part of his army, went to visit the lord Huntingdon and sir John de Cornwall at their quarters, and recommended to their attentions sir Karados de Quesnes and the other prisoners, who had been taken under his passports. They nevertheless remained prisoners, and were carried to England, where they were long detained, and did not recover their liberties until they had paid a heavy ransom.

[Pg 160]

When sir John de Luxembourg had passed some time at the English quarters, he returned to his own: the next day he disbanded the greater part of his captains and their men at arms, and went himself with Hector de Saveuses to place garrisons in the castles on the river Sere, and on the frontiers of the Laonnois, against the Dauphinois, who were in great force at Crespy and in the Laonnois. Hector was ordered to remain at Nouvion le Comte, as commander in chief of these troops. Sir John then returned to his castle of Beaurevoir, to see his wife and children, and to make preparations to accompany the duke of Burgundy on the journey he intended speedily to undertake.

About this time, those attached to the party of the king of France and the duke of[Pg 161] Burgundy, began to open an intercourse in trade, and to form acquaintance with the English on the borders of Normandy, for peace was now established between them. At this period also, the earl of Huntingdon and sir John de Cornwall, with three thousand combatants, besieged the castle of Fontaines-Lavagam, which, during the war, had held out for the Orleans party, and had never been conquered. The garrison had, for a long time, grievously oppressed the country of Beauvoisis, the borders of Normandy, and the districts about Amiens.

At the end of about three weeks siege, this castle was surrendered, on condition that the lives and fortunes of the besieged should be spared, and that they should march away in safety. When the place was evacuated, the fortifications were completely destroyed.

On the other hand, the castle of Muyn submitted to the obedience of the vidame of Amiens on the 19th day of January, by means of some intelligence he had with those within it. This, as well as Fontaines-Lavagam, had been of great annoyance to[Pg 162] the surrounding countries. A Norman gentleman, called Bigas, was made prisoner there, and also the lady of the place, wife to sir Collart de Calleville, with some others,—and much wealth was found therein.

About this time, the duke of Burgundy prepared to march with his whole power to king Charles at Troyes in Champagne. He issued a strict summons throughout his dominions for all who had been accustomed to bear arms to make ready to attend him on this journey. From Ghent, where he resided, he came with his lady the duchess to Arras, and appointed master John de Torsy, bishop of Tournay, his chancellor.

He there assembled, by virtue of his summons, a very large body of men at arms; and on the Saturday after the Epiphany, the truces between the kings of France and of England were proclaimed in all the countries under the subjection of the king and the duke of Burgundy from Paris to Boulogne sur mer, and to Troyes in Champagne: they were to last until the middle of March following, or until a final peace should be concluded between the two kings.

[Pg 163]

During this time, the English, in great force, under the command of the earl of Huntingdon and sir John de Cornwall, marched to the castle of Clermont, which they valiantly attacked, but it was as vigorously defended. The English, having had many killed and wounded, set fire to and burnt the village of St Andrieu, wherein were several handsome mansions, and substantial houses. They then overran the whole county of Clermont, and gained much plunder, with which they returned to the duchy of Normandy.

When the duke of Burgundy had celebrated the feast of the Purification in Arras, he departed, leaving his duchess there,[Pg 164] for his castle of Bapaumes, and thence he went to Oisy in the Cambresis, to visit his aunt the countess of Hainault, with whom he had a conference, and proceeded to Peronne. Thither many of his captains and vassals came, and with them he marched to St Quentin, where he tarried some time, to wait the arrival of the whole of his forces.

Ambassadors from king Henry there joined him, having with them about five hundred combatants, under the command of the earls of Warwick and Kyme, the lord Roos, marshal of England, and sir Louis de Robesart, a native of Hainault, who accompanied the duke to Troyes.

There also came to him while at St Quentin a deputation from the town of Laon, who, with the inhabitants of St Quentin, earnestly besought the duke of Burgundy that he would besiege the town of Crespy, which held for the dauphin, as that garrison had done very great injuries to the whole country. The duke, in compliance with their remonstrances, consented, and advanced to Cressy sur Serre, where he was lodged: he thence sent forward sir[Pg 165] John de Luxembourg, with Hector and Philip de Saveuses, and other captains, to quarter themselves in a village near to Crespy, by way of vanguard.

Shortly after, the duke, with his whole army, invested Crespy, in which place might be about five hundred Dauphinois men at arms, under the command of La Hire, Poton de Saintrailles, Dandonet, and other adventurers, who with great courage defended the town against the besiegers, notwithstanding they had approached very near, and had pointed their artillery against the walls and gates.

There were with the duke many captains who had served under duke John his father, namely, sir John de Luxembourg, the lords de l'Isle-Adam and de Chastellus, both marshals of France, sir Robinet de Mailly great butler of France, le veau de Bar bailiff of Auxois, the vidame of Amiens, Anthony lord de Croy, sir Philip de Fosseux and his brother John, the lord de Longueval, Hector and Philip de Saveuses, the lord de Humieres, who commanded the men at arms of the lord d'Antoing, the lord de Humbercourt, sir Mauroy de St[Pg 166] Leger, the lord de Stenhuse sovereign bailiff of Flanders, the lords de Comines, de Haluin, the bastard of Harcourt, and all the vassals of his uncle sir James de Harcourt, with numbers of other notable knights and esquires from the different parts of the duke's dominions.

His most confidential advisers were sir Actis de Brimeu, knight, the lord de Robais, and the bishop of Tournay, his chancellor. The duke made vast preparations for this siege; but at the end of fifteen days a treaty was concluded for the surrender of the town, on condition, that the garrison should depart in safety with their baggage; but because this was his first campaign, a few were excepted, and sent prisoners to some of the towns under the king's obedience.

On the ratification of this treaty, the garrison marched away, under passports from the duke; but notwithstanding this, many were plundered, to the great indignation of the duke and his ministers, who caused restitution to be made to all who came to complain.

The Dauphinois marched to Soissons,[Pg 167] a town belonging to their party, and Crespy was despoiled of every thing that was portable. At the request of the inhabitants of Laon, the fortifications were demolished,—that is to say, its gates and walls, to the great sorrow of the townsmen, and not without cause, for before the war it was abundantly filled with all sorts of merchandize as in a place of safety.

It must not be forgotten, that there was in the company of the duke, during this campaign, the valiant captain Tabary, and his band of robbers, of whom mention has been made in another place,—but who only partook of half of the expedition, and continued his former pursuits, as shall be hereafter noticed.

After the surrender of the town of Crespy in the Laonnois, the duke of Burgundy advanced to Laon, where he was most honourably received by the magistrates and inhabitants. He thence continued his march by Rheims to Châlons in Champagne, always accompanied by the English ambassadors, and his escort of about one thousand combatants. From Châlons he advanced in grand array toward Troyes, and encamped near to Vitry in Pertois, which place and some of the adjacent forts were in possession of the Dauphinois.

Sir John de Luxembourg, who had the command of the van guard, passed through the town, and continued his march toward the plains, in which were many deep[Pg 169] and boggy springs. Sir Robinet de Mailly, grand butler of France, riding by his side, fell into one of these bogs; and his horse plunged so deep that, not having any mane for the knight to hold by, the latter could not save himself, but died a miserable death, whilst his horse escaped.

The duke of Burgundy and several other lords, particularly sir Robinet's three brothers, who were with the duke, were sorely grieved at his loss. These last, namely, master John de Mailly, afterward bishop of Noyon, Collard, and Ferry de Mailly, lamented it very bitterly: his body was dragged out of the bog, and buried hard by.

As the duke approached Troyes, very many of the French and burgundian nobility came out to meet him, with several of the principal citizens, and shewed him every honour and respect. In company with them, he made his entry into Troyes, the 21st day of March, and was escorted to his hôtel. Wherever he passed, there were great multitudes of people assembled, who sang carols on his arrival. He shortly after waited on the king and queen of France,[Pg 170] and the lady Catherine, who received him kindly, and shewed him all manner of affection.

Some days afterward, several councils were held in the presence of the king, queen and duke of Burgundy, to consider on establishing a final peace, and on the alliance which the king of England was desirous of forming with the king of France, and had sent his ambassadors with full powers to confirm the peace.

At length, after many conferences with these ambassadors, it was concluded, by favour of the duke of Burgundy and his party, that Charles king of France should give to Henry king of England his youngest daughter Catherine in marriage, and, in consequence of this alliance, should make him and his heirs successors to the crown of France after his decease,—thus disinheriting his own son and heir Charles duke of Touraine and dauphin, and annulling that principle of the constitution which had been, with great deliberation, resolved on by former kings and peers of France, namely, that the noble kingdom of France should never be governed or inherited by a female, or by any one descended from the female line.

[Pg 171]

The king of France also agreed, that should king Henry have no issue by this marriage, he and his heirs were to remain successors to the crown of France, to the prejudice of the branches of the whole royal line of France.

All this was granted by king Charles; but to say the truth, he had not for some time past been in his right senses, and was governed by those about his person as they pleased, and consented to what they advised, whether to his prejudice or not.

When the treaty had been signed, the ambassadors returned with a copy thereof to the king of England, avoiding all the ambuscades of the Dauphinois as well as they could. King Henry was well pleased with their success, as he foresaw he should now gain the greater part of his objects. He arranged his affairs in Normandy speedily, and caused preparations to be made for marching to Troyes, to complete the articles of the treaty. Sir Louis de Robesart had remained, by king Henry's orders, at Troyes, to attend on the lady Catherine of France, who was shortly to become queen of England.

About ten days before Easter, sir John de Luxembourg was sent with five hundred combatants to attack a fortress called Alibaudieres, adjoining the Vermandois, six leagues from Troyes, in which was a garrison of the Dauphinois, that much harrassed Champagne. When sir John was arrived near to the place, he left the greater part of his men in ambuscade, and advanced with the rest to skirmish at the barriers.

The garrison gallantly sallied out on foot to meet him, and a sharp skirmish began, during which sir John fell from his horse, by reason of the girth breaking, but was soon raised up again by his men, and instantly most courageously, and in a violent passion, attacked the Dauphinois lance in hand: they were fewer in number than the assailants, and therefore retreated in disorder, and closed their bulwark.

[Pg 173]

Sir John, on this, sent for the remainder of his force, whom he had placed in ambush, and they made so grand an attack on the bulwark, that it was taken by storm, and set on fire,—but in this action many were killed and wounded. Sir John then returned with his men to duke Philip of Burgundy in Troyes, at which place great preparations were making for the reception of king Henry of England, who was shortly expected there to confirm the articles of the peace, and solemnise his marriage with the lady Catherine of France.

While these things were passing, the dauphin and his council were at Bourges in Berry. He was exceedingly uneasy when he heard of the alliance that had been concluded with England, and anxious to form plans of resistance against the king of England and the duke of Burgundy, knowing that unless he could effectually oppose them, he was in great peril of losing the kingdom and his expectations of succeeding to the crown of France. He was not therefore negligent to provide against the danger, and established garrisons in all the principal places on the frontiers toward his adversaries,[Pg 174] and appointed to the command of them the most loyal of his party. He placed as governor at Melun the lord de Barbasan, with a large force; at Montereau, the lord de Guitry: sir Robert de Loire at Montargis; the bastard de Vaurus and Pierron de Lupel at Meaux in Brie; the lord de Gamaches at Compiegne, and so on at other towns and forts. He assembled a large body of men at arms to be alway near his person, and ready for any event that might happen to him.

At the beginning of this year, the duke of Burgundy ordered Pierre de Luxembourg count de Conversan and de Brienne,[Pg 175] sir John de Luxembourg his brother, and several of his captains, such as the marshal de l'Isle-Adam, the vidame of Amiens, Anthony lord of Croy, Hector de Saveuses, sir Mauroy de St Leger, the bastard de Thian, and a number of others, to lay siege to the castle of Alibaudieres, mentioned in the preceding chapter.

The garrison of this castle had repaired the bulwark which sir John de Luxembourg had destroyed, so that it was in a better state of defence than before. The burgundian leaders, on their arrival, ordered their men, before they encamped, to arm themselves and prepare ladders, thinking to win the bulwark as easily as formerly; but the attack and defence were for a long time sharply continued, and with great courage. Some of the ladders were placed against it, and on them Hector de Saveuses, Henry de Chauffour, and others expert in arms, combated a considerable time; but Henry de Chauffour, much renowned in war, while on one of these ladders, and armed in plate armour, was pierced by a lance through the hollow of the armour, under the ham of his leg, and died of the wound a few days afterward.

[Pg 176]

During the attack, sir John de Luxembourg, who was very near the bulwark, and posted between two oaks, had raised the vizor of his helmet, to observe the countenance of the enemy; but he was perceived from the walls, and struck near the eye with a lance, (whether pointed or not with iron I am ignorant) and so severely wounded, that in the end he lost his eye, and was led by his people to repose himself in his tent. Shortly after, his banner was taken, and cut off close to the end of the lance to which it was fastened, which still more enraged sir John de Luxembourg. These events, and the obstinate resistance of the besieged, put an end to the attack, but not before great numbers of the assailants had been killed and wounded.

The count de Conversan, and the other captains encamped round the castle, had ordered several large bombards to be pointed against the gates and walls, to destroy them; but sir John de Luxembourg, in consequence of his severe wound, was carried back to Troyes, where he was attended by the most able doctors. His brother, the count de Conversan, now remained commander[Pg 177] in chief of the siege, and by his engines so greatly damaged the castle that some of the towers and gates were half battered down. This alarmed the besieged, and they demanded a parley with the count, which was consented to; but they could not at the first conference agree on terms,—so that, when the deputies had re-entered the castle, the besiegers armed themselves, and made so vigorous an attack on it that sixty men at arms gained possession of two of its towers,—but in truth they could not proceed further by reason of the new fortifications that had been erected during the siege. This action was very severe indeed, and lasted nearly five hours, during which numbers of each side were killed and wounded; but in the end, those who had gained the two towers were driven by the besieged from them; they even made prisoner, and dragged into the castle, a trumpeter who had armed himself like a man at arms.

On the morrow, the besieged, fearing the attack would be renewed, demanded another parley, when it was agreed, that they should depart with their lives only,[Pg 178] and on foot, with the exception of a few who were to be allowed small horses,—and in this state they were to go to Moynes. The castle was totally destroyed and burnt, and the effects within were all plundered by those men at arms who could first force an entrance, contrary to the positive orders of their captains, who soon after led their men back to Troyes and to the adjacent villages.

When the Picards and the other men at arms were returned to Troyes, from the siege of Alibaudieres, they demanded permission of the duke of Burgundy to return to their homes, which was granted. About three thousand horse departed, and the principal gentlemen were the vidame of[Pg 179] Amiens, the borgne de Fosseux knight, Hector de Saveuses, the lord de Stenhuse high bailiff of Flanders, the lord de Comines and several other captains, as well from Picardy as Flanders, who all rode together from Troyes toward Rethel; and although the Dauphinois were in great numbers on the watch to attack and plunder them, by activity and diligence, they escaped all their ambushes, and arrived safely in their own countries.

After their departure, the duke of Burgundy ordered some of the other captains who had remained with him, such as the marshal de l'Isle-Adam, Anthony lord of Croy, the lord de Longueval, sir Mauroy de St Leger, Baudo de Noyelle, Robert de Saveuses, Robert de Brimeu, the bastard de Thian, with about sixteen hundred combatants, to march to the Auxerrois, and subdue that country, with some of its castles that held out for the party of the dauphin, to the king's obedience.

They proceeded from Troyes by short days' marches to Toussy, a small town attached to the dauphin, and whither the lord de la Trimouille often resorted. They[Pg 180] had carried with them scaling ladders, and other implements of war, and came before the town just between day-break and sun-rise, in the hopes of taking it by surprise and plundering it.

On their arrival, they drew up in battle-array; and Anthony lord of Croy, his bastard brother Butor, Baudo de Noyelle, Lyonnet de Bournouville, and some others, were created knights by the hand of the lord de l'Isle-Adam marshal of France. Shortly after this ceremony, they made a joint attack on several parts of the place at once, and fixed their scaling ladders to the walls without meeting with any opposition. However, notwithstanding that the inhabitants were at first greatly alarmed, they recovered courage, and defended themselves so vigorously that the assailants were repulsed, driven from the ditches, and forced to encamp round the town.

They then employed themselves for two days in making new ladders and iron crooks, to renew the attack. On the third, having completed their warlike implements, they assaulted the place more fiercely than before, and again fixed their ladders; but[Pg 181] the besieged made a gallant defence, and killed and wounded several at the onset: among the first were a gentleman of arms named Ogier de St Vandrille and Tabary the captain of robbers, who has been before spoken of, and some others. In the end, the assailants were again repulsed, and driven in confusion to their quarters.

The dead were carried in their armour from the ditches into the town, and, when stripped, were put into coffins and buried in a church.

Intelligence was brought this same night to the marshal de l'Isle-Adam and to the other captains, that the enemy was marching in force to offer them combat; upon which they hastily mounted their horses, and set forward, and rode all the night to meet them. On the morrow, they learnt news of their enemies, that they were quartered in a strong monastery called Estampes St Germain, within two leagues of Auxerre. They then pushed forward to besiege them within this monastery, and sent to Auxerre for provision, assistance, and warlike engines, all of which were granted.

[Pg 182]

After the two parties had skirmished for the space of eighteen days, the Dauphinois surrendered, on condition that their lives should be spared, and that they should remain prisoners until they should ransom themselves, each according to his rank in life. When this treaty had been concluded, the fortifications of the monastery were destroyed, and the Burgundians returned to the duke their lord in Troyes.

At this period, Henry king of England, accompanied by his two brothers the dukes of Clarence and of Glocester, the earls of Huntingdon, Warwick and Kyme, and many of the great lords of England, with about sixteen hundred combatants, the greater part of whom were archers, set out[Pg 183] from Rouen and came to Pontoise, and thence to St Denis. He crossed the bridge at Charenton, and left part of his army to guard it, and thence advanced by Provins to Troyes in Champagne.

The duke of Burgundy, and several of the nobility, to shew him honour and respect, came out to meet him, and conducted him to the hôtel where he was lodged, with his princes, and his army was quartered in the adjacent villages.

Shortly after his arrival, he waited on the king and queen of France, and the lady Catherine, their daughter, when great honours and attentions were, by them, mutually paid to each other. Councils were then holden for the ratification of the peace; and whatever articles had been disagreeable to the king of England in the treaty were then corrected according to his pleasure. When all relating to the peace had been concluded, king Henry, according to the custom of France, affianced the lady Catherine.

On the morrow of Trinity-day, the king of England espoused her in the parish church near to which he was lodged; great[Pg 184] pomp and magnificence were displayed by him and his princes, as if he were at that moment king of all the world. On the part of the king of France was present at this ceremony Philip duke of Burgundy, by whose means this treaty and alliance had been brought about. He was attended by Pierre de Luxembourg count de Conversan, sir John de Luxembourg his brother, the prince of Orange, the lord de Joinville, the lord de Chastellus, the lord de Chateau Vilain, the lord de Montagu, sir Regnier Pot, le veau de Bar bailiff of Auxois, sir James de Courtejambe, sir John de Coquebrune marshal of Burgundy and of Picardy, the lord de Croy, the lord de Longueval, sir Actis de Brimeu, sir David his brother, the lords de Roubaix, de Humbercourt bailiff of Amiens, sir Hugh de Launois, sir Gilbert his brother, with numbers of other notable knights, and some prelates and churchmen from the states of the duke. The principal of these last were master John de Torsay bishop of Tournay and chancellor of Burgundy, master Eustace de Lactre, master John de Mailly; all, or at least the greater part, joined with[Pg 185] the duke in promising for ever to preserve inviolate the peace, the terms of which were as follow:

'Charles, by the grace of God, king of France, to all our bailiffs, provosts, seneschals, and to all the principal of our officers of justice, or to their lieutenants, greeting. Be it known, that we have this day concluded a perpetual peace, in our town of Troyes, with our very dear and well beloved son Henry king of England, heir and regent of France, in our name and in his own, in consequence of his marriage with our well beloved daughter Catherine, and by other articles in the treaty concluded between us for the welfare and good of our subjects, and for the security of the realm; so that henceforward our subjects and those of our said son may traffic and have a mutual intercourse with each other, as well on this as on the other side of the sea.

'Item, it has been agreed, that our said son, king Henry, shall henceforth honour us as his father, and our consort the queen as his mother, but shall not by any means prevent us from the peaceable enjoyment of our crown during our life.

[Pg 186]

'Item, our said son, king Henry, engages that he will not interfere with the rights and royalties of our crown so long as we may live, nor with the revenues, but that they may be applied as before to the support of our government and the charges of the state; and that our consort the queen shall enjoy her state and dignity of queen, according to the custom of the realm, with the unmolested enjoyment of the revenues and domains attached to it.

'Item, it is agreed, that our said daughter Catherine shall have such dower paid her from the revenues of England, as English queens have formerly enjoyed,—namely, sixty thousand crowns, two of which are of the value of an English noble.[5]

'Item, it is agreed, that our said son, king Henry, shall, by every means in his power, without transgressing the laws he has sworn to maintain, and the customs of England, assure to our said daughter Catherine the punctual payment of the aforesaid dower of sixty thousand crowns from the moment of his decease.

[Pg 187]

'Item, it is agreed, that should it happen that our said daughter survive our said son king Henry, she shall receive, as her dower from the kingdom of France, the sum of forty thousand francs yearly; and this sum shall be settled on the lands and lordships which were formerly held in dower by our very dear and well beloved the lady Blanche, consort to king Philip of France, of happy memory, our very redoubted lord and great grandfather.

'Item, it is agreed, that immediately on our decease, and from thenceforward, our crown and kingdom of France, with all its rights and appurtenances, shall devolve for ever to our said son, king Henry, and to his heirs.

'Item, because we are for the greater part of our time personally prevented from attending to the affairs and government of our realm, with the attention they deserve, the government of our kingdom shall in future be conducted by our said son king Henry during our life, calling to his assistance and council such of our nobles as have remained obedient to us, and who have the welfare of the realm and the public[Pg 188] good at heart, so that affairs may be conducted to the honour of God, of ourself and consort, and to the general welfare and security of the kingdom; and that tranquillity may be restored to it, and justice and equity take place every where by the aid of the great lords, barons and nobles of the realm.

'Item, our said son shall, to the utmost of his power, support the courts of parliament of France, in all parts that are subject to us, and their authority shall be upheld and maintained with rigour from this time forward.

'Item, our said son shall exert himself to defend and maintain each of our nobility, cities, towns and municipalities in all their accustomed rights, franchises and privileges, so that they be not individually nor collectively molested in them.

'Item, our said son shall labour diligently that justice be administered throughout the realm, according to the accustomed usages, without exception of any one, and will bodily defend and guard all our subjects from all violence and oppression whatever.

[Pg 189]

'Item, it is agreed, that our said son, king Henry, shall appoint to all vacant places, as well in the court of parliament as in the bailiwicks, seneschalships, provostships, and to all other offices within our realm, observing that he do nominate fit and proper persons for such offices, fully acquainted with the laws and customs of the country, so that tranquillity may be preserved and the kingdom flourish.

'Item, our said son will most diligently exert himself to reduce to our obedience all cities, towns, castles and forts, now in rebellion against us, and of the party commonly called Dauphinois or Armagnac.

'Item, for the more secure observance of these articles, and the more effectually to enable our said son, king Henry, to carry them into execution, it is agreed, that all the great lords, as well spiritual as temporal,—all the cities, towns and municipalities within our realm, and under our obedience, shall each of them take the following oaths:

'They will swear obedience and loyalty to our said son king Henry, in so much as we have invested him with the full[Pg 190] power of governing our kingdom of France in conjunction with such council of able men as he may appoint. They will likewise swear to observe punctually whatever we, in conjunction with our consort the queen, our said son king Henry, and the council may ordain.

'The cities, towns and municipalities, will also swear to obey, and diligently follow, whatever orders may particularly affect them.

'Instantly on our decease, the whole of the subjects of our kingdom shall swear to become liege men and vassals to our said son king Henry, and obey him as the true king of France, and, without any opposition or dispute, shall receive him as such, and never pay obedience to any other as king or regent of France but to our said son king Henry, unless our said son should lose life or limb, or be attacked by a mortal disease, or suffer diminution in person, state, honour or goods. But should they know of any evil designs plotted against him, they will counteract them to the utmost of their power, and give him information thereof by letters or messages.

[Pg 191]

'Item, it is agreed, that whatever conquests our said son may make from our disobedient subjects shall belong to us, and their profits shall be applied to our use; but should any of these conquests appertain to any noble who at this moment is obedient to us, and who shall swear that he will faithfully defend them, they shall be punctually restored to him, as to the lawful owner.

'Item, it is agreed, that all ecclesiastics within the duchy of Normandy and the realm of France, obedient to us, to our said son, and attached to the party of the duke of Burgundy, who shall swear faithfully to keep and observe all the articles of this treaty, shall peaceably enjoy their said benefices in the duchy of Normandy and in all other parts of our realm.

'Item, all universities, colleges, churches and monasteries within the duchy of Normandy or elsewhere, subject to us, and in time to come to our said son king Henry, shall freely enjoy all rights and privileges claimed by them, saving the rights of the crown and of individuals.

'Item, whenever the crown of France[Pg 192] shall devolve by our decease on our said son king Henry, the duchy of Normandy, and all the other conquests which he may have made within the kingdom of France, shall thenceforward remain under the obedience and jurisdiction of the monarchy of France.

'Item, it is agreed, that our said son king Henry, on coming to the throne of France, will make ample compensation to all of the burgundian party who may have been deprived of their inheritances by his conquest of the duchy of Normandy, from lands to be conquered from our rebellious subjects, without any diminution from the crown of France. Should the estates of such not have been disposed of by our said son, he will instantly have the same restored to their proper owners.

'Item, during our life, all ordinances, edicts, pardons and privileges, must be written in our name, and signed with our seal; but as cases may arise, which no human wisdom can foresee, it may be proper that our said son king Henry should write letters in his own name,—and in such cases[Pg 193] it shall be lawful for him so to do, for the better security of our person, and the maintaining good government; and he will then command and order in our name, and in his own, as regent of the realm, according as the exigency of the occasion may require.

'Item, during our life our said son king Henry will neither sign nor style himself king of France, but will most punctually abstain therefrom so long as we shall live.

'Item, it is agreed, that during our life we shall write, call and style our said son king Henry as follows,—'Our very dear son Henry, king of England, heir to France;' and in the latin tongue, 'Noster præcharissimus filius Henricus rex Angliæ hæres Franciæ.'

'Item, our said son king Henry will not impose any taxes on our subjects except for a sufficient cause, or for the general good of the kingdom, and according to the approved laws and usages observed in such cases.

'Item, that perfect concord and peace may be preserved between the two kingdoms of France and England henceforward,—and[Pg 194] that obstacles tending to a breach thereof, which God forbid, may be obviated,—it is agreed, that our said son, king Henry, with the aid of the three estates of each kingdom, shall labour most earnestly to devise the surest means to prevent this treaty from being infringed: that on our said son succeeding to the throne of France, the two crowns shall ever after remain united in the same person,—that is to say in the person of our said son, and at his decease in the persons of those of his heirs who shall successively follow him: that from the time our said son shall become king of France the two kingdoms shall no longer be divided, but the sovereign of the one shall be the sovereign of the other,—and to each kingdom its own separate laws and customs shall be most religiously preserved.

'Item, thenceforward, therefore, all hatreds and rancour that may have existed between the two nations of England and France shall be put an end to, and mutual love and friendship subsist in their stead: they shall enjoy perpetual peace, and assist each other against all who may[Pg 195] any way attempt to injure either of them. They will carry on a friendly intercourse and commerce, paying the accustomed duties that each kingdom has established.

'Item, when the confederates and allies of the kingdoms of France and of England shall have had due notice of this treaty of peace, and within eight months after shall have signified their intentions of adhering to it, they shall be comprehended and accounted as the allies of both kingdoms, saving always the rights of our crown and of that of our said son king Henry, and without any hindrance to our subjects from seeking that redress they may think just from any individuals of these our allies.

'Item, it is agreed, that our said son king Henry with the advice of our well beloved Philip duke of Burgundy, and others of the nobles of our realm, assembled for this purpose, shall provide for the security of our person conformably to our royal estate and dignity, in such wise that it may redound to the glory of God, to our honour, and to that of the kingdom of France and our subjects; and that all persons[Pg 196] employed in our personal service, noble or otherwise, and in any charge concerning the crown, shall be Frenchmen born in France, and in such places where the french language is spoken, and of good and decent character, loyal subjects, and well suited to the offices they shall be appointed to.

'Item, we will that our residence be in some of the principal places within our dominions, and not elsewhere.

'Item, considering the horrible and enormous crimes that have been perpetrated in our kingdom of France, by Charles, calling himself dauphin of Vienne, it is agreed that neither our said son king Henry, nor our well beloved Philip duke of Burgundy, shall enter into any treaty of peace or concord with the said Charles, without the consent of us three and of our council, and the three estates of the realm for that purpose assembled.

'Item, it is agreed, that in addition to the above articles being sealed with our great seal, we shall deliver to our said son, king Henry, confirmatory letters from our said consort the queen, from our[Pg 197] said well beloved Philip duke of Burgundy, and from others of our blood royal, the great lords, barons, and cities and towns under our obedience, and from all from whom our said son king Henry may wish to have them.

'Item, in like manner, our said son king Henry, on his part, shall deliver to us, besides the treaty itself sealed with his great seal, ratifications of the same from his well beloved brothers, the great lords of his realm, and from all the principal cities and towns of his kingdom, and from any others from whom we may choose to demand them.

'In regard to the above articles, we Charles king of France do most solemnly, on the word of a king, promise and engage punctually to observe them; and we swear on the holy evangelists, personally touched by us, to keep every article of this peace inviolate, and to make all our subjects do the same, without any fraud or deceit whatever,—so that none of our heirs may in time to come infringe them, but that they may be for ever stable and firm. In confirmation whereof,[Pg 198] we have affixed our seal to these presents,

'Given at Troyes, 21st day of May, in the year 1420, and of our reign the 40th. Sealed at Paris with our signet, in the absence of the great seal.' Signed by the king in his grand council. Countersigned, 'J. Millet.'

After the conclusion of the treaty of peace, and the feasts and ceremonies of the marriage, the two kings, of France and of England, accompanied by their queens, the duke of Burgundy and the whole army, departed from the city of Troyes and the adjacent parts. They marched toward the town of Sens in Burgundy, which was occupied by a party of[Pg 199] the dauphin's men, and, when near, blockaded it completely; so that at the end of twelve days the garrison seeing no hope of succour, surrendered it to the king of France on having their lives and fortunes spared, and liberty for such as pleased to depart in safety, with the exception of those who had been concerned in the murder of duke John of Burgundy, should any such be found within the town. The inhabitants, and those men at arms who should remain, were to take oaths of obedience to the king of France. The greater part of them, however, made oath to the English, and pretended to wear the red cross, notwithstanding which they again turned to the dauphin.

'When the town of Sens had been regarrisoned, the besiegers departed for Montereau-faut-Yonne. During their stay at Sens, master Eustace de Lactre, chancellor of France, died there: he had been for a long time the principal adviser of the duke of Burgundy. Master John le Clerc, president of the parliament, was appointed chancellor in his stead.

'At the beginning of the month of[Pg 200] June, the king of England and the duke of Burgundy formed the siege of the town and castle of Montereau, and were for some time employed before it with their engines to batter down the walls and gates. The governor of the place for the dauphin was sir Pierre de Guitry, having under his command five hundred combatants who made a gallant defence, killing and wounding many of the assailants: among the first was sir Butor bastard of Croy, a valiant knight, and expert man at arms. This, however did not avail them much, for on St John Baptist's day some English and Burgundians assembled without orders from their prince, and made an attack on the town at several places at once, and continued it so long, that they forced an entrance into it, without meeting with any great resistance from the besieged. They then advanced toward the castle, whither the greater part of the Dauphinois had retreated, and drove the remainder before them, not however without loss, for they had hastened with such impatience that many fell into the ditches and were[Pg 201] drowned, and from sixteen to twenty were made prisoners, the most part gentlemen. By this conquest, the besieged were more alarmed than before.

The king of England quartered a large detachment from his army in the town, fronting the castle; and, when this had been done, some of the duke of Burgundy's people, by the direction of the women of the town, went to the spot where duke John had been buried, and instantly placed over the grave a mourning cloth, and lighted tapers at each end of it. On the morrow, by orders of the duke of Burgundy, several noble knights and esquires of his household were sent thither to raise the corpse and to examine it. On their arrival, they had the body dug up, but in truth it was a melancholy sight, for he had still on his pourpoint and drawers; and there was not a man present that could refrain from weeping. The body was again put into a leaden coffin, filled with salt and spices, and carried to Burgundy, to be interred in the convent of the Carthusians without Dijon, which was founded by his father duke Philip, by[Pg 202] whose side it was placed, according to the orders of the duke his son.

While the siege of Montereau was carrying on, Charles king of France and his ministers sent copies of the treaty of peace to Paris, and to all the bailiwicks, provostships and seneschalships of the realm, that it might be proclaimed in the places where proclamations had been usually made.

After the capture of the town of Montereau, the king of England and the duke of Burgundy decamped with the army, and, crossing the Seine by a newly-erected bridge, encamped between the two rivers Seine and Yonne, and more effectually surrounded the castle with their warlike engines to batter it down. The king of England sent all the prisoners from the town under a good escort, to hold a parley with those in the castle, from the ditches, to prevail on the governor to surrender the place. When within hearing they fell on their knees, and pitifully implored him to surrender, for by so doing he would save their lives, and that he could not much longer hold out, considering[Pg 203] the large force that was before it. The governor replied, that they must do the best they could, for that he would not surrender. The prisoners having no longer hopes of life, asked to speak with their wives, or friends and relatives, that were in the castle; and they took leave of each other with many tears and lamentations. When they were brought back to the army, the king of England ordered a gallows to be erected, and had them all hung in sight of those within the castle. The king likewise hanged a running footman, who always followed him when he rode, holding the bridle of his horse. He was a great favorite of the king's, but, having killed a knight in a quarrel, was thus punished.

The castle did not hold out more than eight days after this, when the governor offered to surrender it on condition that the lives and fortunes of the garrison should be spared, and that they should march freely away, with the exception of any who had been concerned in the murder of duke John of Burgundy, who were to remain until the king's pleasure should be known.

[Pg 204]

The lord de Guitry was much blamed by both parties for having suffered the prisoners to be put to death, and holding out so few days after. He was also accused of being concerned in the murder of the duke of Burgundy, but offered to prove his innocence by combating a gentleman of duke Philip's household called William de Biere. In the end, Guitry exculpated himself, and nothing further was done. He carried away his garrison to the dauphin.

So soon as the king of England had regarrisoned and supplied the town and castle of Montereau with stores and provision, he made preparations to lay siege to the town of Melun, and while these things were passing, the king and queen of France and the queen of England resided at Bray sur Seine, with their households.

In these days, the town of Villeneuve-le-Roi, seated on the river Yonne, was surprised by scalado, by a party of Burgundians; in which place were killed and taken many who supported the dauphin's party.

At this time also, the duke of Bedford joined his brother the king of England with eight hundred men at arms and two thousand archers. They were joyfully received by the king, his brothers, and the duke of Burgundy, whose army was greatly strengthened by this reinforcement.

The dauphin was not idle on his side: he had marched a considerable force into Languedoc, and laid siege to the town of the Pont du St Esprit, on the Rhône, which was garrisoned by the prince of[Pg 206] Orange's men for the duke of Burgundy. He pointed against it many engines that had been sent him from Avignon and Provence, and pressed the place so much that it surrendered.

In like manner, he subdued the greater part of the towns and castles in Languedoc that were attached to the burgundian party through the influence of the prince of Orange; and having placed therein sufficient garrisons and expert commanders, he returned to Bourges in Berry, where he assembled a very large army to enable him to oppose the king of England and the duke of Burgundy, who he knew were preparing to conquer all towns and castles that were attached to him.

At this time also, the holy father the pope ordered a croisade to be undertaken against Bohemia; the leaders of which were the archbishop of Cologne, the bishop of Liege, the archbishop of Treves, the bishop of Mentz, count Louis du Rhin, and many other great lords of upper Germany, and from the adjoining parts. They entered the country near Prague, where they committed great devastations, and[Pg 207] took a strong castle, called Nansonne[6], and the well fortified town of Culhue[6], as well as some others. However, great numbers of this army quitted it and returned home, because it seemed to them that their leaders were too avaricious.

The cardinal duke of Bar, with his nephew Réné d'Anjou, son of his sister and the late king Louis of Sicily, whom he had declared his heir to the duchy of Bar, having already given him the marquisate du Pont, besieged with a powerful force the town and castle of Ligny en Barrois, the principal town of that country, because John of Luxembourg had not performed his duty as guardian to the young count de St Pol, by doing homage, neither had it been done by duke John of Brabant, brother to the count. Those within the town were partisans of the Burgundy faction, while the cardinal and his country were of the opposite party. When the siege had been continued some time, the place submitted to the obedience[Pg 208] of the cardinal, who placed therein his own garrison and officers.

Nevertheless, by some negotiations between the parties, the town, castle and country, were afterward restored to the young count de St Pol, who again garrisoned it with his own people.

We must now return to the kings of France and England, and the duke of Burgundy, who having conquered Montereau advanced to Melun, to lay siege thereto, as it held out for the dauphin. They surrounded it on all sides with their army; and the king of France, accompanied by the two queens, went to fix his residence at Corbeil.

King Henry, with his brothers, the duke of Bavaria, surnamed le Rouge, his[Pg 209] brother in law, and his other princes were encamped toward the Gâtinois: duke Philip of Burgundy, with all his men, the earl of Huntingdon and some other english captains were encamped on the opposite side toward Brie.

The besiegers exerted themselves to the utmost to annoy the enemy, and pointed various engines of war, cannons, bombards and such like, to batter down the walls of the town, which was commanded by the lord de Barbasan, a noble vassal, subtle, expert, and renowned in arms. He had with him sir Pierre de Bourbon, lord de Prèaulx, and another of the name of Bourgeois, with a garrison of from six to seven hundred combatants. They shewed every appearance of making a vigorous defence against all the attacks of the besiegers; but notwithstanding their exertions, the town was approached by the enemy to the very walls, by means of mines and other subtleties of war, so that their fortifications were much damaged.

On the other side of the town, the duke of Burgundy, by an unexpected and well-concerted attack, gained a strong bulwark[Pg 210] which the besieged had erected without the ditches, and which sorely annoyed the Burgundians: the duke, after the capture, fortified it against the town, and posted guards in it night and day. A bridge of boats was also thrown over the Seine, by which a free communication was opened between the two armies; and the king of England had his camp strongly surrounded with pallisades and ditches, that he might not be surprised by the enemy, leaving sufficient openings, fortified with barriers, which he had carefully guarded by day and by night. In like manner did the duke of Burgundy and the English that were encamped with him.

In this state did the siege continue for eighteen weeks, during which some few sallies, but in no very considerable force, were made by the besieged. However, a valiant english captain called sir Philip Lis a notable gentleman from Burgundy, sir Everard de Vienne, and several more, lost their lives. As the besiegers continued their attacks incessantly, great damage was done to the walls, which those in the town repaired as well as they could[Pg 211] with casks filled with earth, and other sufficient materials.

The king of England had a mine carried on with such success that it was very nearly under the walls, when the besieged, having suspicions of what was intended, formed a countermine, so that great part of the enemy's works fell in, and a warm engagement with lances took place. The English erected a strong barrier on their side of the mine, at which the king and the duke of Burgundy engaged two of the Dauphinois with push of pike, which was afterward continued by several knights and esquires of each party. Then the following persons of the duke's household were created knights, Jean de Hornes, the lord de Baussigines, Robert de Mannes, and some others.

While this siege lasted, the king of England paid frequent visits to his queen at Corbeil, with whom was the duchess of Clarence, and other noble ladies from England. When the town had been thus blockaded on all sides, king Charles was brought thither to afford the besieged an opportunity of surrendering it to the king of France their natural lord; but to the summons[Pg 212] made them they replied, that they would cheerfully throw open their gates to him alone, but that they would never pay obedience to the king of England, the ancient deadly enemy of France.

Nevertheless, king Charles remained some time in the camp, under the care and management of his son-in-law the king of England; not indeed with his former state and pomp, for in comparison of past times it was a poor sight now to see him. He was accompanied by the queen of France, grandly attended by ladies and damsels; and they resided about a month in a house which king Henry had erected for them near to his tents, and at a distance from the town, that the cannon might not annoy them. Every day, at sun-rise and night-fall, eight or ten clarions, and divers other instruments, played most melodiously for an hour before the king of France's tent.

In truth, the king of England was more magnificently attended during this siege than at any other during his reign, and was personally very active to accomplish his enterprise. While these things were passing, Pierre de Luxembourg count[Pg 213] de Conversan and de Brienne, returning from this siege to his county of Brienne, and escorted by about sixty men at arms, was met by a party of Dauphinois from Meaux in Brie, namely Pierron de Lupel and others; and they being superior in numbers, carried him and his men prisoners to Meaux, where he remained until the king of England besieged that town, as you shall hear.

At this period, the queen of Sicily, widow to king Louis of happy memory, granted permission, but not without heavy sighs, to her eldest son Louis to go to Rome to be crowned king of Sicily by the hands of the pope. She gave him into the charge of the Florentines and Genoese, who had entered the port of Marseilles with fifteen gallies, trusting not entirely to their loyalty, but demanding as hostages for her son eight of the most noble barons of Naples, who had come to fetch him by orders from the cities, chief towns, and principal noblemen of the realm. This they had done from hatred to their queen, wife to sir James de Bourbon count de la Marche. She had detained her husband in prison in consequence[Pg 214] of her quarrels with him and his ministers.

The young king Louis having embarked at Marseilles, which was a dependance of his mother's, sailed to Rome, and there solemnly received his kingdom from the hands of the pope, although he was not then crowned. He was thenceforward styled king Louis, as his late father had been.

During the siege of Melun, the castles hereafter mentioned, namely, the bastille of St Anthony, the Louvre, the palace of Neele and the castle of Vincennes, were, by orders from the king of France, with the consent of the duke of Burgundy and the Parisians, put into the hands of king[Pg 215] Henry, who sent his brother the duke of Clarence to take the command of them, and constituted him governor of Paris. He dismissed all the French garrisons, who had hitherto guarded them, and placed therein none but English. The government of Paris was taken from the count de St Pol, who was, soon after, sent with master Pierre de Marigny, and others, as commissioners from the king of France to Picardy, to receive the oaths from the three estates and principal towns in that country, in order that the peace lately concluded between the two kings might be strictly observed, and that they might in future faithfully obey the king of France, and the king of England as regent of the realm. These commissioners received the following instructions from the king of France; and they were to bring back the oaths signed by the three estates and magistrates of the chief towns.

'Charles by the grace of God king of France, to our very dear and well-beloved cousins the count de St Pol, the bishop of Terouenne and John de Luxembourg, and to our very dear and well-beloved[Pg 216] the bishop of Arras, the vidame of Amiens, the lord de la Viefville, the governors of Arras and of Lille, master Pierre de Marigny our advocate in parliament, and master George d'Ostende, our secretary, health and greeting.

'We having lately, after due deliberation, and by the advice of our consort the queen, and of our very dear and well-beloved son Philip duke of Burgundy, the prelates, the nobles and commonalties of our said kingdom, concluded a peace, to the great advantage of ourself and of our realm, with our very dear son Henry king of England, heir and regent of France for ourself and for the kingdoms of France and of England; which peace has been solemnly sworn to by us, our consort the queen, our son of Burgundy, and by the nobles, barons, prelates, churchmen and commonalties of the realm.

'We therefore order that all persons within our kingdom who have not as yet taken the oaths for the due observance of this peace do swear to the same without delay; and, confiding in your great loyalty, prudence and diligence, we command,[Pg 217] by these presents, that you, and each of you, do instantly visit all the cities, large towns, castles and other notable places within the bailiwicks of Amiens, Tournay, Lille, Douay, Arras, and in the county of Ponthieu, and within their different dependances and jurisdictions; and that you do summon before you all whom you shall think proper, of prelates and other dignitaries of the church, nobles and common people, and that you do publicly cause to be read to them the whole of the articles of the said peace; which done, you will strictly enjoin them in our name to swear, in your presence, on the holy evangelists, to the due observance of the peace, the following oaths, under pain of being reputed rebels, and disobedient to us.

'First, you shall swear obedience and loyalty to the high and mighty prince Henry, king of England, as governor and regent of France,—and that you will faithfully obey all his orders in whatever shall tend to the preservation of the public welfare and of the realm, subject at the present to the very high and potent prince, Charles king of France, our sovereign lord.

[Pg 218]

'Secondly, that after the decease of our said sovereign lord king Charles, you will, conformably to the articles of the peace, become liege men and loyal subjects to the very high and mighty prince Henry king of England, and to his heirs; that you will honour and acknowledge him as king of France, without opposition, as your true king, and obey him as such,—promising henceforward to obey none other as king of France, excepting king Charles, at present on the throne.

'Thirdly, you will not afford assistance or advice to any conspiracies that may tend to the death of the said king Henry, to the loss of his limbs, or to the diminution of his estate or dignity; but should you know of any such conspiracies, you will prevent them from taking effect as much as shall in you lie, and you shall inform the said king of England thereof by messages or letters. And you will swear generally to observe punctually all the different articles of this treaty of peace between our said lord king Charles and Henry king of England, without any fraud, deception, or mental reservation whatever, and that you will[Pg 219] resist and oppose any one who may any way attempt to infringe them.

'These oaths we will and command all our vassals of every rank and condition to take, and swear to the maintaining the peace without infringing it in the smallest degree. You and your clerks will punctually transmit to us certificates of the above oaths having been solemnly taken in your presence. And we ordain, that any number of you, from nine to three persons, be a sufficient court to receive such oaths, for which these presents shall be your authority.

'We order and command all our bailiffs, and others our officers of justice, to obey your directions, and to afford you every aid and advice that you may require. And because it may be necessary to make public these our commands in different parts, we will that as much faith be placed in the copies under our royal seal as in the original.

'Given at our siege of Melun the 23d day of July, in the year of Grace 1420, and of our reign the 40th.' Countersigned, 'Marc. Marc.'

[Pg 220]

The count de St Pol and the other commissioners, in consequence of these orders left Paris, and were some days in journeying to Amiens, that they might avoid the ambushes of the Dauphinois. They were kindly received in Amiens, and having shown their powers the inhabitants took the oaths. They thence went to Abbeville, St Ricquier, Montrieul, Bologne, St Omer, and other places, where they duly obeyed, and punctually executed the orders they had received.

The count de St Pol, soon after his return from Picardy, was sent for in haste by the greater part of the nobility and principal towns in Brabant, and also by the countess of Hainault, wife to the duke of Brabant. Laying aside all other matters, he instantly[Pg 221] complied; and on his arrival in that country, he was immediately declared governor of the whole duchy by those who had sent for him, instead of his brother, whose conduct had been so disagreeable that they would not longer obey him as their duke.

The count kept his state in Brussels, and began to make many new regulations to the great displeasure of those who governed the duke of Brabant, who was at that time absent from Brussels. His ministers, however, brought him back with a large force of men at arms; but the inhabitants would not open their gates to him until he had promised his brother the count de St Pol, that he would maintain peace with them. He was scarcely entered when those who managed him would not permit his brother, or the principal nobles, to approach him but with difficulty and with suspicion. This conduct irritated them so much that they, in conjunction with the count de St Pol, resolved to provide a remedy; and, assembling in numbers, they arrested all the duke's ministers, the principal of whom was the damoiseau de Hainsbercq.

[Pg 222]

The most part of these prisoners were beheaded, namely, sir John de Condemberch, John Scoccard, Everard le Duc, Henry le Duc, sir Henry Hutun, master William Hutun, sir John Hutun, sir William Pipepoye, sir William Moieux, the youth William Asche, John du Vert, sir Everard Sherchos, John Clautin Grolier, and some others. The duke was put under the government of the nobles of Brabant, with the approbation of his brother the count de St Pol, and the three estates of the country; and ever after unanimity and peace reigned among them.

In these days the Dauphinois, quartered at Guise in Tierrache, and the adjoining parts, assembled a body of about five hundred combatants, and suddenly marched to the town of Beaurevoir, belonging to sir John de Luxembourg, wherein he resided, and to the villages near, whence they carried off many of the peasants, and some booty, with which they speedily returned to their own quarters.

Sir John was very indignant at this conduct, and having collected a large body of men at arms and archers from various[Pg 223] parts, he conducted them to the county of Guise, and overran the whole of it, seizing or destroying all they found in the open country, in revenge for the insult of the Dauphinois. They made a rich plunder of peasants, cattle, sheep, pigs, horses, and of all that had not been secured in castles, which they brought off, and then separated to their different homes.

During these tribulations, Philip count de Vertus, brother to the duke of Orleans, a prisoner in England, and also to the count d'Angoulême, died at Blois: he had the government of all the estates of his brother in France: and the dauphin was much weakened in aid and advice by his death. His two brothers bitterly lamented his loss, as well from fraternal affection as because he faithfully managed their concerns in France during their imprisonment.

We will now return to the siege of Melun, at which were present, as you have heard, the kings of France and of England, and the duke of Burgundy. The lord de l'Isle-Adam, though marshal of France, was sent by king Charles with a large force to garrison Joigny, and make head against the Dauphinois, who were committing great depredations in those parts.

When he had remained there some time, and had properly posted his men, he returned to the siege of Melun. He had caused to be made a surcoat of light grey, in which he waited on the king of England relative to some affairs touching his office. When he had made the proper salutations, and had said a few words respecting his business, king Henry, by way of joke, said, 'What, l'Isle-Adam, is this a dress for a[Pg 225] marshal of France?' to which he replied, looking the king in the face, 'Sire, I have had it thus made to cross the Seine in the boats.' The king added, 'How dare you thus look a prince full in the face, when you are speaking to him?' 'Sire,' answered l'Isle-Adam, 'such is the custom of us Frenchmen; and if any one addresses another, whatever may be his rank, and looks on the ground, he is thought to have evil designs, and cannot be an honest man, since he dare not look in the face of him to whom he is speaking.' The king replied, 'Such is not our custom.'

After these, and some few more words, the lord de l'Isle-Adam took leave of the king, and departed from his presence,—but he plainly perceived that he was not in his good graces. He was, shortly after, deprived of his office of marshal of France, and another worse event befel him, for he was also detained prisoner by king Henry, as you will see hereafter.

During this siege of Melun, a severe epidemical distemper afflicted the english army, and caused a very great mortality. On the other hand, the prince of Orange,[Pg 226] and many others, quitted the army of the duke of Burgundy, which weakened him so much, that he sent in haste orders to sir John de Luxembourg, who commanded for the king in Picardy, to assemble as many men at arms, and archers, as he could, and bring them to the siege of Melun.

Sir John instantly obeyed this order, and, marching his men through Peronne, and over the bridge of St Maixence, advanced toward Melun. The besieged, seeing this body marching in battle array, concluded it was succour coming to their aid, and began to ring all the bells in the town, and to cry from their walls to the besiegers, that they must now hasten to saddle their horses, for they would speedily be forced to decamp. They were soon undeceived, and, with grief, descended from the ramparts, having no longer hopes of assistance from the dauphin, or from any other quarter. Sir John de Luxembourg and his men were quartered at the town of Brie Comte Robert, where they remained until after the surrender of Melun.

In the mean time, the king of France[Pg 227] dispatched letters to many of the principal towns of the kingdom, commanding them to send commissioners to meet him at Paris on the fourth of January, to confer with the nobility and clergy on the state of affairs.

The garrison in Melun were aware how dangerously they were now situated, without hope of succour; for they had frequently made the dauphin acquainted with their situation, and how they had for a long time, from famine, been forced to live on dogs, cats, horses, and other food unbecoming Christians, requiring him, at the same time, to perform his promises of sending them assistance, and to relieve them from the danger they had incurred in his support. At length, the ministers of the dauphin sent them word, that they had not sufficient forces to oppose the king of England and the duke of Burgundy, and advised them to conclude the best treaty they could with them.

On receiving this answer, they opened a parley with the king of England, who sent as his commissioners the earl of Warwick and sir John Cornwall; and, after[Pg 228] eighteen weeks siege, they concluded a treaty on these terms:

First, the besieged were faithfully to surrender to the kings of France and of England the town and castle of Melun; and all the men at arms and inhabitants within the said town were to submit themselves to the will of the two kings.

Secondly, the two kings accepted the terms, on condition that should there be any persons who had committed or been accomplices in the murder of the late duke of Burgundy, they should be given up to the punishment due to their crimes. All others, of whatever rank they may be, not implicated in the aforesaid murder, shall have their lives spared, but remain prisoners until they shall have given sufficient securities never to join in arms with the enemies of the said kings.

Thirdly, should those accused of having been concerned in the murder of the late duke John of Burgundy be found guiltless, they shall remain in the same state as those not implicated therein. Such as are native subjects of France shall be restored to their possessions on giving the security as before mentioned.

[Pg 229]

All the burghers and inhabitants shall remain at the disposal of the two kings.

The aforesaid burghers, and also the men at arms shall place, or cause to be placed within the castle of Melun, their armour and warlike habiliments in such wise that they may be seen, without damaging or destroying any parts of them. In like manner, they will carry thither all their moveables.

Item, the garrison shall surrender all prisoners they may have taken in war, and acquit them of their engagements, and also such prisoners as they may have made before the commencement of the siege.

Item, for the due performance of these articles, twelve of the most noble men in the place after the governor, and six of the principal inhabitants, shall be given up as hostages.

Item, the lord Fordun, an english or scots knight, and all the English and Scots shall be at the disposal of the king of England.

When this treaty was concluded, the gates of the town and castle were thrown open, and put under the command of the[Pg 230] two kings; and the government of it was given by them to one called Pierre de Verrault, the ministers of the king of England having the administration of affairs.

The men at arms of the dauphin's party, of whom the principal were, sir Pierre de Bourbon, lord of Prèaulx, Barbasan, and from five to six hundred noblemen and gentle dames, with the most notable inhabitants, were by command of the king of England, regent of France, carried to Paris under a considerable escort, and there imprisoned in the Châtelet, Bastille, the Temple, and other places.

It was strictly commanded by the two kings, that no persons should enter the town or castle of Melun, excepting those who had been ordered so to do, under pain of being beheaded. Among others who suffered this punishment were two monks of Jouy in Brie, namely the cellar-keeper of that convent and Dom Symon, formerly monks of Gart.

While this treaty of peace was carrying on, a gentleman of the household of the king of England, named Bertrand de Chaumont, (who at the battle of Azincourt,[Pg 231] had turned from the French to the English because he held his lands in Guyenne under the king of England, and was much beloved by him for his valour,) in an evil hour, and from being badly advised through avarice, aided the escape of Amerian du Lau from the town of Melun, who, as it was said, had been concerned in the murder of the duke of Burgundy. This came to the knowledge of the king of England, who was troubled thereat, and notwithstanding the entreaties of his brother the duke of Clarence, and even of the duke of Burgundy, had him beheaded for this act, telling them not to speak to him on the subject, for that he would have no traitors in his army, and that this punishment was for an example to all others,—although he would willingly have rather given five hundred thousand nobles than Bertrand should have committed so disloyal an act.

When the treaty for the surrender of Melun had been concluded, the king of England and the duke of Burgundy disbanded the greater part of their men, and marched the remainder of their armies to Corbeil, where the king of France and the two queens of France and of England resided. Thence the kings went to Paris, attended by the dukes of Clarence, Burgundy, Bedford and Exeter, the earls of Warwick, Salisbury, and other great lords.

A numerous band of the citizens of Paris came out to meet them in handsome array, and the streets were covered and ornamented with many rich cloths. On their entrance, carols were sung in all the squares through which they passed; and the two kings rode together side by side, the king[Pg 233] of England on the right hand. After them came the dukes of Clarence and Bedford, brothers to king Henry; and on the opposite side of the street, on the left hand, rode the duke of Burgundy, dressed in deep mourning, followed by the knights and esquires of his household.

The other princes and knights rode after the kings in due order, and they met different processions of the clergy on foot, who halted in the squares, and then presented the holy relics borne by them to be kissed by the two kings. On their being first offered to the king of France, he turned toward the king of England, and made him a sign to kiss them first; but king Henry, putting his hand to his hood, bowed to king Charles, and said he would kiss them after him, which was done, and thus practised all the way to the church of Nôtre Dame, where the kings and princes dismounted, and entered the church.

When they had finished their prayers and thanksgivings before the grand altar, they remounted their horses and went to their lodgings,—the king of France to his hôtel of St Pol, attended by the duke of[Pg 234] Burgundy, who having escorted the king thither, returned to his hôtel of Artois. The king of England and his two brothers were lodged in the Louvre, their attendants in different parts of the town, and the men at arms in the adjacent villages.

The two queens made their entry into Paris on the ensuing day, when the duke of Burgundy, with many english lords, and the citizens in the same array as on the day before, went out to meet them. Great joy was again displayed on the arrival of the queens; but it would take up too much time were I to relate all the grand presents that were offered by the city of Paris to the two kings, especially to the king and queen of England. The whole of that day and night wine was constantly running through brass cocks in conduits in all the squares, and conducted with great ingenuity, so that all persons might have wine in abundance; and more rejoicings were made throughout Paris than tongue can tell, for the peace that had been made between the two kings.

When their majesties had been a few days in Paris, great complaints and clamours[Pg 235] were made to them by duke Philip of Burgundy, and by the procurator of the duchess his mother, for the cruel murder that had been committed on the late duke John of Burgundy. To hear these complaints, the king of France sat in judgment in the lower hall of the hôtel of St Pol, and on the same bench with him was the king of England: near the king of France sat master John le Clerc, chancellor of France, and further on master Philip de Morvillers, first president of the parliament, and some other nobles of the king's council.

On the opposite side, and about the middle of the hall, was seated the duke of Burgundy, supported by the dukes of Clarence and Bedford, the bishops of Terouenne, of Beauvais, and of Amiens, sir John de Luxembourg, and many knights and esquires of his council.

When the assembly had been seated, master Nicolas Rolin, on the part of the duke of Burgundy and the lady-duchess his mother, demanded, in the usual manner, permission to address the two kings in their behalf. This having been obtained[Pg 236] he charged as guilty of murdering the late duke John of Burgundy, Charles, calling himself dauphin of Vienne, the viscount de Narbonne, the lord de Barbasan, Tanneguy du Châtel, Guillaume Boutiller, Jean Louvet, president of Provence, sir Robert de Loire, Olivier Layet, and all those who had been concerned therein. Against each and all of them the advocate prayed judgment, and that they might be sentenced to be placed in tumbrils, and carried through all the squares of Paris for three Saturdays, or on festivals, bare-headed, and holding lighted wax tapers in their hands; and that in every square they should publicly confess, with a loud voice, that they had cruelly, wickedly and damnably put the duke of Burgundy to death through hatred and jealousy, without any other cause whatever. They were then to be carried to Montereau, where they had perpetrated this murder, to undergo the same ceremonies, and to repeat the same words.

They were, besides, to cause a church to be erected, and endowed on the spot where the murder had been committed, for[Pg 237] twelve canons, six chaplains and six clerks, to perform for ever divine service therein.

This church was to be completely furnished with chalices, tables, ornaments, books, napkins, and every other necessary; and the canons were to have each a yearly salary of two hundred livres parisis, the chaplain's salaries of one hundred, and the clerks of fifty, of the same coin, at the expense of the said dauphin and his accomplices. The cause of this church being erected was to be inscribed in large letters, cut in stone, over the principal entrance; and the same inscription was to be placed in the towns of Rome, Paris, Ghent, Dijon, St Jago de Compostella and at Jerusalem, where our Saviour suffered death.

When this sentence had been required, it was again demanded by master Pierre de Marigny, the king's advocate in parliament, confirming the accusations of murder against the persons aforesaid. Afterward, master John l'Archer, doctor of divinity, in the name of the university for whom he spoke, addressed the two kings with great eloquence, urging the extreme guilt of the criminals, and exhorting them to do strict[Pg 238] justice on them, and to pay attention to the prayers of the duke and duchess of Burgundy that the judgment required might be carried into effect without delay.

The king of France, through his chancellor, replied to what had been said, 'that in regard to the death of the duke of Burgundy, and those who had so cruelly murdered him, he would by the grace of God, and with the assistance of his son and heir, Henry king of England, and regent of France, do speedy and effectual justice on all who had been concerned therein.' On this, the assembly broke up, and the two kings returned to their hôtels.

While these things were passing, the English quartered at Gournay in Normandy,[Pg 239] at Neuf-Chatel, Anicourt, and other places on the borders, with sir Mauroy de St Leger, who was posted at Creil, assembled in a body of about five hundred, and made an incursion into Brie and the Valois, where they gained great plunder, and made many prisoners. But on their return, they were met by the lord de Gamaches, who was quartered in Compiégne, and the garrisons from other parts, who rescued the prisoners, and recovered their plunder near to Mont-Epiloy, killing full sixty, besides making many prisoners. The rest saved themselves by flight,—and in this affair the lord de Gamaches acted with great valour.

At this period, the marriage of René d'Anjou, brother to the king of Sicily, and marquis du Pont (by the gift of his uncle the cardinal of Bar), with the daughter and heiress of the duke of Lorraine, was celebrated in the castle of Nancy. By this alliance, an end was put to the discords that subsisted between the two duchies of Lorraine and Bar; for the cardinal had long before declared this nephew his heir to the duchy of Bar, to the great displeasure[Pg 240] of the duke of Mons, who was likewise his nephew, being son to his sister; but his displeasure availed him nothing.

On the other hand, sir James de Harcourt, who still pretended attachment to the duke of Burgundy, maintained a strong garrison in Crotoy, and thence made grievous war by sea and land, which coming to the knowledge of the king of England, he was very greatly angered. The companions of sir James in this warfare were the lord de Rambures, sir Louis de Thiembronne, and his brother Guichard, sir Coquard de Combronne, the two brothers of Herselaines, the youths of Chaumont, and other gentlemen and men at arms of that country.

At this time, deputies arrived at Paris from the three estates of the principal towns within the realm, according to the orders before given. Many councils were held in their presence and absence, concerning the public welfare, at which the gabelles, and other taxes, were renewed, with the exception of those on grain.

At the feast of the Nativity, the two kings, with their queens and households, kept open court in Paris,—the king of France, at the hôtel de St Pol, and the king of England at the Louvre; but their state was very different, for the king of France was poorly and meanly served, compared with the pomp with which he used to keep open court in former times, and attended only on that day by some old servants[Pg 242] and persons of low degree, which must have been very disgusting to all true and loyal Frenchmen, thus to see by the chance of war this noble kingdom in the possession and under the government of its ancient enemies, to whose dominion they were forced to bend themselves.

With regard to the state of the king and queen of England on that day, it is impossible to detail its magnificence, or that of the princes who attended them. The french nobility came from all parts to do them honour, with the utmost humility; and from that day king Henry took on himself the whole government of the kingdom, appointing officers at his pleasure, and dismissing those whom the king and the late duke of Burgundy had given appointments.

He nominated the earl of Kyme, of the name of Umphraville, to the government of Melun, with a sufficient garrison of men at arms and archers. The earl of Huntingdon, his cousin-german, was made captain of Vincennes; and the duke of Exeter was ordered to remain with king Charles in Paris, with five hundred combatants.

[Pg 243]

After these appointments had been made, and the feasts concluded, king Henry set out from Paris with his queen, the dukes of Clarence, of Bedford, and others of his great barons, for the town of Rouen, where he remained a considerable time before he returned to England, and held many councils respecting the future government of the kingdom of France.

Duke Philip of Burgundy departed also from Paris, and went to attend at Beauvais the feast of enthroning master Pierre Cauchon, doctor of divinity, the new bishop of that place, who was strongly attached to the burgundian party.

When the feasts were over, the duke set out for Lille, passing through Amiens and Dourlens, and from Lille to Ghent, where his duchess resided, with whom he staid about three weeks.

The red duke of Bavaria, who, as you have heard, had come to serve his brother-in-law, king Henry, with five hundred combatants, returned in haste through Cambray to his own country; for he had received intelligence that the Bohemians, led on and encouraged by an heretical priest of that[Pg 244] country, were risen in rebellion, not only against the catholic faith, but against the emperor of Germany, and the monarchs of Hungary and Bohemia, and were waging a murderous war on all their subjects.

When king Henry had satisfactorily arranged his affairs at Rouen, and appointed his brother the duke of Clarence, who was very prudent and renowned in arms, governor-general of all Normandy, he departed thence, accompanied by his queen, his brother the duke of Bedford, and six thousand men at arms. Having passed through Poix, he arrived at Amiens on the vigil of St Vincent's day, and was lodged in the hôtel of master Robert le Jeune, who had lately been nominated bailiff of Amiens in the room of the lord de Humbercourt.

[Pg 245]

He was very honourably received there, and many presents were made by the municipality to him and to his queen. He continued his journey through Dourlens, St Pol and Terouenne, to Calais, where he staid some days; and then crossed the channel to England, where he was received as if he had been an angel from God. He lost no time after his arrival in having his consort crowned queen of England in the city of London, the metropolis of that kingdom.

The coronation was performed with such splendid magnificence that the like had never been seen at any coronation since the time of that noble knight, Arthur, king of the English and Bretons. After this ceremony, king Henry made a progress to the principal towns of his realm, and explained to them with much eloquence what grand deeds he had performed through his prowess in France, and what yet remained to be done for the complete conquest of that kingdom,—namely, the subjugation of his adversary the dauphin of Vienne, only son to king Charles, and brother to his queen, who styled himself[Pg 246] heir to the crown and regent of France, and who kept possession of the greater part of the country.

To complete this conquest, he said, two things were necessary, money and men; and these requests were so liberally granted that of the first he very soon collected larger sums than had ever before been seen, and they could scarcely be counted. Of the second, he enrolled all the most able youths in the country and the most expert in drawing the bow, and placing them under the command of his princes, knights and esquires, composed an army of full thirty thousand combatants, to enable him to prosecute a vigorous war against his enemy the dauphin.

Before he quitted England, that he might make all things secure, he renewed the truces with the Scots and Welsh, and consented to the deliverance of the king of Scotland, who had been long prisoner in England, on condition that he would marry his cousin-german, sister to the earl of Somerset, and niece to the cardinal of Winchester, who had been the principal negotiator in these treaties.

In these days, a great quarrel took place between duke John of Brabant and Jacquilina of Bavaria his duchess, insomuch that she left the palace of the duke. The principal reasons for her so doing were commonly reported to be, that she found him of poor understanding, and that he suffered himself to be governed by persons of low degree. The duke of Burgundy, who was equally related to both, and the countess of Hainault, her mother, vainly attempted to reconcile them; but they could never prevail on her to return to the duke. She declared, she would find means to effect a divorce, so that she might marry again to some other person who would pay attentions to her becoming her rank.

The duchess was at this time in the[Pg 248] flower of her youth, beautiful, well made, and as fully accomplished as any lady of her age. She was much hurt at seeing her days pass in the melancholy way they had done, and for this cause returned to her hôtel with the countess her mother, who, in fact, had married her to the duke of Brabant against her inclinations.

Having remained with her mother a short time, they came together to Valenciennes, where the duchess took leave of her, and went, as she said, to amuse herself in her town of Bouchain; but on the morrow she departed thence very early in the morning, and was met on the plain by the lord d'Escaillon, a native of Hainault, but who had long been an Englishman in his heart, and with whom she had held many conferences while at Valenciennes, and had promised to accompany him to England, to seek redress from king Henry, and on the means of being finally separated from her husband.

On meeting the lord d'Escaillon, who had about sixty horsemen with him, she took the road to Calais, and rode this first day as far as Hêdin, near to St. Pol, and[Pg 249] thence strait to Calais, whence, after some stay, she crossed over to England, where she was most honourably received by the king, who made her general promises of aid in all her concerns.

We must now speak of a wonderful event that happened this year in Brittany. It has been told by some historians, especially by master John Froissart, how the ancestors of John de Montfort, the present duke of Brittany, and those of Olivier de Bretagne, count de Penthievre, had in former times great quarrels and wars respecting the succession to the dukedom of Brittany, each of them claiming it as his right.

At length, the duchy was given up to the Montforts, by means of certain compensations[Pg 250] that were made to the family of Penthievre, the mention of which I shall pass over, as these events are anterior to my history, and they had possessed the duchy peaceably ever since.

The present count de Penthievre, however, notwithstanding he showed great outward marks of affection to the duke of Brittany, had not forgotten these ancient quarrels, as you will soon perceive. In truth, what with the hope of regaining the duchy, and with the exhortations of his mother, who was daughter to the late sir Olivier de Clisson, constable of France, the count de Penthievre obtained a sealed order from the dauphin to arrest and imprison the duke of Brittany; although he was married to his sister; but he was ill pleased with the duke, because he and the estates of the duchy had refused to assist him in his war against the English and Burgundians.

When the count had obtained this order, he considered how he could the most easily carry it into effect, and thought his best way would be to invite the duke to dinner at Chantoceau. He went, therefore, to pay a visit to the duke at Nantes; and[Pg 251] after some conversation, he earnestly pressed him to come and amuse himself at Chantoceau, and dine there, adding, that his mother would be delighted to see him, and would entertain him to the best of her power. The duke consented to both proposals, not imagining that any evil designs could have been devised against him, and the day fixed on was the 4th of February.

When that day was come, the duke set out from le Lorrons Bocqteriaux, where he had slept, and took the road to Chantoceau. His maitres d'hôtel and harbingers preceded him, as is customary, to have all things in readiness for him on his arrival. When they appeared before the castle, the count and all his household mounted their horses, and advanced to meet the duke so far as a bridge called the Bridge à la Tuberbe, which is thrown over a small river.

The duke crossed this bridge, accompanied by his brother Richard, and some knights and esquires of his household, followed at a distance by the rest of his attendants, for he never suspected the mischief that was intended him. When he had passed the bridge, one of the count's attendants[Pg 252] who counterfeited being a fool, dismounted and threw the planks of the bridge into the water by way of amusement, which prevented the retinue of the duke that had remained behind from crossing it.

The duke, still unsuspecting, laughed heartily at this trick of the fool; but in the mean time, Charles lord of Avaugour, brother to the count, who had lain in ambush with about forty men at arms, sallied out against the duke, who, seeing this, said to the count, 'Fair cousin, what means this? and who are these people?' 'My lord, they are my people, and I arrest you in the name of the dauphin,' at the same time laying hands on him. The duke, greatly surprised, said, 'Ah! fair cousin, you act wickedly; for I came hither at your request, not suspecting you had any evil designs.'

Some of his people, however, drew their swords in his defence; but they soon perceived they were too inferior in numbers to do any good. At the same time, those who had been placed in ambuscade advanced on the duke with drawn swords,[Pg 253] when one of the duke's gentlemen, called John de Beaumanoir, had his wrist cut through, and another, named Thibault Buisson was wounded in the hand. One of the count's household, called Henry l'Alemand, wanted to strike the duke with his sword; but the count defended him, and ordered his men to cease fighting, for that he should carry the duke prisoner to the dauphin.

The duke's attendants on the other side of the bridge, seeing the situation of their lord, were much distressed that they could not come to his aid, and knew not how to act. Shortly after, the count de Penthievre, his brother, and his men at arms hastily carried off the duke and his brother Richard toward Poitou, to Bressaire, and thence to Lusignan, to Bournouiau, to Châteaumur, and other places. He was thus a prisoner for six or seven months, without being confined in any prison or treated personally ill; but he was closely watched, and had only one of his domestics to wait on him. His brother Richard was detained a prisoner with him.

You may suppose, that when the knowledge[Pg 254] of this arrest of the duke was made known to the duchess and lords of Brittany, they were highly incensed: in particular, the duchess was so grieved that it was with difficulty she could be appeased. The whole of the nobility were speedily assembled, with the duchess, in the town of Nantes, when they solemnly resolved, on oath, to proceed to the deliverance of the duke, and to make war on the count de Penthievre, and on all his friends, allies, and wellwishers. They unanimously chose the lords de Châteaubriant and de Rieux as their commanders, who instantly marched a powerful force against Lamballe, which belonged to the count. It held out for fifteen days, and then surrendered; and the castle and town, which were strongly fortified, were destroyed, and the walls razed. They thence marched to castle Andren, and to la Motte d'Ebron, which were treated in the same manner.

They proceeded to lay siege to Chantoceau, in which was the old countess de Penthievre. The governor was the lord de Bressieres, who defended it well. This siege lasted three months, without much[Pg 255] being gained by the besiegers; for it was amply supplied with provision and stores, and well garrisoned by good men at arms.

During this siege, a treaty was made, between the count and the duke, who promised to restore all his places, as well those that had been taken as those that had been demolished, and that he would not, by himself or his friends, any way molest him for what he had done. When this treaty had been concluded, and hostages given for its performance, the count sent back the duke, escorted by the lord de l'Esgle his brother.

The first act of the duke was to raise the siege of Chantoceau; but when the barons of Brittany had again possession of their duke, they refused to comply with the treaty he had made, and insisted that the countess of Penthievre should depart from Chantoceau, and that the place should be put into the hands of the duke.

A day of conference was appointed between the two parties, to see if any terms could be thought of to put an end to these differences; and the count promised to attend in person, giving his brother William as an hostage for his keeping his promise:[Pg 256] but he did not appear, having had sure information, that if he did come, he would never return. In truth, had he appeared, he would have been executed judicially, for it had been so determined on by the three estates of the duchy; and they told the duke, that if he meant to keep the treaty made with the count de Penthievre, they would deprive him of the dukedom, and elect his eldest son duke in his stead, so that he was obliged to comply with their wills.

The count de Penthievre, on hearing these things, was much troubled, and not without cause; for he knew that all his landed property and lordships in Brittany were confiscated and in possession of the duke, and that his brother remained as hostage in the hands of the duke, without a possibility of his deliverance.

On the other hand, he was on bad terms with the dauphin, because he would not give up to him the person of the duke of Brittany,—and was not very safe as to himself; for he found few willing to support him. To avoid greater inconveniences, he withdrew into the viscounty of Limoges,[Pg 257] and after some consultations with his brothers, departed thence through the country of Auvergne to Lyon, and thence to Geneva and Basil, on his way to his possessions at Avesnes in Hainault. As he was travelling down the Rhine, he was arrested by the marquis of Baden, by way of reprisal for the pillaging of some of his people in Hainault, and was detained a long time prisoner. To obtain his liberty, it cost him full thirty thousand crowns; after which, he went to Avesnes in Hainault.

While he resided at Avesnes, the duke of Brittany sent some of his people thither to arrest him, and put an iron chain round his neck. They were under the conduct of the following breton gentlemen: sir Roland de Saint Pol, sir John de Lumon, Jacquet de Faulermine, and others; but they managed the matter with so little secresy that their enterprise was known, and some were imprisoned. The rest saved themselves by flight. The count was forced to surrender the prisoners to the judicial court of Mons, and none were executed.

The count de Penthievre never returned to Brittany, but remained all his days in[Pg 258] Hainault, and married the daughter and heiress of the lord de Quievrain, by whom, at his decease, he left several children, who did not, however, live until of competent age, so that his estates descended to his brother, the lord de l'Esgle.

In the month of February, the Dauphinois regained the town of Villeneuve-le-Roi; but shortly after, the lord de l'Isle-Adam, with others of the burgundian captains, quartered themselves in all the adjoining villages, by way of blockading it. They, however, only remained a certain time, and then decamped without subjecting the town to their obedience, which caused the country around to suffer much. A treaty was, however, made with the governor to allow provision to be brought unmolested to Paris,[Pg 259] on paying certain taxes, of which he was to have his share.

At this same time, Château-Thierry, with its castle, was delivered into the hands of the lord de Châtillon, though garrisoned by the Dauphinois, by means of some of the inhabitants, in which La Hire and many of his men were made prisoners, but were set at liberty afterward on ransom.

During this period, the Dauphinois-garrisons at Meaux in Brie, at Compiègne, Pierrefons, and on the borders of the Valois, destroyed all the country round by their inroads, more especially the Beauvoisis, the Vermandois, and Santerre. In like manner did those quartered in the country of Guise to the inhabitants of Hainault, the Cambresis, and the adjacent parts.

While these troubles lasted, from the year 1415 to 1420, the money in France was greatly lowered in value, insomuch that a gold crown from the king's mint was worth twenty-nine sols in the money of the day, although it had been coined for eighteen sols parisis, which very much affected those lords whose rents were payable in money, and caused several law-suits between the[Pg 260] parties, on account of the said diminution of the coin, when a horse-load of wheat was worth from seven to eight francs.

In this year, before king Henry left Paris to re-cross the sea, he caused Charles duke of Touraine and dauphin to be summoned to appear before the parliament at the table of marble, with all the usual ceremonies and solemnities to answer for himself and his accomplices to the charges made against him and them, respecting the murder of the late John duke of Burgundy. And because he neither appeared himself, nor sent any one, he was by the council and parliament publicly banished the realm, and declared incapable of succeeding to any lands or lordships, at present or in times to come,—and even to the succession of the[Pg 261] crown of France, notwithstanding he was the true and lawful heir after the decease of his father king Charles, according to the laws and usages of the realm.

From this sentence, he made an appeal to his sword. Numbers of the Parisians were greatly pleased at his banishment, for they much feared him.

The duke of Exeter, governor of Paris, for certain reasons best known to himself, ordered the lord de l'Isle-Adam to be arrested by some of his English, which caused a thousand or more of the commonalty of Paris to rise in order to rescue him from those who were carrying him to the Bastille. But the duke of Exeter sent six score combatants, the greater part of whom were archers, to support them; and they by their arrows, and by proclaiming that what they were about was by the king's order, created so great an alarm, that the people retired to their houses, and the lord de l'Isle-Adam remained prisoner to the king of England so long as he lived. He would indeed have had him put to death, if the duke of Burgundy had not greatly interested himself in his behalf.

The duke of Clarence, who had been appointed governor-general of all Normandy on the departure of his brother king Henry for England, marched his army, on Easter-eve, toward the country of Anjou, to combat a large body of the Dauphinois under the command of the earl of Buchan, constable to the dauphin, the lord de la Fayette and several others. It happened, that on this day, the duke heard that his enemies were near him at a town called Baugey in Anjou; on which, being very renowned in arms, he instantly advanced thither a part of his force, particularly almost all his captains, when a very severe and bloody conflict ensued. The body of his army followed with much difficulty at a distance on account of a dangerous river they had to ford.

[Pg 263]

On the other hand, the Dauphinois, who had been advertised of their approach, fought so manfully that in the end they obtained the victory over the English. The duke of Clarence, the earl of Kyme, the lord Roos, marshal of England, and in general the flower of his chivalry and esquiredom were left dead on the field, with two or three thousand common men. The earls of Somerset and of Huntingdon, the count du Perche, with two hundred others, were made prisoners.

The Dauphinois lost from a thousand to eleven hundred men: in the number were a gallant knight called Charles le Bouteiller, sir John Yvorin, Garin des Fontaines, sir John de Passavant, sir John de Bulle, sir John Totavant, with other persons of note, amounting in the whole to the number before specified. From that time forward, the affair of this day was called the battle of Baugey.

The English were much cast down at this defeat, and particularly lamented the death of the duke of Clarence, who was much beloved by them for his valour and prudence. They, however, under the command[Pg 264] of the earl of Salisbury, recovered the body of the duke, which was carried to Rouen, and thence transported to England, where it was buried with great solemnity.[7]

At the beginning of this year, after the death of the duke of Clarence, the Dauphinois, elated with their victory at Baugey, assembled a large force to besiege Alençon, and in fact lodged themselves very near to the walls, combating the garrison with all their might.

The English, notwithstanding their grief at their late loss, detached parties from their different garrisons in Normandy, under the command of the earl of Salisbury, to Alençon, to offer battle to the enemy, and force them to raise the siege. But the Dauphinois having had, as before, intelligence of their motions, drew up in battle-array before their quarters, with every appearance of courage. When the English[Pg 266] perceived how numerous they were, they retreated to the abbey of Bec, but not without losing, in killed and taken, from two to three hundred men, for they were pursued as far as the abbey. The Dauphinois, however, finding they could not gain Alençon without great loss of men, marched away, leaving every thing behind them, and returned to Anjou and Dreux.

In these days, a marriage was concluded between the duke of Alençon and the only daughter of the duke of Orleans, a prisoner in England. It was celebrated at the town of Blois, and had been chiefly brought about by the dauphin, to whom she was niece, and the duke of Brittany, uncle to the duke of Alençon.

When news of the death of the duke of Clarence reached king Henry in England, he was greatly troubled thereat, as well as at the loss of his other nobles and men, and hastened his preparations to return with an army to France, to take vengeance on the Dauphinois, who had thus grieved him at heart.

About this time, sir James de Harcourt, who resided at Crotoy, whence, as has been said, he made war on the English, abstained from having any communication with the duke of Burgundy, or with those of his party: he even seized in the port of Estaples a vessel laden with corn, that belonged to sir Hemon de Bouberch, who was attached to the duke of Burgundy. Because he refused to restore it, on being summoned, a sudden war broke out between them, very prejudicial to the whole country of Ponthieu and the adjoining parts.

Sir Hemon, in revenge, went and made his complaints to sir William Balledo, lieutenant of Calais, who instantly collected soldiers from the county of Guines, and from his garrison, and carried them by sea to Crotoy,—when, having burnt all the[Pg 268] vessels and boats in the harbour, he returned to Calais.

In return for this enterprise, sir James forced an entrance into many of the towns of sir Hemon, which he completely plundered, and carried away the pillage to his garrisons of Noyelle and Crotoy.

Shortly after, sir Hemon did the same to the towns of sir James de Harcourt, and the war was carried on with such bitterness that the whole of that country suffered greatly; for sir James, to strengthen himself, obtained reinforcements of men at arms from Compiègne and elsewhere. He also formed an alliance with many of the nobles of Vimeu and Ponthieu, with the lord de Rambures, Louis de Vaucourt, le bon de Saveuses, Perceval de Houdent, Pierre Quieret, governor of D'araines, and with many others.

Sir James, by this means, gained possession of several towns and castles, such as the town of St Riquier, the castle of la Ferté, and of Drugy, the island and castle of Pont de Remy, the fortresses of D'araines, Diaucourt, and Moreul: on the side of the country toward St Valery, Rambures, Gamaches,[Pg 269] and some others, into which, by the exertions of sir James, parties of the Dauphinois gained admittance, who began to make open war on the duke of Burgundy and his adherents, to the ruin of the country. The town of St Riquier, however, did not submit to sir James, until the king Henry had crossed from England to France, as you shall hear.

When king Henry had settled the government of England during his absence, and when his army was advanced to Canterbury, having received pay for eight months, he came to Dover; and thence, and at the neighbouring ports, he and his army embarked at day-break, on the feast of St Barbara, and that same day arrived in the harbour of Calais at two o'clock in the afternoon.

[Pg 270]

The king disembarked from his vessel and was lodged in the castle of Calais; the others landed also, and were quartered in the town and the adjacent parts, according to the orders of the king and his harbingers. Shortly after, when the vessels were unladen, they were discharged, and ordered back by the king to England. It was estimated by competent judges that from three to four thousand men at arms disembarked that day, and full twenty-four thousand archers.

On the morrow of the feast of St Barbara, the king sent the earl of Dorset and the lord Clifford to the assistance of his uncle the duke of Exeter and the Parisians, who were much straitened for provisions by the garrisons of the Dauphinois that surrounded Paris. They had under their command twelve hundred combatants, and, avoiding all the ambushes of the enemy, rode hastily forward to Paris, where they were joyfully received by the inhabitants, by reason of the intelligence they brought of the king of England being at Calais, to whom they had sent several messages before he left England.

[Pg 271]

The dauphin had now a considerable army, which he marched toward Chartres; and the towns of Bonneval and Galardon, with other castles, surrendered to him, which he regarrisoned, and then fixed his quarters as near to Chartres as possible, and encompassed it on all sides. It was defended by the bastard de Thian and other captains, who had been dispatched thither in haste from Paris for that purpose.

The dauphin's army was supposed to consist of from six to seven thousand having leg-armour, four thousand cross-bows and six thousand archers, and this statement was sent to the king of England by those who had seen them. The Dauphinois erected many engines to batter the walls and gates, which did some mischief; but as the inhabitants were assured of being speedily relieved by king Henry, they were not under any alarm at their attacks.

When king Henry had remained some days in Calais on account of business, he departed in haste; for he had received pressing solicitations from his uncle the duke of Exeter and the Parisians that he would succour Chartres. Taking his march by the sea side, he was lodged at the hôtel of the Crown in Montrieul, and his army quartered in the low lands near it. Philip duke of Burgundy had arrived there the preceding day to confer with the king; but as he was confined with a fever, and unable to mount his horse, he sent sir John de Luxembourg, with all his chivalry, to meet the king, and make his excuses for not coming himself in person.

They remained for three days in this town to confer at leisure on the present state of affairs. They departed together,[Pg 273] and went to lodge at Douvast in Ponthieu. As they marched near to Montenay, the king of England ordered the tower, house and mill of sir James de Harcourt to be burnt.

The king was desirous of crossing the Somme at Abbeville, and the duke of Burgundy advanced to that town to negotiate the king's passage, which was obtained, but very unwillingly, on the duke promising that every expense should be fully discharged.

While the duke was absent, the king and his nobles amused themselves in hunting in the forest of Cressy, and the following day fixed their quarters at St Riquier, near to which place was a small fort called La Ferté, garrisoned by about sixty of sir James de Harcourt's men, under the command of the bastard de Bellay, who, on a formal summons, surrendered the place.

A gentleman of the country, called Nycaise de Boufflers, was appointed by the king and the duke governor, who shortly after yielded it to the Dauphinois (as will[Pg 274] be hereafter related), by whom it had before been held.

From St Riquier, king Henry came to Abbeville, where he was most honourably received, and many handsome presents were made him, in compliment to the duke of Burgundy. The army and baggage passed very peaceably through the town; and on the morrow, when all the expenses had been paid, the king took leave of the duke, on his promising that he would speedily join him with his whole force.

King Henry continued his march through Beauvais and Gisors, to the castle of Vincennes, where were the king and queen of France, whom he saluted most respectfully, and was by them received with great joy. Thither came his uncle the duke of Exeter, with several of the council of the king of France, and many conferences were held on the present state of the kingdom.

Among other things, it was ordered, that the florettes, a coin of the king, which was current for sixteen deniers, should be reduced to three deniers; but when this ordinance was proclaimed throughout the[Pg 275] kingdom, it created great murmurings against the ministers among the commonalty of Paris, and in other places, but without obtaining any redress. Their murmurings were soon after much increased by the coin being still lowered in currency.

The king of England now assembled a very large army; and in conjunction with that he had brought with him from England, he marched toward Mantes to offer battle to the dauphin, who had been already seven weeks before Chartres. He sent to the duke of Burgundy to join him instantly with as many men as he could raise, that he might be in time for the day of battle. The duke made all haste to comply, and advanced to the town of Amiens with about three thousand combatants, and thence, marching through Beauvais and Gisors, came to the town of Mantes. He, however, left his army at a large village, and went himself, with few attendants, to wait on the king of England, who was well pleased with his diligence.

In the interim, the dauphin, when he was informed of the great army that was[Pg 276] marching against him, broke up his siege of Chartres, and retreated to Tours.

When the king and the duke of Burgundy had held several councils on their further proceedings, it was agreed, that the duke should return to Picardy to oppose the Dauphinois, who were doing great mischief there by means of the influence of sir James de Harcourt.

During the time that the duke of Burgundy was on his march, and when he was with the king of England, the lord d'Offemont and Poton de Saintrailles collected about twelve hundred horse, and, passing through Vimeu, crossed the Somme at Blanchetaque, where they were met by sir James de Harcourt: they thence proceeded to St Riquier, and gained admittance into the town through the influence of sir James.

[Pg 277]

They treated successfully with Nycaise de Boufflers for the surrender of the castle of La Ferté, which was given up to them, as was that of Drugy, belonging to the abbot of St Riquier. When they had established themselves in these places, they overran the adjacent country, and even sailed on the river Canche, to a large village called Conchy, and completely burnt the whole, together with a very handsome church, into which the principal inhabitants had retreated with their effects, the greater part of whom were led prisoners to St Riquier.

In another part, the strong fort of Dourier proudly seated on the river Authie, was surrendered to Poton de Santrailles; and, by means of this acquisition, the town and neighbourhood of Montrieul were greatly harrassed.

The duke of Burgundy heard, on his return with his army, at a town called Croissy, that the lord d'Offemont and Poton de Santrailles had gained possession of St Riquier, and how they were proceeding. On this he assembled his council; and it was determined that men at arms should be[Pg 278] summoned from all parts, and cross-bowmen from the towns under the dominion of the king of France, that St Riquier might be besieged. With this intent he went to Amiens, and solicited succours, which were granted to him. He thence dispatched his messengers to different towns, to make similar requests: the greater part of them promised to serve him liberally.

When the duke departed from Amiens, he went through Dourlens, to fix his quarters at Auxi, on the river Authie, within three leagues of Saint Riquier. He was there rejoined by sir John de Luxembourg, who had been detached with a certain number of combatants, through Dourmart in Ponthieu, toward St Riquier, to make inquiry as to the number and situation of the Dauphinois.

The duke remained three days at Auxi, to wait the arrival of his reinforcements. While these things were passing, the lord de Cohen, governor of the town of Abbeville, going one night after supper to visit the guard, attended by only six persons, but preceded by his servants, carrying lighted torches, was suddenly attacked by three[Pg 279] or four persons, who were lying in wait for him, and severely wounded him in the face. They also struck an advocate, called John de Quex, who was in his company, mounted on a handsome horse: he was stunned with the blow, and, in his fright, stuck spurs into his horse, who galloped off against a chain that had been stretched across the street from two posts. One of them, by the great strength of the horse, was torn from the ground, but the shock flung the advocate with such force that he died shortly after, of the bruises. The lord de Cohen was carried home by his servants, thus wounded, and was unable at first to discover the perpetrators of this deed. They were, however, of Abbeville, and, by means of friends, escaped secretly, and went to Crotoy, to relate what they had done to sir James de Harcourt, who was well pleased thereat, and retained them in his service. Some few years afterward, however, they were taken, and executed for this and other crimes.

The duke of Burgundy advanced his whole army from Auxi to a large village called Viurens, within a league from St Riquier. On the morrow, he marched by this last town, and quartered himself and his army at Pont de St Remy, on the night of the feast of the Magdalen. Some of his men were lodged in large houses near the bridge; but the Dauphinois, who were in the castle and island, discharged rockets into them, and set them on fire, which forced the Burgundians to retire, and fix their quarters further off.

Two days after their arrival, the cross-bows from Amiens, and a body of men at arms who escorted them, descended the Somme in twelve boats, ready to attack the castle and island. But the Dauphinois, on learning that they were near at hand,[Pg 281] took fright, and, packing up their baggage, fled to the castle of D'airaines, leaving Pont de St Remy without any guard. Some women, who had remained in the island, lowered the drawbridge on the side where the Burgundians lay, who instantly entered the place, and plundered all that the Dauphinois had left.

This same day, by orders from the duke of Burgundy, the castle and town were burnt, wherein were many handsome houses. In like manner, on this and on the following day, were destroyed the castles of Marveil and Jaucourt, which the Dauphinois had deserted from fear of the duke.

While the duke of Burgundy was thus employed at Pont de St Remy, sir John de Luxembourg went to the town of St Riquier, under proper passports from the lord d'Offemont, with one hundred picked men at arms, as an escort to six knights, well mounted and accoutred, who were to perform a deed of arms against six champions of the Dauphinois, under the lord d'Offemont.

This combat had been previously settled by messages which had passed between[Pg 282] the parties. The burgundian champions were Henry l'Allemant, the bastard de Robaix, Lyonnet de Bournouville and three others. The Dauphinois were the lord de Verduysant, Guillaume d'Aubigny and four others, whose names I have forgotten. On the parties meeting, the justings commenced; but, at the onset, the two Dauphinois killed the horses of their opponents: the others broke several lances gallantly enough; but from the shortness of the time two on each side could not just,—and there was no one wounded on either side. The parties took a friendly leave; and sir John de Luxembourg returned with his company to the Pont de St Remy, and the lord d'Offemont re-entered St Riquier.

Sir John de Luxembourg had been accompanied for his security, by one hundred of the most expert men at arms in the burgundian army: he had also formed an ambuscade of three hundred men in a wood to succour him, should there be occasion. When on his road to St Riquier, having placed this ambuscade, he halted on an eminence to observe if his orders were obeyed, and to his surprise saw that those[Pg 283] in ambush were wandering about and the horses grazing. In a great rage, he seized a lance and galloped back to reduce them to proper order; but his men, perceiving him coming, mounted their horses and fled as fast as spurs could make them. Nevertheless, he overtook a man at arms, named Aloyer, whom he pierced through the thigh and unhorsed, and to many others he gave severe blows. When he had restored order, and severely reprimanded the leaders, he continued his march to witness the deed of arms already related.

After the destruction of Pont de St Remy, the duke of Burgundy departed for Abbeville with his army, a part of which was[Pg 284] quartered in the suburbs. About the end of July, he marched to St Riquier, and fixed his quarters in the castle of la Ferté, which a little before, together with the castle of Drugy and the suburbs, had been set on fire. His men were quartered in other places near sir John de Luxembourg, at the gate of St John leading toward Auxi: the lord de Croy, some days after, was lodged near the gate of St Nicholas toward Abbeville. At the gate of the Heronhault, leading toward Crotoy, there was not any lodgement of men at arms, which gave free liberty to the garrison or inhabitants to go in and out of the town at their pleasure, on horseback or on foot.

Numerous reinforcements from the principal towns, in consequence of his summons, now joined the duke. When the quarters had been all marked out, the Burgundians made their approaches near to the walls, and began severely to annoy the garrison. The duke might have under his command, as well men at arms as archers and cross-bows, including those sent from the towns, five or six thousand combatants. The enemy, under the lord[Pg 285] d'Offemont, Poton de Santrailles, Verduysant, Mengues, and other captains in the town, might consist of twelve or fourteen hundred men; for in addition to those they had brought thither, sir James de Harcourt had sent them some of his most expert soldiers; and they exerted themselves to the utmost to resist the attacks of the Burgundians.

It would be too long and tedious, were I to attempt to enumerate all the sallies of the garrison; but in truth, they made many in which they gained more than they lost; and in the number, was one by which they captured some of the duke's captains, the principal of whom were sir Emond de Boubers, Henry l'Allemant, John de Courcelles, John de Crevecoeur, one called Ancellet, and some other noblemen.

In the mean time, the engines which the duke had erected broke down the gates and walls, and even destroyed some of the houses within the town; and those which the besieged had pointed against the burgundian army were equally destructive, so that many lives were lost on both sides during this siege.

[Pg 286]

Sir James de Harcourt sent frequent messengers to the lord d'Offemont, to exhort him and his brother-captains to hold out with courage, for that they would shortly be succoured, as he had sent for relief from divers places in Champagne, Brie, Valois, to Compiègne and other places attached to the interest of the dauphin, and had earnestly besought them to assemble as large a force as they possibly could to join him, and offer battle to the duke of Burgundy.

In consequence of this request, the Dauphinois did assemble in force in the neighbourhood of Compiègne, whence they were to begin their march. The duke, however, continued the siege with vigour; but, hearing of the intentions of the Dauphinois to force him to raise it, and to offer him battle, he called a council to determine in this case how he should act.

It was resolved, that the duke should break up the siege, and advance to fight the Dauphinois before they could effect a junction with sir James de Harcourt and the others. In conformity to this resolution, on the 29th of August, the duke dispatched[Pg 287] Philip de Saveuses and the lord de Crevecoeur, at night-fall, from the camp with six score combatants, to cross the Somme at Abbeville, whence they were to advance into Vimeu, to inquire diligently into the state and condition of the Dauphinois, he earnestly entreated and commanded them to attend particularly to his orders, and to send him as soon as possible a true statement of what the Dauphinois were intending, adding, that his whole army should very speedily follow them.

These two captains rode during the night to Abbeville, where having refreshed their horses a little, they advanced into Vimeu. In the mean time, the duke of Burgundy secretly made his preparations for breaking up the siege by packing up his tents, baggage and stores, and, having set fire to his camp, marched strait for Abbeville. On his arrival there, those of his army who chose to eat or to drink were obliged to do so on horseback; for he would not suffer any one to dismount, as he was every moment expecting intelligence of the enemy from Philip de Saveuses and the lord de Crevecoeur.

[Pg 288]

When they had entered Vimeu, they observed about sun-rise, toward Oisemont, the Dauphinois in handsome array, briskly pushing forward, and making for the ford of Blanchetaque. They were so near, that some of the Dauphinois were taken by them; and by their means they acquired full knowledge of their intentions. They sent them instantly to the duke, who, as I have said, was at Abbeville, that he might hasten his march to meet them before they could cross the river.

The duke, on receiving this intelligence, was much rejoiced, and immediately quitted the town, and pressed his march as much as he could, leaving behind at Abbeville his archers and cross-bows. The Dauphinois saw the duke's army was pursuing them, and consequently, made all haste to gain the ford of Blanchetaque, and cross the Somme to Sir James de Harcourt, who was waiting for them on the opposite side near to Saint Riquier. During this time, repeated messengers were sent to hasten the march of the duke, who, on his side, was equally eager to come up with the enemy; and his forces pushed forward as fast as their horses could carry them.

[Pg 289]

The Dauphinois were in the act of passing the river Somme, when, perceiving the Burgundians, they deliberately changed their purpose, and returned to the plain, where they drew up in battle-array, and advanced with every appearance of giving battle to the duke, although they were very inferior in numbers to his army. Poton de Santrailles had joined them that night, with twelve others from St Riquier, in order to be present at the battle.

The two parties were now advanced near enough to observe exactly the numbers on either side; and because some of the duke's men were behind, several heralds and poursuivants were sent to hasten them forward.

Thus the two armies moved on for a considerable space, approaching each other; but sir James de Harcourt who, as has been said, was posted on the other side of the river, seeing the two parties ready to engage, never attempted to cross the ford to the assistance of his friends, notwithstanding he himself had sent for them, but returned to Crotoy, whence he had come that morning.

On Saturday, the 31st of August, the two armies kept advancing with much courage, and halted about eleven o'clock in the forenoon, at three bow-shots distance from each other.

During this short halt, many new knights were hastily created on both sides. In the number was the duke of Burgundy, by the hand of sir John de Luxembourg, when the duke did the same to Philip de Saveuses; and there were knighted of his party Collart de Commines, John d'Estenu, John de Robais, Andrew and John Villain, Philebert Andrenet, Daviod de Poix, Guerrard d'Acties, the lord de Moyencourt, Le Moyne de Renty, Colinet de Brimeu, Jacques Pot, Louis de Saint-Saulieu, Guillain de Halluin, Derre de Cauroy and others.

[Pg 291]

On the part of the Dauphinois were, in like manner, created knights, Gilles de Gamaches, Regnault de Fontaines, Colinet de Villequier, the Marquis de Serre, John Rogan, John d'Espaigny, Corbeau de Rieux, and Sarrasin de Beaufort.

When this ceremony was over, the duke sent the banner of Philip de Saveuses, with six score combatants, under the command of sir Mauroy de Saint-Leger and the bastard de Roussy, across the plain to fall on the flank of the Dauphinois. Both armies were eager for the combat; and these last advanced with a great noise, and fell on the division of the duke with all the strength of their horses' speed. The Burgundians received them well; and at this onset there was a grand clattering of arms, and horses thrown to the ground in a most horrible manner on each side. Both parties now began to wound and kill, and the affair became very murderous; but during this first shock of arms one half of the duke's forces were panic-struck and fled to Abbeville, where being refused admittance they galloped on for Picquigny.

The duke's banner was carried away with[Pg 292] them; for, in the alarm, the varlet who had usually borne it forgot to give it to some other person, and in his flight had thrown it on the ground, where it was found, and raised by a gentleman called John de Rosimbos, who rallied about it many of the runaways, who had until that day been reputed men of courage and expert in arms. They had, however, deserted the duke of Burgundy, their lord, in this danger, and were, ever after, greatly blamed for their conduct.

Some pretended to excuse themselves by saying, that seeing the banner, they thought the duke was with it. It was also declared, on the authority of Flanders king at arms, that to his knowledge the duke was either killed or made prisoner, which made matters worse; for those who were most frightened continued their flight across the Somme at Picquigny, to their homes, whence they did not return.

Some of the dauphin's forces, perceiving them running away from the duke's army set out on a pursuit after them, namely, John Raullet and Pierron de Luppel, with about six score combatants, and[Pg 293] killed and took a good many of them. They imagined they had gained the day, and that the Burgundians were totally defeated; but in this they were mistaken, for the duke, with about five hundred combatants of the highest nobility and most able in arms, fought with determined resolution, insomuch that they overpowered the Dauphinois, and remained masters of the field of battle.

According to the report of each party, the duke behaved with the utmost coolness and courage; but he had some narrow escapes, for at the onset he was hit by two lances, one of which pierced through the front of his war saddle and grazed the armour of his right side: he was also grappled with by a very strong man, who attempted to unhorse him; but his courser, being high mettled and stout, bore him out of this danger. He therefore fought manfully, and took with his own hands two men at arms, as he was chacing the enemy along the river side. Those nearest his person in this conflict were the lord de Longueval and Guy de Rely, and some of his attendants, who, though few in number, supported him ably.

[Pg 294]

It was some time before his own men knew where he was, as they missed his banner; and when John Raullet and Pierron de Luppel returned from their pursuit of the burgundian runaways, expecting to find their companions victorious and on the field of battle, they were confounded with disappointment on seeing the contrary, and instantly fled toward St Valery, and with them the lord de Moüy, others made for d'Araines.

The duke of Burgundy, on coming back to the field of battle, collected his men, and caused the bodies of those to be carried off who had fallen in the engagement, particularly that of the lord de Viefville. Although all the nobles and great lords who had remained with the duke of Burgundy behaved most gallantly, I must especially notice the conduct of John Villain, who had that day been made a knight. He was a nobleman from Flanders, very tall and of great bodily strength, and was mounted on a good horse, holding a battle-axe in both hands. Thus he pushed into the thickest part of the battle, and, throwing the bridle on his horse's neck, gave[Pg 295] such blows on all sides with his battle-axe that whoever was struck was instantly unhorsed and wounded past recovery.

In this way he met Poton de Saintrailles, who, after the battle was over, declared the wonders he did, and that he got out of his reach as fast as he could.

When the duke had collected his men, and had caused the dead to be inspected and stripped, he returned to Abbeville, where he was joyously received, with those of the Dauphinois who had been made prisoners,—namely, the lord de Conflans, Louis d'Offemont, sir Gilles de Gamaches, his brother Louis, sir Louis de Thiembronne, Poton de Saintrailles, the marquis de Serre, his brother de Saint-Saulieu, Sir Regnault de Fontaines, Sauvage de la Riviere, John de Proisy, governor of Guise, sir Raoul de Gaucourt, sir John de Rogan, Bernard de St Martin, John de Joigny, the lord de Mommor, John de Verselles, le bourg de la Hire, Yvon de Puys, John de Sommam, Hervé Dourdis, and others, to the amount of one hundred and six score.

There were left dead on the field, of[Pg 296] both parties, from four to five hundred men; but it was thought only from twenty to thirty were Burgundians, and chiefly belonging to the lord de Viefville and John lord of Mailly. Those of note slain of the Dauphinois were sir Peter d'Argensy lord of Ivry, Charles de Saint-Saulieu, Galhaut d'Aarsy, Thibaut de Gerincourt, sir Corbeau de Rieux, sir Sarrasin de Beaufort, Robinet de Verseilles, Guillaume du Pont, the bastard de Moy, and many other gentlemen, to the above amount.

The prisoners made and carried off by the Dauphinois were sir Colart de Commines, sir Guillain de Halluyn, the lord de Sailly en Hernaise, Lamon de Lannoy, and some others. In this engagement, sir John de Luxembourg, from his too great eagerness at the onset, was made prisoner by a man at arms called le Mouse, and carried away to some distance, but he was rescued by a party of his own and the duke's men. He was, however, very badly wounded on the face and across his nose. In like manner was the lord de Humbercourt taken, wounded and rescued.

On the arrival of the duke of Burgundy[Pg 297] at Abbeville, he went to the church of our Lady to offer up his prayers and thanksgivings for his great success, and thence to his lodgings at the hôtel of the Crown. His people, many of whom had been wounded in the battle, quartered themselves in the town as well as they could.

The duke now first heard that great part of his force had deserted him and fled to Picquigny, which surprised and angered him greatly, and not without cause. He would never afterward admit any of those runaways to his presence, and dismissed all of them who had been of his household: very few men of rank, however, of the latter description, had fled.

When he had remained three days in Abbeville to refresh and recover his men, and had resolved in council not to lay siege again to St Riquier, on account of the present state of his army, and for other reasons, he departed, and, passing by St Riquier, fixed his quarters at Auxi. Sir John de Luxembourg was carried thither in a litter on account of the severity of his wounds. On the morrow he advanced[Pg 298] to Hesdin, where he made some stay; and, having ordered different garrisons to oppose that of St Riquier, he disbanded the greater part of his army. By his moderation in their ransoms, he gained over all the captains of the Dauphinois who had been made prisoners, and sent them to his castle of Lille, where they remained a considerable time.

Thenceforward this engagement was called the rencounter at Mons in Vimeu, and was not deemed a battle, because the two parties met accidentally in the manner you have heard, and without any banner displayed.

Among the principal persons who had fled, were the lord de Cohen governor of Abbeville, who was not yet recovered from the wound he had received, of which mention has been made, and which prevented him from putting on his helmet: he had been advised, on leaving Abbeville, not to engage in combat; and he was held excused on account of his wound. The others were the before named John de Rosimbos, and the whole of those attached to the duke's banner.

Here follow the names of the lords and captains who supported the duke of Burgundy in the late engagement. Sir John de Luxembourg, the lord d'Antoing, sir John de la Trimuille, lord de Jonvelle, the lords de Croy, de la Viefville, de Longueval, de Genlis, de Robais and his son, d'Auxi, de Saveuses, de Crevecoeur, de Noyelle, surnamed the White Knight, de Humbercourt, sir Pierre Kieret, sir Guy de Rely, John lord of Mailly, John de Fosseux, le Moyne de Renty, sir David de Brimeu, lord of Ligny, sir Andrew de Vallines, the lord de Saint-Simon, the lord de Framensen, Regnault de Longueval, Aubiliet de Folleville, the bastard de Coussy, sir Louis de Saint-Saulieu, who was that day knighted, and on the morrow was drowned in the Somme at[Pg 300] Abbeville, as he was giving water to a horse he had taken from the Dauphinois, John de Flavy, Andrew de Toulongeon, sir Philibert Andrenet, sir Gauvain de la Viefville, sir Florimont de Brimeu, sir Mauroy de Saint-Leger, sir Andrew d'Azincourt, the lord de Commines, his brother sir Colart de Commines, sir John d'Estenu, sir John de Hornes, sir Roland du Querque, his son sir John du Querque, sir Guillain de Haluyn, sir John and sir Andrew Vilain, sir Daviod de Poix, the lord de Moyencourt, and many other noble knights and esquires of the duke's household.

On the part of the Dauphinois were the lord de Conflans, the baron d'Ivry, the lord de Moy, the lord d'Eschin, Louis d'Offemont, sir Gilles de Gamaches, his son Louis de Gamaches, Poton de Saintrailles, sir Regnault de Fontaines, sir Charles de Saint-Saulieu, John de Proisy governor of Guise, the marquis de Scare and his brother, Pierron de Luppel, John Raulet, sir John de Rogan, sir Raoul de Gaucourt, sir Louis de Thiembronne, the lord de Mommor, Bernard de St Martin, Thibaut de Gerincourt, Galhaut d'Aarsy,[Pg 301] sir Sarrasin de Beaufort, Robinet de Verseilles, his brother John de Joigny, Yvon du Puys, John de Sommam, Hervé and John de Dourdis and some more. They had under their command about five or six hundred men at arms, and from three to four hundred most able archers, whom they had selected from different garrisons.

NEWS OF THE LATE VICTORY IS MADE PUBLIC IN DIFFERENT PARTS.—THE CAPTURE OF THE FORT OF DOUVRIER.—THE DEPARTURE OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY FROM HESDIN.

On the morrow of this victory of the duke of Burgundy, the news was spread abroad in divers places, which gave great joy to all of his party, more particularly to the inhabitants of Montrieul and the adjacent country. Soon after, sir John de Blondel, who was but lately returned from his imprisonment in England, collected a body of the gentlemen of that[Pg 302] neighbourhood, among whom was sir Olivier de Brimeu, a very ancient knight, and some of the inhabitants of Montrieul, and led them to the fort of Douvrier, then held by the men of Poton de Saintrailles. He addressed them so eloquently and ably that they agreed to surrender the place to him, on condition that they should be safely escorted to St Riquier, which was done; and he regarrisoned it, to make head against the Dauphinois.

When the duke of Burgundy had disposed of his troops to oppose the further progress of the enemy to his satisfaction, he left Hesdin, and went to Lille; thence he made a pilgrimage to our Lady at Halle, and returned to Flanders, where he made a considerable stay, to attend to his affairs in that country.

We will now return to the king of England, and relate how he conducted himself. When the duke of Burgundy left him at Mantes, as has been before mentioned, he marched thence his army which was very large, and daily increasing from the reinforcements that joined him from Normandy and Paris, and advanced to Dreux after the dauphin had raised the siege of Chartres.

He surrounded Dreux on all sides; but the garrison made a treaty, by which they were to surrender the place on the 20th of August, in case they were not succoured by their lord the dauphin before that day, and gave good hostages for the due performance of it. The dauphin sent them no assistance, so that king Henry obtained possession of Dreux, which he[Pg 304] strongly regarrisoned with his own men. The Dauphinois, in number about eight hundred, retired with their baggage, after they had promised not to bear arms against the English, or their allies, for one whole year.

When this was done, the king marched toward the river Loire, in pursuit of the dauphin, whom he was very desirous to meet, to revenge the death of his brother the duke of Clarence, and the loss of the English who had fallen at the battle of Baugey. On his march, he reduced to the obedience of the king of France and of himself, the town of Beaugençy on the Loire and some other castles.

Finding that the dauphin would not wait to give him battle, he returned toward Beauce. He had noticed that for some days fifty or sixty Dauphinois, very well mounted, had followed his army to observe his motions: on their one day coming nearer to him than usual, he ordered them to be pursued, when they fled to the castle of Rougemont in Beauce, which the king commanded to be instantly attacked; and this was attended with such[Pg 305] success that it was won, and all within taken, with the loss of only one Englishman. King Henry, however, in revenge for this death, caused them all to be drowned in the Loire.

He thence marched to besiege Villeneuve-le-Roi, which soon submitted, on the garrison being allowed to march away with their baggage. It Was regarrisoned by Englishmen. Toward the end of September, he fixed his head-quarters at Lagny-sur-Marne, and his army was dispersed in the adjoining villages. At this town, he ordered many wooden engines to be constructed, and other necessary machines to lay siege to Meaux in Brie. He dispatched in haste his uncle the duke of Exeter, with four thousand combatants, to gain possession of the suburbs of Meaux, that the inhabitants might not set them on fire.

When king Henry had completed his machines in the town of Lagny, he marched his army thence, consisting of twenty thousand combatants at the least, and on the 6th day of October encamped before Meaux. A few days after, he had his camp surrounded with strong hedges and[Pg 306] ditches, to prevent any surprise from the enemy, and at the same time had his engines pointed to batter the walls and gates, which they continued to do with great activity.

The defence of the town of Meaux was intrusted by the dauphin to the bastard de Vaurus, captain-general of the place, Denys de Vaurus his brother, Pierron de Luppel, Guichard de Sisay, sir Philip Mallet, sir Louis Gast, the borgne de Caucun, John d'Aunay, Tromagon, Bernard de Meureville, Philip de Gamaches, and others, to the amount of one thousand picked combatants, tried in arms, without including the burghers and commonalty.

They made an obstinate defence against the attacks of the king of England, and continued it for a long time, as you shall hear.

In these days, it was enacted by the royal council at Paris, that the florettes, which were current for four deniers, should be reduced to two deniers; and that the gold crowns, current for nineteen sols, should now pass for eighteen only. These continued lowerings of the coin gave great cause[Pg 307] of discontent among all ranks, seeing that their money-property was diminished an eighth part in value. To keep up a supply of coin, saluts[8] of gold were issued, which were current for twenty-five sols tournois the piece: two crown-pieces were also coined, one of France and the other of England. In regard to smaller money, doubles were coined that were current for two deniers tournois: these last were in the vulgar tongue called Nicquety, but were not current for more than three years.

The duke of Burgundy was very desirous to get rid of the Dauphinois from the town of St Riquier, as they committed much[Pg 308] mischief on the country round about; and during the month of November, he had frequent conversations on this subject with the principal prisoners whom he had made at the affair of Mons in Vimeu. At length, a treaty was concluded between the duke, on the one part, and the lord d'Offemont, governor of St Riquier, and the leaders of his garrison, on the other,—by which it was agreed, that the duke should set at liberty all prisoners whom he or his army had taken since he had first come before St Riquier, free of ransoms; and in return sir Hemon de Bomber, sir John de Blondel, Ferry de Mailly, John de Beaurevoir, John de Crevecoeur and some others, were to be delivered from their confinement, and also the town and castle of St Riquier were to be put in possession of the duke.

Not long after the conclusion of this treaty, sir Hemon de Bomber died in St Riquier of a lingering disorder, which so angered the duke that he would have violated the treaty, if his counsellors had not persuaded him to the contrary. At last, he sent his prisoners under an escort from Lille to Hesdin, and thence with passports[Pg 309] they were conducted to the lord d'Offemont, who delivered up the prisoners he had promised, and the town and castle of St Riquier into the hands of the lords de Roubaix and de Croy, who had been commissioned for that purpose by the duke.

The lord d'Offemont, on his departure from St Riquier, crossed the Somme at Blanchetaque, and returned through Vimeu to Pierrefons, Crespy in the Valois, and to other places under his obedience. The lords de Roubaix and de Croy, after examining the town and castle, and receiving the oaths of allegiance from the inhabitants, nominated governors thereof le borgne de Fosseaux knight, master Nicholas Mailly, and his brother Ferry de Mailly, Nycaise de Boufflers, John Doncuerre, with others, and their men, to keep the field against sir James de Harcourt.

About this time, in consequence of summonses from the duke and duchess dowager of Burgundy, the nobles of that duchy assembled in arms, and went to the duke in Picardy, to escort him thither, where his presence was much desired by the duchess, to consult on public affairs that were very pressing.

They amounted to six thousand horse, and began their march under the command of the prince of Orange, the lords de St George and de Château Vilain, sir John de Coquebrune marshal of Burgundy, and other lords and captains, through Champagne, to near Lille in Flanders. The principal lords left their men in the adjacent villages, and waited on the duke in Lille, who received them with joy.

As the duke was not quite ready to set out, they were requested by sir John de[Pg 311] Luxembourg to join him, and make an attack on the lords de Moy and de Chin, who were Dauphinois, and had greatly destroyed his own estates, as well as those of his daughter-in-law the countess of Marle. They agreed to his proposal; and, as he had assembled about eight hundred combatants, they advanced to St Quentin, where they lay the first night, and then continued their march. When they approached the castle of Moy, the usual residence of the lord of that name, they were told that he was absent, but had left it well provided with men, stores and provisions: he had also burnt the lower court, and several houses of the town that joined the castle.

The Burgundians, foreseeing that the castle could not be won without a long siege, and great loss of men, concluded among themselves, notwithstanding the entreaties of sir John de Luxembourg, to return to Douay and Lille. They did great mischiefs to all the countries they passed through, as well going as returning, and during their stay, of which heavy complaints were made to the duke by churchmen and others, more particularly from[Pg 312] Picardy: to all these clamours he replied, that he would very shortly deliver them from their oppressors, by remanding them to Burgundy.

Sir John de Luxembourg, vexed and cast down by the burgundian lords leaving him, disbanded his own forces, and retired to his castle of Beaurevoir.

On the 16th day of December, the duke and duchess of Burgundy arrived at Arras with count Philip de St Pol and a grand suite of chivalry. Soon after, sir John de Luxembourg came thither, and the burgundian lords; and on the third after his arrival the duke went to visit his aunt the countess of Hainault at Douay, and conducted her and her household to Arras, where she was honourably received by the duchess and the lords and ladies of her court. She remained there three or four days, during which many grand entertainments were made for her. Having held some conferences with her nephew, she returned to Quesnoy le Comte in Hainault, where she generally resided.

About this period, sir James de Harcourt, making an excursion with six or seven hundred combatants, was met by a party of English, who had accidentally assembled from Harques, Neuf-châtel, and the adjoining parts, to seek adventures on their enemies the Dauphinois. An obstinate battle ensued; but in the end the English gained the victory, and sir James lost from two to three hundred men in killed and prisoners: he himself and the greater part of the knights and esquires saved themselves by the fleetness of their horses. Among the prisoners was the lord de Verduisant, at that time one of the governors of St Valery for the dauphin. The English were joyful at their success, and returned to the places they had come from with their prisoners.

[Pg 314]

At this time there was imposed through many parts of the kingdom, and rigorously exacted, especially in the bailiwick of Amiens, a heavy tax, which had been granted by the three estates, at the request of the kings of France and of England. The object of this tax was to gather as much silver as possible, that a new coinage might be issued, to afford currency to the great towns; and it was collected from persons of all ranks, churchmen, knights, esquires, ladies, damsels, burghers, and from every one who were supposed to have wherewithal, according to the discretion and pleasure of the collectors, and whether they would or not. This gained them great hatred from every one whom they forced to pay. Among others, the bailiff of Amiens was much hated in his bailiwick, from a suspicion which had gone abroad, that he was the author of this heavy impost.

When the duke and duchess of Burgundy had solemnly celebrated the feast of the Nativity at Arras, they separated from each other a few days after, but not without much grief at heart and many tears, especially on the part of the duchess; and they never saw each other again, as you shall hear.

The duke went to the castle of the count de St Pol at Luchen, where he lay one night, and on the morrow went to Amiens, and was lodged at the house of the bailiff. He had sent his men at arms forward to wait for him between Amiens and Beauvais.

He lay one night at Amiens, and thence departed with displayed banner and a large body of men at arms in noble array, having a van and rear guard. He[Pg 316] was quartered that night at Franc-Châtel, and thence, taking the road to Beauvais and through Beaumont, arrived at Paris.

His lady-duchess, on quitting Arras, went with her household to Lille, and thence to Ghent. The duke entered Paris, attended by the count de St Pol and all his chivalry, and was most respectfully received by the Parisians. The king and queen of France were at that time at Vincennes, whither the duke went to visit them.

Having remained some days at Paris, he went to Lagny sur Marne, to wait on the king of England, who was employed in the siege of Meaux. He was most honourably received by the king, and they held many councils on the affairs of the realm.

The prince of Orange, and a considerable number of the burgundian lords and gentlemen, quitted the duke just before he left Paris; and the reason commonly given for this was, that they were unwilling to accompany him to Lagny, lest king Henry should require of them oaths of allegiance, as he had demanded from the lord de St George, who, a short time before, had[Pg 317] waited on him, humbly to solicit the deliverance of his nephew, the lord de Château-vilain, who, by command of king Henry, had been long detained prisoner in Paris, but was soon after delivered, in consequence of the application of the lord de St George.

The duke returned in a few days to Paris, and thence, passing through Troyes, went to wait on his mother, the duchess-dowager, and his sisters, in Burgundy, who received him with the utmost joy. The usual oaths from his burgundian vassals were made him, and, having finished his business, he went to see his uncle in Savoy, who was much rejoiced, and, to do him the more honour, had justs and other entertainments for his amusement. When these were over, he returned to his duchy of Burgundy, where he remained a considerable time.

About this time, sir John de Luxembourg, attended by a few persons, came to king Henry at the siege of Meaux, to treat for the deliverance of his brother the count de Conversan, who had been long a prisoner, and was confined in that town by Pierron de Luppel. By the assistance of the English king, he obtained his brother's liberty, on consenting to pay Pierron de Luppel a large sum of money by instalments at certain periods agreed on between them. On regaining his liberty, the count de Conversan remained in the service of king Henry during the siege of Meaux; and sir John de Luxembourg returned to Picardy, of which he was governor-general. He was accompanied by sir Hugh de Launoy, who had been lately appointed grand master of the cross-bows of France by the two kings of France and of England.

[Pg 319]

This year, Catherine queen of England was brought to bed of a son and heir to the kingdom, who, by orders from his father, was baptised Henry: his sponsors were Jacqueline duchess of Bavaria, at that time in England, and others nominated for that purpose.[9]

King Henry felt the utmost pleasure at this event, and there were greater rejoicings throughout England than had been ever seen before on the birth of any prince. During this time, the Dauphinois took the town of Avranches by storm, and killed or made prisoners from two to three hundred English, to the great vexation of their king. On receiving this intelligence, he sent off, from the siege of Meaux, a strong detachment to the earl of Salisbury, governor of Normandy, who made such good use of his reinforcement that he retook Avranches, and put to death, or made prisoners, many of the Dauphinois.

At this same time, Arthur count de Richemont was delivered by a certain treaty from his imprisonment in England,[Pg 320] and came to the siege of Meaux with a large body of men at arms to serve king Henry, in whose service he remained during the life of that king.

The lord d'Offemont assembled about forty combatants, the most expert and determined he could find, and led them near to the town of Meaux, which the king of England was besieging in person, with the intent to enter it secretly, as the inhabitants had sent him frequent messages to come and be their governor, and knowing of his arrival were prepared to receive him. They had placed a ladder on the outside of the wall, by which the lord d'Offemont and his people were to gain admittance; and on the appointed day, when the lord d'Offemont approached, to accomplish his enterprise,[Pg 321] he met a party of the English guard, whom he soon put to death. He then led his men to the bank of the ditch, and they began to ascend the ladder; but he himself, who had staid to see his men mount before him, stepping on an old plank that had been thrown over the ditch, it broke under him, and he fell, fully armed, into it, whence he could not be raised, although they gave him two spears, which remained in his hands.

In the mean time, the besiegers, hearing a noise, came in numbers to the spot, and made them prisoners. The lord d'Offemont was cruelly wounded in the face, and his men were also wounded,—and thus were they carried to the king of England, who was well pleased at the capture which his men had made. Having questioned the lord d'Offemont on many subjects, he put him under a good guard, to whom he gave strict orders to be careful of his person.

On the morrow, the besieged, sorrowful at heart for their disappointment in the loss of their looked-for governor, and thinking the town could not hold out much longer, began to carry their most valuable[Pg 322] articles into the market-place. This was observed by the men of John de Guigny, a Savoyard, who was at the siege, and he instantly made an attack on that side of the town. The onset likewise commenced on the opposite quarter, and was continued with such vigour that the place was won with little loss to the besiegers.

The garrison then retreated into the market-place, not, however, without some being slain or taken, but in no great numbers. The king and very many of his men were lodged in the town, and, soon after, they gained a small island, on which they planted some bombards that terribly annoyed the buildings. Those who had retired into the market-place were sorely oppressed, for king Henry had caused several bulwarks to be erected against the walls, and they were hourly expecting to be stormed,—for all hopes of succour had fled, since the time appointed by the dauphin to send them aid was passed. The English, pushing matters forward, increased their distress by the capture of the corn-mill of the market-place, so that no corn could be ground without infinite danger.

We must now speak of what sir John de Luxembourg, with some of the picard lords, did this year, by orders from the kings of France and England. Sir Hugh de Launoy, the newly-appointed grand master of the cross-bows, the vidame of Amiens, the lord de Longueval, the lord de Saveuses, the lord de Humbercourt, and a great number of knights and esquires, mustered their forces, in the month of March, in the town of Eure. When this was done, few people knew whither sir John intended to lead them: at length he directed their march toward Amiens, to a miserable castle called le Quesnoy, belonging to John d'Arly, in which about forty pillagers of the dauphin's party had quartered themselves, and, in conjunction with those in D'araines, had greatly harrassed the whole country of Vimeu,[Pg 324] and down the river Somme from Amiens to Abbeville.

The vidame of Amiens and the lord de Saveuses had advanced their men thither the preceding day to prevent their escape. On sir John de Luxembourg's arrival, having arranged his quarters, he caused his artillery to be pointed against the walls, which shortly made large breaches in them, and in such numbers, that the besieged, finding all resistance vain, offered to capitulate.

The following terms were soon agreed on between them and the lord de Saveuses, who had been commissioned for that purpose by sir John de Luxembourg, namely, that they should surrender the castle and every thing within it to sir John de Luxembourg; and the greater number of these pillagers were to be given up to his will. Waleran de St Germain, their leader, in fact betrayed them, giving them to understand that their lives would be spared,—but he only bargained for himself to depart freely, with sufficient passports.

On the conclusion of this treaty, the castle-gates were thrown open, and those[Pg 325] within carried to a house in the town, when part of them were shortly after hanged, and the others sent to the bailiff of Amiens, who had them gibbetted: in the latter number was a gentleman, named Lienard de Picquigny, who said he was distantly related to the vidame of Amiens. This castle was razed to the ground, after the wood-work had been burnt.

Sir John then marched his forces toward Gamaches, where he was joined by three hundred english combatants under the command of sir Raoul le Bouteiller; and he subjected to the obedience of the kings of France and of England certain fortresses in Vimeu, as Louvroy[10], Hericourt, and others. In the mean time, the men of the lord de Gamaches who were posted at Compiègne, took by storm the castle of Mortemer near Mondidier, belonging to Conherrard de Brimeu, then absent with the army of sir John de Luxembourg in Vimeu. They placed a strong garrison within it, which much oppressed the country round. In another part, a company of[Pg 326] Dauphinois quartered at Marcoussy, to the amount of two hundred combatants, with their captain, secretly marched by night to the bridge of Meulan, to which they did great mischief. Their plan was to establish a garrison there to defend it; but the king of England sent thither the count de Conversan, with a number of men at arms, who having besieged them, they soon surrendered on having their lives and fortunes spared.

In this year, the emperor of Germany assembled a large body of men at arms from all parts of Christendom, to combat and oppose the false and stinking heretics that had arisen within the city of Prague and in the adjoining country from two to[Pg 327] three days journey around it. This armament was composed of many princes, prelates, knights, esquires, and others, as well on foot as on horseback, from parts of Germany, Liege, Holland, Zealand, Hainault and elsewhere. Their numbers were so great they could scarcely be counted; but the heretics defended themselves courageously in Prague that they could not do much harm to them, except in some skirmishes, when many were put to death. They were firmly united, and the country so strong, that the Christians were forced to retreat for want of provisions; and these accursed people were obstinate in their errors, and not afraid of any punishments which might be inflicted on them: they even armed their women, who were very devils in cruelty,—for several, dressed as men, were found among the slain in different engagements.

Similar heretics of both sexes were also discovered near to Douay, who held their meetings at the village of Sains, and were carried prisoners to the court of the bishop of Arras. Some of them recanted, and were pardoned; but the rest, having[Pg 328] been preached to by the bishop and inquisitor, were publicly burnt at Douay, Arras and Valenciennes.

Sir John de Luxembourg returned with his captains and his whole army, on Easter-night, before the two castles of D'airaines, and surrounded them on all sides. He had his artillery pointed against the walls, which made breaches in several places; but the besieged made a good defence with their cannon, and some sallies, by which indeed they did not gain much: however, as they were well supplied with stores and provision, they held out a considerable time, in the expectation of being powerfully succoured according to the promises that had been given them by some of the dauphin's partisans.

At the beginning of the year, a party of the Dauphinois assembled near to Compiègne, with the intent of marching to the succour of D'airaines. Their leaders were, the lord de Gamaches, the lord de Moy and Poton de Saintrailles, and their force amounted to from eight hundred to a thousand men. They first advanced to Pierrepont, which belonged to the vidame of Amiens; and although its outworks had strong hedges, and ditches full of water, they formed a lodgement therein, and made an attack on the fortress, but it was too well defended by those on guard.

While they were thus occupied at Pierrepont, news was brought of their proceedings to sir John de Luxembourg, at[Pg 330] the siege of D'airaines. He advised with his principal nobles, and then detached some of the captains, with a thousand combatants, to meet these Dauphinois. The commanders of the detachment were, sir Hugh de Launoy, master of the cross-bows of France, sir Raoul le Bouteiller, an Englishman, le borgne de Fosseux knight, the lord de Saveuses, and others expert in arms.

They lay the first night at Coucy, and on the morrow, very early, advanced to Moreul, where they heard that the Dauphinois were still in Pierrepont. They, in consequence, marched in very handsome array to meet them; but the Dauphinois, having heard of the near approach of their enemies, mounted their horses, and, after setting fire to their quarters, drew up in order of battle above Mondidier. The English and Burgundians traversed the town of Pierrepont as speedily as they could, but were much delayed by the fire, and formed themselves in battle-array fronting the enemy.

On this occasion many new knights were made on the part of the Burgundians,[Pg 331] namely, le bègue de Launoy, Anthony de Reubempré, James de Brimeu, Robert Fritel, Gilles de Hardecourt, Matthew de Landas, Philip du Bos, John de Beauvoir, Waleran de Fieses, Framet de la Tramerie, and many more. Much skirmishing took place between them, in which several men at arms were unhorsed and severely wounded or slain: during this the burgundian and english infantry remained inactive, and the Dauphinois galloped away in good order toward Compiègne, forming a rear guard of their ablest men for their security.

The Burgundians, seeing this, dispatched the lord de Saveuses with a certain number of men at arms, to pursue and check them, while the main body kept advancing after them as fast as they could. The Dauphinois, however, were panic-struck, and made their escape with a trifling loss of seven or eight men, who were killed on the first onset: in the number was a gallant man at arms, called Brunet de Gamaches. On the side of the Burgundians, an old man from Auxerre, named Breton d'Ailly, who for a long time[Pg 332] had not followed the wars, was slain, and a few others.

The English and Burgundians now returned to their quarters at Moreul and other villages, and thence to sir John de Luxembourg at the siege of D'airaines. The besieged were informed of the fate of the succour intended them, and that there was no hope of being relieved, which induced them to accede to a treaty, by which they were to surrender the castles, and to have permission to march unhurt, with their baggage, under passports from sir John de Luxembourg, to Compiègne, Crotoy, Gamaches, St Valery, or to any other places within their obedience from the river Seine to Crotoy.

The garrison consisted of about one hundred men at arms, and as many archers, under the command of sir Cocquart de Cambronne and John Sarpe. The two castles, when surrendered, were found full of stores and provision; but sir John de Luxembourg destroyed one of them, namely, that of the lady of D'airaines. The other he strongly regarrisoned, and appointed sir James de Lievin the governor. When[Pg 333] the Dauphinois had marched off, sir John returned with his army to his castle of Beaurevoir, where he dismissed his captains, and the others who had followed him.

Shortly after, sir James de Harcourt made an inroad as far as Auxi on the river Authie, and to other towns and villages, whence he returned to Crotoy with many prisoners and much plunder.

The king of England was indefatigable at the siege of Meaux, and having destroyed many parts of the walls of the market place, he summoned the garrison to surrender themselves to the king of France and himself, or he would storm the place. To this summons they replied, that it was not yet time to surrender,—on which the king ordered the place to be stormed. The[Pg 334] assault continued for seven or eight hours in a most bloody manner: nevertheless, the besieged made an obstinate defence, in spite of the great numbers that were attacking them.

Their lances had been almost all broken; but in their stead they made use of spits, and fought with such courage, that the English were driven from the ditches, which encouraged them much. Among the besieged who behaved gallantly must be noticed Guichart de Sisay; and his courage and ability were remarked by king Henry, who, after the reduction of the place, offered him a large sum if he would take the oaths and serve him; but he would never listen to the proposal, and remained firm to the dauphin.

Many new knights were made by the English at this attack, such as John Guigny, a Savoyard, and the bastard de Thiam, who had formerly been a great captain in the free companies under duke John of Burgundy. There were also at this siege, under the king of England, the lords de Châtillon and de Genlis, with many others of the french nobility.

[Pg 335]

From the commencement of this siege until the last moment, when they had no longer any hopes of relief from the dauphin, the besieged poured torrents of abuse upon the English. Among other insults which they offered, they had an ass led on the walls of the town, and, by beating it, made it bray, and then cried out to the English, that it was their king calling out for assistance, and told them to go to him. This conduct raised the king's indignation against them.

During the siege, a young knight, son to sir John Cornwall, and cousin german to king Henry, was killed by a cannon shot, to the great sorrow of the king and the other princes; for, although he was but a youth, he was very well behaved and prudent.

Toward the end of April, the besieged, having lost all hopes of succour, and finding they could not hold out longer, offered to enter into terms of capitulation. King Henry appointed his uncle the duke of Exeter, the earl of Warwick, the count de Conversan and sir Walter Hungerford, his commissioners for this purpose. On the[Pg 336] part of the besieged were nominated sir Phillip Mallet, Pierron de Luppel, John d'Aunay, Sinader de Gerames, le borgne de Caucun, John d'Espinach and Guillaume de Fossé. They had several conferences, and at length agreed to the following terms:

First, on the 11th day of May, the market-place, and all Meaux, was to be surrendered into the hands of the kings of France and England.

Item, sir Louis de Gast, the bastard de Vaurus, Jean de Rouvieres, Tromagon, Bernard de Meureville, and a person called Oraches, who had sounded the trumpet during the siege, were to be delivered up to justice,—and such punishment was to be inflicted on them as they might deserve.

Item, Guichart de Sisay, Pierron de Luppel, master Robert de Gerames, Philip de Gamaches and John d'Aunay, were to remain in the power of the two kings until all the forts held by them, or their allies, in the realm should be given up; and when that was done, they were to have their liberty.

Item, all the English, Welsh, Scots[Pg 337] and Irish, subjects to the king of England who had assisted in the defence of the place, were to be delivered up to the two kings.

Item, all other persons, as well men at arms as burghers, were to have their lives spared, but to remain prisoners to the two kings.

Item, the count de Conversan was to be acquitted of all his engagements to Pierron de Luppel respecting his ransom; and the latter was to promise that he would hold him acquitted of the above, without fraud or malice.

Item, the besieged, within eight days preceding the surrender of the town, were to carry all their effects to an appointed place, without any way injuring them, and to deliver inventories thereof to commissaries named by the said kings. They were to carry all relics, ornaments, or church-furniture, to a separate place.

Item, they were to deliver up all prisoners, whether confined in the market-place or in other forts, and acquit them of their pledges.

Item, they were not to suffer any[Pg 338] person to quit the place before the surrender of the town, and, in like manner, were not to permit any one to enter it, unless so ordered by the kings.

Item, for the due observance of these articles, the besieged were to give assurances signed with the hand and seal of one hundred of the principal townsmen, four-and-twenty of whom were to remain as hostages so long as the two kings might please.

Item, on the signing this treaty, all hostilities were to cease on each side.

Matters now remained in this state until the 10th day of May, when the substance of the above articles was put into execution by commissaries appointed by the two kings, who sent off the prisoners under a strong guard. Some of the principal were carried to Rouen, and thence to England, and others to Paris, where they were confined. The whole of the prisoners of war might be about eight hundred; and their commander in chief, the bastard de Vaurus, was, by king Henry's command, beheaded, and his body hung on a tree, without the walls of Meaux, called thenceforth Vaurus's Tree. This Vaurus had, in his time,[Pg 339] hung many a Burgundian and Englishman: his head was fixed to a lance, and fastened on the tree over his body.

Sir Louis Gast, Denis de Vaurus, master John de Rouvieres, and he who had sounded the trumpet, were beheaded at Paris,—their heads fixed on lances over the market-place, and their bodies hung by the arms to a gibbet. All the wealth found in Meaux, and which was very great, was distributed according to the pleasure of king Henry. He was very proud of his victory, and entered the place in great pomp, and remained there some days with his princes to repose and solace himself, having given orders for the complete reparation of the walls that had been so much damaged by artillery at the siege.

In consequence of the reduction of Meaux, many considerable towns and forts, as well in the county of Valois as in the surrounding parts, submitted to king Henry, through the intervention of the lord d'Offemont, under whose power they were. In the number were, the town of Crespy in the Valois, the castle of Pierrepont, Merlo, Offemont and others. The lord d'Offemont, however, kept possession of his own towns and forts, and was acquitted of his ransom as prisoner, on condition that he swore obedience to the terms of the peace last concluded between the two kings at Troyes, and gave sufficient securities for his so doing. The bishop of Noyon and the lord de Cauny were his sureties, who pledged their lives and fortunes in his favour.

Those who had been made prisoners in[Pg 341] Meaux likewise submitted many towns and castles to the kings of France and England. When the leaders of the Dauphinois in the Beauvoisis heard that king Henry was proceeding so vigorously, and reducing to obedience, by various means, towns and castles that were thought impregnable, they began to be seriously alarmed, and sent ambassadors to treat with him for their safe retreat, in case they were not relieved by the dauphin on a certain day, which they would make known to him.

Among them was the lord de Gamaches, who treated for the surrender of the town of Compiègne, of which he was governor, and for the fortresses of Remy, Gournay sur Aronde, Mortemer, Neufville in Hez, Tressousart, and others in that district. He also gave hostages to deliver them up to such commissaries as the two kings should appoint, on the 18th day of June following.

Sir Louis de Thiembronne made a similar treaty for the garrison of the town of Gamaches, on condition of their having passports to retire whithersoever they pleased with their arms and baggage, and that[Pg 342] the inhabitants were to remain in peace, on taking the oaths of allegiance.

Through the management of Pierron de Luppel, the strong castle of Montagu surrendered to the two kings, which fortress had kept a large tract of country under subjection from its strength; and its garrison had done much mischief to the towns of Rheims and Laon, and the adjacent parts.

On the other hand, those in the castle of Moy, hearing of all these conquests, and fearing lest sir John de Luxembourg and the English should unexpectedly besiege them, set fire to it, and withdrew to Guise. In like manner were the castles of Montescourt and Brissy destroyed.

On the 21st day of May in this year 1422, Catherine queen of England, who had been some time recovered of her lying-in of her first-born child Henry, arrived at Harfleur in grand state, attended by ladies without number, and escorted by a large fleet filled with men at arms and archers under the command of the duke of Bedford, brother to the king.

On landing, she went to Rouen, and thence to the castle of Vincennes, to meet the king. Queen Catherine travelled in royal state, alway accompanied by the duke of Bedford and the men at arms.

King Henry departed from Meaux with his princes to meet her, and she was received by them as if she had been an angel from heaven. Great rejoicings were made by the king and queen of France[Pg 344] for the happy arrival of their son-in-law and their daughter; and on the 30th day of May, Whitsun-eve, the kings of France and of England, accompanied by their queens, left Vincennes, and entered Paris with much pomp. The king and queen of France were lodged at the hôtel of St Pol, and the king of England and his company at the Louvre. In each of these places, the two kings solemnly celebrated the feast of Pentecost, which fell on the day after their arrival.

On this day, the king and queen of England were seated at table gorgeously apparelled, having crowns on their heads. The English princes, dukes, knights, and prelates were partakers of the feast, each seated according to his rank, and the tables were covered with the rarest viands and choicest wines. The king and queen this day held a grand court, which was attended by all the English at Paris; and the Parisians went to the castle of the Louvre to see the king and queen at table crowned with their most precious diadems; but as no meat or drink was offered to the populace by the attendants, they went away[Pg 345] much discontented; for in former times, when the kings of France kept open court, meat and drink was distributed abundantly to all comers by the king's servants.

King Charles had indeed been as liberal and courteous as his predecessors, but he was now seated in his hôtel of St Pol at table with his queen, deserted by the grandees and others of his subjects, as if he had been quite forgotten. The government and power of the kingdom were now transferred from his hands into those of his son-in-law king Henry; and he had so little share, that he was managed as the king of England pleased, and no attention was paid him, which created much sorrow in the hearts of all loyal Frenchmen, and not without cause.

During the king of England's residence at Paris, he ordered the tax of silver to be collected, for the coinage of new money, in the manner before described. This gave rise to great murmurings and discontent; but, from dread of king Henry, the Parisians dared not show any other signs of disobedience and rebellion than by words.

The two kings, with their queens and attendants, departed from Paris and went to Senlis, where they made some stay. As the day for the surrender of Gamaches was near at hand, the king of England sent the earl of Warwick thither with three thousand combatants; and, according to the terms of the treaty, he entered the town on the 18th of June. Having delivered back the hostages safe and well, he received the oaths of allegiance from the inhabitants, in the name of the two kings, and then appointed sir John Felton, an Englishman, governor, with a sufficient garrison of men at arms and archers.

Having finished this business, the earl of Warwick marched for St Valery, which was in the possession of the Dauphinois.[Pg 347] When he was near the town, he sent forward the van of his army to reconnoitre the place; but the garrison made a sally, of a hundred picked men at arms well mounted, who instantly attacked the English, and a sharp conflict ensued, in which many were killed and wounded, and some prisoners taken from the English.

While this was passing, the earl hastened the march of his army to the support of the van, which forced the Dauphinois to retreat within their town. The earl marched round part of the town with his army, and quartered some of his men in the monastery, and the rest in tents and pavilions. After this, he caused his engines to play incessantly on the walls, and damaged them in many places. With regard to the frequent sallies of the garrison, I shall, for brevity sake, pass them over; but, as the town was open to the sea, from the besiegers' want of shipping to blockade the port, the garrison and inhabitants could go whither they pleased for provisions, to Crotoy or elsewhere, to the great vexation of the earl of Warwick.

The earl sent to the ports of Normandy[Pg 348] for vessels; and so many came that the harbour of St Valery was shut up, to the grief of the besieged, who now lost their only hope of holding out the town. In consequence, at the end of three weeks or thereabout, they made a treaty with the earl to surrender on the fourth day of September, on condition of being allowed to depart safely with their baggage, should they not be relieved before that day by the dauphin. During this time, the besieged were to abstain from making any inroads, and from foraging the county; and to deliver sufficient good hostages to the earl for the due performance of the articles of this treaty, who, after this, returned with the English to king Henry.

The king of England sent also his brother the duke of Bedford, and others of his princes, grandly accompanied, to the town of Compiègne, to receive it from the hands of the lord de Gamaches, who had promised to surrender it to the duke on the 18th day of June.

The lord de Gamaches marched from Compiègne with about twelve hundred combatants, and, under passports from the[Pg 349] king of England, conducted them across the Seine to the dauphin. In like manner did the lord de Gamaches yield up the other forts before mentioned, according to his promises.

Thus were all the places which the Dauphinois had held between Paris and Boulogne-sur Mer subjected to the obedience of the two kings, excepting the town of Crotoy and the territory of Guise. When the duke of Bedford had received oaths of allegiance from the burghers and inhabitants of Compiègne, and nominated sir Hugh de Launoy governor thereof, he returned to his brother the king at Senlis.

At this time, ambassadors were sent by the two monarchs to sir James de Harcourt in Crotoy: they were his brother the bishop of Amiens, the bishop of Beauvais, sir Hugh de Launoy master of the cross-bows of France, with a herald from king Henry, to summon sir James to yield up the town of Crotoy to their obedience; but, notwithstanding their diligence and earnestness, they could not prevail on him to consent, nor to enter into any sort of treaty.

At this period, the king of England went from Senlis to Compiegne to see the town. While there, he received intelligence that a plot had been formed to take the town of Paris, through the means of the wife of one of the king of France's armourers. She was discovered one morning very early by a priest who had gone to his garden without the walls, speaking earnestly with some armed men in a valley under his garden. Alarmed at what he saw, he instantly returned to the gate of Paris, told the guard what he had seen, and bade them be careful and attentive. The guard arrested the woman and carried her to prison, where she soon confessed the fact.

This intelligence made king Henry return to Paris with his men at arms, where[Pg 351] he had the woman drowned for her demerits, as well as some of her accomplices: he then returned to the king of France at Senlis.

About this time, sir John and sir Anthony du Vergy gained the town of St Dizier in Pertois; but the Dauphinois-garrison retired to the castle, wherein they were instantly besieged. La Hire, and some other captains, hearing of it, assembled a body of men for their relief; but the two above mentioned lords, learning their intentions, collected as large a number of combatants as they could raise, and marched to oppose them; when they met, they attacked them so vigorously that they were defeated, with about forty slain on the field: the rest saved themselves by flight. After this, the lords du Vergy returned to the siege of the castle of St Dizier, which was soon surrendered to them; and they regarrisoned it with their people.

[Pg 352]

[Translated by my Friend, the Rev. W. Shepherd, of Gateacre in the County of Lancaster.]

'Ah, princes, prelates, valiant lords,
Lawyers and tradesfolk, small and great!
Burghers and warriors girt with swords,
Who fatten on our daily sweat!
To labouring hinds some comfort give:
Whate'er betide, we needs must live.

But live we cannot long, we trow,
If God deny his powerful aid
Against the poor man's cruel foe,
Who doth our goods by force invade,
And, flouting us with pride and scorn,
Beareth away our wine and corn.

No corn is in our granary stored,
No vintage cheers our heavy hearts,
But once a week our wretched board
Scant fare of oaten bread imparts;
And when we raise the asking eye,
The rich from our distresses fly.
[Pg 353]
'But fly not:—think how ye offend
Who shut your ears against our cry.
And oh! some gracious succour lend,
Or else with want we surely die.
Oh hear! and on our wasted frame
Have pity, lords! in Jesus' name.

Pity our faces, pale and wan,
Our trembling limbs, our haggard eyes!
Relieve the fainting husbandman,
And Heaven will count you truly wise.
For God declares to great and small,
Who lacketh kindness, lacketh all.

All hope is lost, all trust is gone!
For when we beg from door to door,
All cry, 'God bless you!' but not one
Gives bread or meat to feed the poor.
The dogs fare better far than we,
Albeit we faithful Christians be.

Yea, Christians, sons of God we be!
Your brethren too, who trust in wealth,
And think not that at Heaven's decree
Gold disappears by force or stealth
Rich tho' ye be, to death ye bow:
Ye little wis, or when or how.
[Pg 354]
'How dare ye say, what oftentimes
Ye utter in a thoughtless mood,
That want we suffer for our crimes,
That misery worketh for our good?
For Christ his sake, no more say so,
But look with pity on our woe.

Our woe regard, and ne'er forget
That ye subsist upon the toil
Of weary labourers,—and yet
Their scanty goods ye daily spoil.
Yea, thus ye act, of what degree,
Estate, or rank soe'er ye be.

Be then advised, and bear in mind
That perished are our little gains,
Whilst no protecting master kind
Vouchsafes to pay us for our pains.
But if we longer thus are shent,
Believe us, lords! ye will repent.

Repent ye will, or late or soon,
If from our plaints ye turn away:
For your tall towers will tumble down,
Your gorgeous palaces decay:
Sith true it is, ye lordly great,
We are the pillars of your state.
[Pg 355]
'The pillars of your state do crack:
Your deep foundations turn to dust:
Nor have ye prop or stay, alack!
In which to put your stedfast trust.
But down ye sink without delay,
Which make us cry, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! ye bishops grave,
Lords of the faith of Christian folk,
Naked and bare, your help we crave,
The wretched outcasts of your flock.
For love of God, in charity
Remonstrate with the rich and proud,
That tho' they raise their heads so high,
They are maintained by the crowd,
Whose bread perforce they take away,
And make us cry, 'Ah! welladay!'

Ah, welladay! our gracious king,
The noblest prince in Christian land,
What mischiefs do their counsels bring,
Who bade thee lay thy heavy hand
On thy poor liege men!—but be wise.
God gave thee power our rights to guard:
Then listen to our doleful cries,
[Pg 356]And deal th' oppressor's just reward;
'So shall the poor no longer say,
In grief of heart, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! great king of France,
Remember our unhappy lot:
Long have we borne our sad mischance,
And patient are we still, God wot!
But if you do not soon apply
Choice remedies to our distress,
Eftsoons our tens of thousands fly,
In foreign lands to seek redress.
And when from hence we haste away,
'Tis you will cry, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! good prince, beware;
For thoughtless kings, in days of yore,
Who for their subjects did not care,
By loss of lands were punished sore.
Are you not sworn to work our weal?
Bid, then, our sore vexations cease:
Humble the proud with prudent zeal,
And grant us safety, grant us peace:
So shall we no more need to say,
In grief of heart, 'Ah, welladay!'
[Pg 357]
'Ah, welladay! when thrice a-year,
Your surly sergeants came perforce,
And, levying tallage on our gear,
Drive from our field both cow and horse.
But yet in Jesus' name, we trow,
That scant proportion of the same
Doth to the royal coffers flow.
Then our complaints no longer blame,
Nor marvel if our piteous lay
Is burthened still with 'Welladay!'

Ah, welladay! ye lords so great,
Whose counsels guide our sovereign king,
Who rule each province of the state,
To him our tale of sorrow bring.
The keys of this fair realm you hold,
Then bid him pass the just decree,
(Assisted by his barons bold)
Which from our woes may set us free.
Thus underneath his gentle sway,
No more we'll sing, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! ye counts so brave,
In dread we bear your heavy thralls.
While rain pours down and winds do rave,
[Pg 358]We stand upon your castle-walls.
'And while, with night's all-piercing dew
So numb and cold, we keep the guard,
Your captains beat us black and blue,
Swearing we sleep upon our ward.
And all because we sorrowing say,
In murmurs low, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! thus beaten sore,
Full many a crown we needs must pay,
To fill that maw which craves for more
While insolence oppressive sway
More bitter renders!—but is this
The claim of reason or of right?
Ah, simple are ye, well we wis,
Who proudly deal us such despite!
Simple, in sooth; or ye would say
Pitying our moan, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! against our will,
Thus of your captains we complain;
But sheep and lambs, and hogs they steal,
And rifle all our store of grain.
And if in pity ought they leave,
The sergeants glean the scanty dole;
And all the gear your towers receive,
[Pg 359]For shelter, pays a grievous toll.
'The castellan, whom thus we pay,
Recks not our cry, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! what end of trouble!
When royal taxes are decreed,
We tillers of the land pay double,
Albeit in times of greatest need,
Your men at arms, like hungry thieves,
Prowl through our fields with sharpened eye,
And drive and slay our fattest beeves!
Or if protection ye supply,
Both gold and grain therefor we pay.
Well may we then sing 'Welladay!'

Ah, welladay! ye men at arms,
Little it boots us to complain,
Albeit ye multiply our harms,
And seize perforce our stacks of grain.
But well I wot that frost and snow
Shall be the guerdon of your crimes,
And ravenous Death shall lay you low,
As Pharaoh fell in elder times.
Then shall we smile, nor longer say
In grief of heart, 'Ah, welladay!'
[Pg 360]
'Ah, welladay! ye lawyers grave,
Your simple clients to embroil,
A subtle web of quirks ye weave,
And fill your purses by our spoil.
Thus do you, by your dark deceit,
Make wrong seem right, and right seem wrong,
While artless husbandmen ye cheat,
And all our woes and griefs prolong,
When you should join our doleful lay,
And cry with us, 'Ah, welladay!

Ah, welladay! ye burghers too,
Whom erst our rents and toils maintained:
When times were good, our jovial crew
With plenteous cheer ye entertained;
But now that loathsome poverty,
And debts, consume our squalid band,
Reckless ye view our misery,
And will not stretch the helping hand.
Thus held in scorn we sorrowing say,
In doleful dumps, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! ye tradesfolk all
Who sold your paltry wares so dear,
But grudged our gains so scant and small,
[Pg 361]Whene'er ye purchased of our gear.
'Your knavery and your wicked lies,
Your tricks and violated troth
Shall surely meet their due emprise,
When God descends in vengeful wrath,
Then will ye curse your wealth, and say,
In fear of heart, 'Ah, welladay.'

Ah, welladay! ye craftsmen too,
Farriers, and wights that curry skins:
Your grinding avarice ye shall rue,
When judgment falls upon your sins.
The glibness of your glosing tongue
Has fleeced us worse than usury,
Tho' victims of your cunning wrong,
Aye doomed to meagre misery.
For you we work for wretched pay,
Which makes us cry, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! full well ye know,
When we have sown our yearly seed,
From driving rain, and frost and snow,
And all the vermin, wars do breed,
What ills our rising crop betide.
Alas! our hoards of pulse and corn,
The toiling peasant's joy and pride,
[Pg 362]Those vermin to their holes have borne:
'There while they heap their stores of prey,
Well may we sigh, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! if sooth we sing,
Wherefore your pardon should we crave?
Our doleful state your hearts should wring,
For nought can we from pillage save.
Our sleekest beeves, our fairest kine,
Which fed us with their milky store,
Our fleecy sheep, and fatted swine,
Are vanish'd to return no more;
And when we miss them, well we may
Cry out, 'Alas! and welladay!'

Ah, welladay! can folks who wear
The form of men, and have a soul,
Behold us through the frosty air
Begging, in rags, the scanty dole;
For all is gone: the hungry Scot
And haughty Spaniard, in their turn,
Have stripped us to the skin, God wot!
And left us to lament and mourn.
Hear then our dismal tale, nor say
For nought we cry, 'Ah, welladay!'
[Pg 363]
'Oh, holy church! Oh, noble king!
Sage counsellors, and soldiers brave,
Lawyers and tradesfolk, thus we bring
To you our plaints so sad and grave.
For God, and for his mother's sake,
Attend with pity to our cries,
And on our state compassion take,
Else will ye see, with weeping eyes,
Your towers consumed by hostile fires;
For if ye slight our humble prayer,
Our urgent wants and just desires,
Far different letters shall declare.
But if you please, in serious mood
And kind, these presents to peruse,
God shall direct you to your good,
Nor will ye still our prayer refuse.
Then shall we cease to sigh and say,
In grief of heart, 'Ah, welladay!'

Amen! so God grant of his grace!'

We must now speak of the duke of Touraine dauphin, who had assembled from divers parts an army of twenty thousand men, the greater number of which he had marched to Sancerre, where he had fixed his residence. During his stay there, he had won the town of La Charité-sur-Loire, which he regarrisoned, and had so closely besieged Cône-sur-Loire, that the garrison were constrained to capitulate with the commissaries of the dauphin for its surrender on the 6th day of August, unless the duke of Burgundy should come or send a force sufficient to combat his enemies; and for the due performance of this they gave sufficient hostages. The two dukes, of Touraine and Burgundy, mutually promised each other, by their heralds, to meet on the appointed day in battle-array for the combat.

[Pg 365]

The duke of Burgundy had before made his arrangements to return to Artois; but, in consequence of the above, he resolved to stay in Burgundy, and sent messengers to summon assistance from Flanders, Picardy and elsewhere. He sent also to the king of England, earnestly to request the aid of a certain number of his men at arms and archers, with some of his princes and chief captains. The king gave for answer, to the duke's messengers, that he would not only comply with the request they made, but would come to the duke's aid in person, and with his whole army.

Sir Hugh de Launoy, master of the cross-bows of France, was not idle in raising men in Flanders, and in the neighbourhood of Lille, and assembled great numbers. In like manner did sir John de Luxembourg, the lord de Croy, and many other captains in Picardy, who toward the end of July advanced by different roads round Paris, and marched thence through Troyes in Champagne.

On the other hand, the king of England, though in a very bad state of health at Senlis, ordered the army that was in and[Pg 366] about Paris to march toward Burgundy, under the command of his brother the duke of Bedford, the earl of Warwick, and other princes and captains. He himself, notwithstanding his illness, took leave of his brother the king of France, of the queen, and of his own consort, whom he never after saw, and departed from Senlis to Melun, where he had himself placed in a litter, intending to join his army on the day appointed for the battle between the dauphin and the duke of Burgundy. But he daily grew so much weaker, that he was forced to return to the castle of Vincennes, where he took to his death-bed.

In the mean time, the English army, under the duke of Bedford, advanced near to Burgundy,—as did the lords of Picardy by another route. They at length came to the town of Veselay, where they found the duke of Burgundy waiting for them with a considerable army collected from all quarters. The duke received them with great joy, and feasted them grandly, more especially the duke of Bedford and the English lords, whom he gratefully thanked for the powerful succour they had brought him in his time of need.

[Pg 367]

When the junction of all these reinforcements was completed, the whole advanced toward Cône-sur-Loire, having van, centre and rear battalions, in which were intermixed English, Burgundians and Picards, so that no jealousies might arise among them, and that none of the three parties might claim any particular honour on the day of battle.

In this order they came before Cône, and there took up their quarters for the night, ready for the combat on the morrow, according to the promises of the dauphin. But the dauphin and his advisers, having heard of the immense force of the duke of Burgundy and the princes his allies, withdrew with his army to Bourges in Berry, and no person appeared for him on the appointed day.

Thus the town of Cône remained in possession of the duke of Burgundy, who marched back toward Troyes. The army suffered much from want of provision, especially bread; but when they were arrived near Troyes, they spread themselves over the low countries, which were very much oppressed by them on their going and returning.

[Pg 368]

The duke of Bedford received intelligence on the march, that his brother the king was so ill that his life was despaired of: on which the duke, and some of the most faithful of the king's household, quitted the army, and hastened to the castle of Vincennes, where they found him worse than had been told them. The duke of Burgundy, hearing this, dispatched sir Hugh de Launoy to visit him, and inquire into the state of his health.

King Henry, finding himself mortally ill, called to him his brother the duke of Bedford, his uncle of Exeter, the earl of Warwick, sir Louis de Robesart, and others, to the number of six or eight of those in whom he had the greatest confidence, and said, that he saw with grief it was the pleasure of his Creator that he should quit this world. He then addressed the duke of Bedford,—John, my good brother, I beseech you, on the loyalty and love you have ever expressed for me, that you show the same loyalty and affection to my son Henry, your nephew, and that, so long as you shall live, you do not suffer him to conclude any treaty with our adversary[Pg 369] Charles, and that on no account whatever the duchy of Normandy be wholly restored to him. Should our good brother of Burgundy be desirous of the regency of the kingdom of France, I would advise that you let him have it; but should he refuse, then take it yourself.

'My good uncle of Exeter, I nominate you sole regent of the kingdom of England, for that you well know how to govern it; and I entreat that you do not, on any pretence whatever, return to France, and I likewise nominate you as guardian to my son,—and I insist, on your love to me, that you do very often personally visit and see him.

'My dear cousin of Warwick, I will that you be his governor, and that you teach him all things becoming his rank, for I cannot provide a fitter person for the purpose.

'I entreat you as earnestly as I can, that you avoid all quarrels and dissentions with our fair brother of Burgundy; and this I particularly recommend to the consideration of my fair brother Humphrey,—for should any coolness subsist between[Pg 370] you, which God forbid, the affairs of this realm, which are now in a very promising state, would soon be ruined. You will be careful not to set at liberty our cousin of Orleans, the count d'Eu, the lord de Gaucourt and sir Guichart de Sisay, until our dear son shall be of a proper age; and in all other things, you will act as you shall judge for the best.'

The king having said these words, and some others, the lords replied, with grief and respect, that all he had ordered, and whatever they should think would be agreeable to him, they would execute to the utmost of their power, without altering any one thing. They were greatly affected at seeing the melancholy state he was in; and some of them left the apartment.

Sir Hugh de Launoy having accomplished the business he had been sent on by the duke of Burgundy, and having had some conversation with the king, returned to the duke. The king then sent for his physicians, and earnestly demanded of them how long they thought he had to live. They delayed answering the question directly; but, not to discourage hope, they[Pg 371] said that it depended solely on the will of God whether he would be restored to health. He was dissatisfied with this answer, and repeated his request, begging of them to tell him the truth. Upon this, they consulted together, and one of them, as spokesman, falling on his knees, said, 'Sire, you must think on your soul; for, unless it be the will of God to decree otherwise, it is impossible that you should live more than two hours.'

The king, hearing this, sent for his confessor, some of his household, and his chaplains, whom he ordered to chaunt the seven penitential psalms. When they came to 'Benigne fac Domine,' where mention is made 'Muri Hierusalem,' he stopped them, and said aloud, that he had fully intended, after he had wholly subdued the realm of France to his obedience, and restored it to peace, to have gone to conquer the kingdom of Jerusalem, if it had pleased his Creator to have granted him longer life. Having said this, he allowed the priests to proceed, and, shortly after, according to the prediction of his physicians, gave up the ghost the last day of August.

[Pg 372]

The duke of Bedford, the other princes, and in general all the English, made loud lamentations for his death, and were truly sorry for it. Shortly after, his bowels were buried in the church of the monastery of Saint Maur des Fosses, and his body embalmed and put into a leaden coffin. During this time, the duke of Burgundy came from Braye-Comte-Robert, to Vincennes, to visit the duke of Bedford and the other princes; and having had a short conference with them went to Paris, where he was lodged in his hôtel of Artois.

The body of king Henry was carried in great funeral pomp, attended by the English princes, his household, and a multitude of other people, to the church of Nôtre-Dame, in Paris, where a solemn service was performed; after which it was conveyed to Rouen in the same state, where it remained a considerable time.

In the mean time, the princes, namely, the duke of Bedford, the duke of Burgundy, and the duke of Exeter, with other great lords, assembled in council at Paris, to deliberate on the future government of France, when it was resolved, that what[Pg 373] had been formerly agreed to and settled between the two kings at Troyes in Champagne, for the establishment of peace, should be the ground-work of the future government. It was now publicly known, that the disorder king Henry had died of was a heat in his fundamental, very similar to what is called the disorder of St Anthony.[11]

After the princes had agreed on the future government of the kingdom, the duke of Burgundy quitted Paris, and returned, with his Picards, to Artois and Flanders; and the duke of Bedford, with the English lords, to Rouen, to regulate the affairs of that duchy. The queen of England was conducted to Rouen in great state; for she had been kept in ignorance how dangerously ill the king was, and knew not of his death until some time after it had happened.

The royal coffin was placed within a car, drawn by four large horses, having on its top a representation of the deceased monarch, of boiled leather, elegantly painted,[Pg 374] with a rich crown of gold on the head: in his right hand a sceptre, in his left a golden ball, with his face looking to the heavens. Over the bed on which this representation lay was a coverlid of vermilion silk interwoven with beaten gold. When it passed through any towns, a canopy of silk (like to what is carried over the host on Corpus Christi day) was borne over it.

In this state, and attended by his princes, and the knights of his household, did the funeral proceed from Rouen strait to Abbeville, where the body was placed in the church of St Ulfran, with rows of priests on each side of the coffin, who day and night incessantly chaunted requiems. Masses were daily said for his soul in the churches of all the towns through which the funeral passed, from break of day until noon. From Abbeville, the procession proceeded to Hesdin, and thence to Montrieul, Boulogne and Calais. During the whole way, there were persons on either side the car, dressed in white, carrying lighted torches: behind it were his household clothed in black, and after them his relatives in tears, and dressed in mourning.[Pg 375] At about a league distance followed the queen, with a numerous attendance. From Calais they embarked for Dover, and, passing through Canterbury and Rochester, arrived at London on Martinmas-day.

When the funeral approached London, fifteen bishops dressed in pontificalibus, several mitred abbots and churchmen, with a multitude of persons of all ranks, came out to meet it. The churchmen chaunted the service for the dead as it passed over London-bridge, through Lombard Street, to St Paul's cathedral. Near the car were the relations of the late king, uttering loud lamentations. On the collar of the first horse that drew the car were emblazoned the ancient arms of England: on that of the second, the arms of France and England quartered, the same as he bore during his lifetime: on that of the third, the arms of France simply. On that of the fourth horse were painted the arms of the noble king Arthur, whom no one could conquer: they were three crowns or, on a shield azure.

When the funeral service had been royally performed in the cathedral, the body[Pg 376] was carried to be interred at Westminster-abbey with the kings his ancestors. At this funeral, and in regard to every thing concerning it, greater pomp and expense were made than had been done for two hundred years at the interment of any king of England; and even now, as much honour and reverence is daily paid to his tomb, as if it were certain he was a saint in paradise.

Thus ended the life of king Henry in the flower of his age, for when he died he was but forty years old.[12] He was very wise and able in every business he undertook, and of a determined character. During the seven or eight years he ruled in France, he made greater conquests than any of his predecessors had ever done. It is true, he was so feared by his princes and captains that none dared to disobey his orders, however nearly related to him, more especially his English subjects.

In this state of obedience were his subjects of France and England in general; and the principal cause was, that if any[Pg 377] person transgressed his ordinances, he had him instantly punished without favour or mercy.

When this ceremony was over, the three estates of England assembled to consider the present state of the realm, when they unanimously elected the young son of their departed monarch king, although he was but sixteen months old, and submitted themselves to his will notwithstanding his youth. They instantly granted him a royal establishment, and agreed that he should be under the governance of the earl of Warwick.

While these things were passing, a noble knight of Picardy used a joking expression to his herald respecting king Henry, which was afterward often repeated. Sir Sarrasin d'Arly, uncle to the vidame of Amiens, who might be about sixty years of age, resided in the castle of Achere, which he had had with his wife, sister to the lord d'Offemont, near to Pas in Artois. He was laid up with the gout, but very eager in his inquiries after news of what was going on. One day his poursuivant, named Haurenas, of the same age as himself, and[Pg 378] who had long served him, returned from making the usual inquiries; and on sir Sarrasin questioning him, and asking him if he had heard any particulars of the death of the king of England, he said, that he had, and had even seen his corpse at Abbeville, in the church of St Ulfran, and then related how he was attired, nearly as has been before described. The knight then asked him, on his faith, if he had diligently observed him? On his answering, that he had,—'Now, on thy oath, tell me,' added sir Sarrasin, 'if he had his boots on?' 'No, my lord, by my faith, he had not.' The knight then cried out, 'Haurenas, my good friend, never believe me if he has not left them in France!' This expression set the company a laughing, and then they talked of other matters.

During the absence of the duke of Burgundy, and while he was making his preparations for the expected battle of Cône, his duchess, daughter to the king of France and sister to the dauphin, fell ill at Ghent, and died there. All her attendants, and indeed the whole of the inhabitants of Ghent and Flanders were much grieved at her death, for she was greatly beloved by all who knew her, and adored by the subjects of her lord, duke Philip, and not without reason, for she was of high extraction, and adorned with every good qualification, as it was reported by those who from their situations, must have been perfectly acquainted with her. Her body was solemnly interred in the church of the monastery of Saint Bavon near to Ghent.

It was, however, commonly reported[Pg 380] and believed in Ghent, that her death had been hastened; and one of her ladies called Ourse, wife to Coppin de la Viefville, born in Germany, was suspected of having done it. She had been the great confidante of the duchess, who had intrusted her signet to her, but, during her illness, had dismissed her from her service; and she had retired to the town of Aire. The municipality of Ghent sent six score men thither to arrest and bring her back; but, on their arrival at Aire, they were met by sir Gauvain de la Viefville, and some other gentlemen of name, friends to her husband, who promised to deliver her up to the duke of Burgundy, for him to deal with her as he pleased. On receiving a solemn promise to this purpose, the Ghent men returned to their town; but the municipality were very angry that their orders had not been obeyed, and confined several of them prisoners. They were also much displeased with the mayor, sheriffs and jurats, for not having delivered up the said Ourse, according to their mandate.

Notwithstanding the lord de Roubaix had never quitted the duke since he first[Pg 381] set out for Burgundy, the Ghent men banished him their town and Flanders, believing him to be concerned in the above business. When the duke returned, he restored to him his lands, and soon after made his peace with those of Ghent; for he had not the least suspicion of the lord de Roubaix, knowing that he had never left his company.

Thus ended this affair, and nothing more was done in it, nor were any further inquiries made.

By authority from the kings of France and of England, and their grand council, the duke of Bedford was appointed regent of France, in consequence of the duke of Burgundy not wishing to undertake that office.

A little prior to this, the following castles had been razed to the ground by royal command, namely, the castle of Muyn, Cressensac, Mortemer, Tilloy, Araines, Hericourt, Louvroy, and others, to the great vexation of their owners,—but they could not any way prevent its being done.

END OF VOL. V.

[Pg 382]

H. Bryer, Printer, Bridge-street,
Blackfriars, London.

Page 11. line 25. Bourbon.] Charles, eldest son of John duke of Bourbon, prisoner in England.

Page 12. line 15. Bar.] Named Guy de Bar in the list of officers of the crown.

Page 14. line 11. Rieux.] Peter, marshal de Rieux, third son of John lord of Rieux and Rochefort, who died marshal in 1417. His brothers were, John III. lord de Rieux, Giles, and Michael lord of Chasteauneuf.

Page 17. line 14. Crevecoeur.] James de Crevecoeur, lord of Thois, Thiennes, &c. gentleman to the duke of Burgundy, son of John lord of Crevecoeur and Blanche de Saveuse, and educated to arms under Robert de Saveuse.

Page 18. line 8. Roye.] John III. lord of Roye, son of Matthew lord of Roye, mentioned by Froissart.

Page 18. line 15. Ventadour.] James count de Ventadour, grandson of Bernard, in whose favour the viscounty was enlarged into a county. It was a very ancient family descended from the[Pg 384] viscounts of Comborn of the tenth century, and the yet older counts of Quercy.

Page 26. line 11. L'Isle-Adam.] John de Villiers, lord of l'Isle-Adam.

Page 26. line 12. Chastellus.] Claud de Beauvoir, lord of Chastellus, brother of George de Chastellus, admiral in 1420.

Page 26. line 13. Mailly.] I do not find the name of Mailly in the catalogue of grand butlers; but John de Neufchastel, lord of Montagu, seems to have enjoyed the office from this year 1418.

Page 26. line 14. Lens.] Charles de Rècourt, lord of Lens, admiral in 1418.

Page 46. last line. Orange.] John de Châlons, lord d'Arlay, and prince of Orange in right of his wife Mary des Baux. He was succeeded in his estates by his son Louis, surnamed The Good, and in his office of grand chambrier de France by William lord of Chasteau-vilain.

Page 48. line 6. Mommor.] Q. Montmaur?

Page 50. line 9. Cohen.] John de Berghes, lord of Cohen, grand huntsman of France.

Page 51. line 5. Château-villain.] William lord of Chasteau-villain, grand chambrier de France.

Page 74. line 5. Monstieriller.] Montivilliers.

Page 74. line 6. Argues.] Arques.

[Pg 385]

Page 74. line 7. Monchaulx.] Q. Chaumont?

Page 74. line 10. Abrechier.] Q. Evreux?

Page 74. line 12. Nogondouville.] Q. Nonancourt?

Page 74. line 13. Logempré.] Q. Louviers?

Page 77. line 6. La Hire.] Stephen Vignole, called La Hire, a distinguished partizan of the dauphin, and a soldier of fortune.

Page 100. line 15. Sir Archambault de Saxe, the lord de Nouaille.] Q. Is not this one person, Archambaud de Foix, lord of Noailles?

Roger Bernard II. viscount of Chateaubon married Giraud, lady of Noailles, and had issue Matthew count of Foix, who died s. p. and Isabel, married to Archambaud de Greilly, afterwards count of Foix. This Archambaud died in 1412, leaving issue, 1 John count of Foix; 2 Gaston captal de Buche; 3. Archambaud lord of Noailles, killed at the bridge of Montereau faut Yonne. He left only a daughter, married to the viscount of Carmain.

Page 100. line 19. Bauffremont.] Bauffremont, an ancient fief of Champagne, in the house of Montagu by marriage. Peter de Bauffremont, lord of Charny and knight of the Golden Fleece, married Mary, a legitimated bastard of Philip the good.

Page 107. line 14. Captal de Buch.] Gaston, second son to Archambaud count of Foix, rewarded[Pg 386] for his services to the English with the earldom of Longueville, 7 H. 5. and of Benanges, 4 H. 6. His son John de Foix, being also attached to the English, married a niece of William de la Pole, duke of Suffolk, and became earl of Kendal (called by the French Candale.) Both father and son were knights of the Garter.

Page 115. last line. Barne.] La Baûme. Jacques de la Baûme Montreval was grand master of the cross-bows from 1418 to 1421.

Page 116. line 6. Vergy.] Anthony du Vergy, afterwards count of Dammartin.

Page 116. line 7. D'Ancre.] Ancre. Q. If not Autrey? John du Vergy, lord of Autrey, was certainly present at this conference.

Page 118. line 1. Giac.] This lady of Giac was the favourite mistress of the duke of Burgundy; and her treason, which Monstrelet hints, is expressly charged by the historians of Burgundy, who give her the name of Dalila. At the siege of Montereau, she was punished by the loss of all her property, and reduced to the extremes of poverty.

Page 156. line 16. Huntingdon.] John Holland, son of John earl of Huntingdon and duke of Exeter, beheaded in 1 H. 4. He was restored to the earldom of Huntingdon in 4 H. 5., and in 11 H. 6. was created duke of Exeter, with precedence over all the nobility[Pg 387] except the duke of York. He died in 25 H. 6. and was succeeded by his son Henry, who died in banishment. After the death of the first duke of Exeter, his widow, Elizabeth, sister of king Henry IV. and mother of the earl of Huntingdon here mentioned, married for her second husband sir John de Cornewal, who was afterwards summoned to parliament by the title of lord Fanhope, 11 H. 6.

Page 164. line 13. Roos.] John lord Roos of Hamlake, who for his services obtained a grant of the lordship of Bacqueville, in Normandy, from Henry V.,—but he was never marshal of England. Probably the sentence ought to run thus: 'the lord Roos, the marshal of England,' (viz. John lord Mowbray, afterwards earl of Nottingham and Norfolk) 'and sir Louis de Robesart.'

Page 164. line 15. Robesart.] Sir Louis de Robesart was son of John de Robesart, who also served king Henry, and was rewarded with the lordship of St Sauveur le Vicompte in Normandy. He was heir to the famous canon de Robesart so often mentioned by Froissart. Louis afterwards married Elizabeth, daughter and heir of Bartholomew lord Bourchier, and was called to parliament by that title. He died in 9 H. 6. He was a knight of the Garter.

Page 169. line 1. Mailly.] These were four brothers, the sons of John Maillet de[Pg 388] Mailly, lord of St Huyn; first, Robert de Mailly, called Robinet, grand butler, killed as here described; second, John de Mailly, master of requests, &c. &c.; third, Colard de Mailly lord of Blangy, seneschal of the Vermandois; fourth, Ferry de Mailly, frequently mentioned among the Burgundians of this period. This family was a branch of the stock of the lords de Mailly, killed at Agincourt.

Page 200. line 7. Pierre.] Q. If not William de Chaumont, lord of Guitry, counsellor and chamberlain to the king, and captain of Sens and Auxerre? He was made count de Chaumont, and grand master of waters and forests, in 1424, by Charles VII. His son Charles was killed at the battle of Verneuil in 1423.

Page 209. line 1. His brother-in-law.] Louis, called also Barbatus, second son of the emperor Rupert, elector-palatine of the Rhine, married Blanche, daughter of Henry IV. by whom he had issue only one son, Rupert, who died childless. Duke Louis afterwards married again, and had a son who succeeded to the electorate.

Page 213. line 12. Louis.] Louis was invited by Sforza, constable of Naples, and the chief of one of the factions which divided the government. Giannoné, lib. 25. c. 3.

Page 249. line 12.] The events of the ensuing chapter will be better explained by Genealogical Tables.

[Pg 389]

I.

[Pg 390]

II.

[Pg 391]

Page 217. line 14. Time.] This conspiracy against the duke of Bretagne is said, by most historians, to have been a plot of Charles VII. who was instigated to it by his pernicious minister, Louvet, and the lord de Avaugour, brother of the count de Penthievre. Its only effect was for a time to attach the duke more closely to the english interest.

Page 249. line 18. Penthievre.] Oliver, eldest son of John de Bretagne. See the Table.

Page 251. line 21. Richard.] Count of Estampes. See the Table.

Page 252. line 9. Avaugour.] Third son of John of Bretagne. See the Table.

Page 253. line 2. Beaumanoir.] Afterwards grand ecuyer to the king of France. He was son of William de Beaumanoir, lord of Landemont, and obtained the lands of Lavardin by marriage with the heiress of that barony.

Page 254. line 13. Châteaubriant.] Geoffry de Chasteaubriant, lord of Lyon d'Angers, &c. married to Louisa daughter of the lord of Montgaugier, by whom he had issue John lord of Chalain, his successor, and Guy de Chasteaubriant.

Page 254. line 13. Rieux.] John II. lord of Rieux and Rochefort, marshal of France, died in 1417, leaving John III. viscount of Donges, his successor, the same here mentioned,—besides two other sons, Peter, afterwards maréschal[Pg 392] of France, and Michael lord of Chasteauneuf.

Page 255. line 13. L'Esgle.] John lord de l'Esgle, second son of John of Bretagne, count of Penthievre. See the table.

Page 255. line 26. William.] Viscount of Limoges, fourth son of John count of Penthievre.

Page 258. line 6. L'Esgle.] See the Table.

Page 259. line 5. Châtillon.] William lord de Châtillon, brother of Charles de Châtillon, lord of Marigny, killed at Agincourt. He was grand queux de France in 1418, and of the english party.

Page 262. line 13. from bottom, Dauphin.] John Stuart earl of Buchan, son to the regent of Scotland, Duke of Albany. Made constable of France after the battle of Baugè, lord of Aubigny and earl of Evreux.

Page 263. line 6. Marshal of England.] Q. See before.

Page 263. line 8. Field.] Among the rest, sir John Grey of Heton, who, in 6 H. 5. had a grant of the earldom of Tancarville and its dependancies, in Normandy.

Page 263. line 10. Somerset.] John, second son of John Beaufort earl of Somerset, and brother to Henry earl of Somerset, who died 7 H. 5. without issue. He was also heir to his[Pg 393] uncle Thomas Beaufort, duke of Exeter, who died 1424.

Page 263. line 11. Perche.] Q. Who the earl of Perche can be? The earl of Salisbury was not made prisoner, as is evident from what follows. Thomas earl of Salisbury was presented with the earldom of Perche and barony of Longny by the king in 7 H. 5.

Page 263. line 12. Prisoners.] Among others, the lord Fitzwalter, afterwards mentioned.

Page 263. line 15. Bouteiller.] William le Bouteiller de Senlis, lord of St Charlier, died in 1420, leaving two sons, Charles, here mentioned, and William, who survived his brother, and was chamberlain to the duke of Orleans.

Page 264. line 1. Salisbury.] Thomas Montacute earl of Salisbury.

Page 266. line 7. Alençon.] John II. surnamed le Beau, duke of Alençon, only son of John I. killed at Agincourt, and Mary of Bretagne. Jane, daughter of Charles duke of Orleans and Isabel of France.

Page 270. line 15. Clifford.] John lord Clifford, knight of the Garter, killed at the siege of Meaux. He married Elizabeth, daughter of Harry Hotspur, and had issue Thomas lord Clifford, killed at the battle of Saint Albans. John lord Clifford, the son of Thomas, was surnamed the Butcher, and killed at the battle of[Pg 394] Towton. For the romantic history of the son of the last-named John, and father of the first earl of Cumberland, see Dugdale's Baronage, vol. 2.

Page 273. line 24. Boufflers.] Aleaume lord of Bouflers, was made prisoner at Agincourt. His sons were, 1. David, who was in the duke of Burgundy's company in 1417, and died s. p.; 2. Peter, a celebrated burgundian leader; 3. Nicaise, here mentioned, one of the peers of Ponthieu.

Page 296. line 5. Mailly.] Morery says, that the lord de Mailly himself was killed in this engagement. He was succeeded by his brother, also named John, and called le Jeune, also L'Estendart, who was afterwards a very distinguished warrior on the part of Charles VII. The lord de Viefville is mentioned to have been killed in the preceding page.

Page 299. line 17. Mailly.] John III. lord of Mailly, second son of Colard lord of Mailly, killed at Agincourt. He was succeeded by John IV. another son of Colard, surnamed 'le Jeune,' and 'l'Estendart' de Mailly.

Page 300. line 16. Conflans.] Probably Eustace IV. lord of Conflans a distinguished house of Champagne.

Page 300. line 19. Saintrailles.] John Poton lord of Saintrailles, maréschal of France in[Pg 395] 1454, a gentleman of Gascony, and a very distinguished partizan of the dauphin.

Page 317. line 7. St George.] William III. lord of St George, (of the house of Vienne) admiral of France, married Jane daughter of the lord of Chasteau-vilain. His son, William IV. is the lord here mentioned, whose son, William lord of Bussy and afterwards of St George, succeeded him in 1434.

Page 330. line 6. Launoy.] Hugues de Lannoy, grand master of the cross-bows, appointed in January 1421.

H. Bryer, Printer, Bridge-street,
Blackfriars, London.