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                            THE CO-OPOLITAN
                                   ❧
           A Story of the Co-operative Commonwealth of Idaho.


                                   BY
                            ZEBINA FORBUSH.


       “’Tis coming up the Steep of Time
       And this old World is growing brighter.”
                                               —_Gerald Massey._


                                CHICAGO:
                       CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY.
                                 1898.




                             Copyright 1898
                     By CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY.


 Library of Progress. No. 26. Quarterly. $1.00 a year. February, 1898.
      Entered at the Postoffice, Chicago, as second-class matter.




                                PREFACE.


This volume is given to the public without other excuse than the simple
fact that it has been written. If it is read it may do some good, but in
any event it cannot do injury. If it is not read the hour which knew it
will pass with it, and countless hours, like waves in Time’s ocean, will
roll on multitudinously, with their burdens of good and evil, and pass
also.

Because the writer believed he had a thought to express, which, if
heeded, would help, in some slight degree, to right human wrongs, he
ventured to offer it in this form. He had discovered by experience that
no radical and permanent reform can be successfully effected without the
consent of what are called “the substantial business interests” of the
established system.

He has also observed that the system now in operation is constantly
undergoing changes, and that our predecessors in its control, of a
quarter of a century ago, would scarcely recognize the system by which
we live to-day. These changes have been accomplished through evolution
only. Numbers count for nothing. Millions submit readily to the will of
one.

Education counts for everything, and if we had been taught that to stand
on our heads an hour a day was essential to salvation most of us would
observe that form without question. Some, however, are superior to error
and are strong enough to be and to do right. But these are scattered.
They argue with their unthinking neighbors and are ridiculed for their
pains. Such methods never did succeed and the world is as much out of
gear with righteousness to-day as it was in the dark ages.

This is the trouble with political Co-operation. It cannot succeed
except in a very slight measure. Why? Because industrial and commercial
education are against it. Because the Industrial System is against it.
Because the great, the powerful and strong are against it. Political
Co-operation has no money with which to compete with the competitive
system. Righteousness without money is a will-o’-the-wisp as against
Mephisto, with millions in the competitive system.

Co-operation must enter the lists with means and weapons similar to its
opponents, or else it will fail. Therefore the writer proposes that the
profits of co-operation be matched against the profits of competition,
and if co-operation can “win out” then the profit system is dead.

Let us raise the cry of Industrial Co-operation against Industrial
Competition, and then go to work. When we are strong enough we will do
what Industrial Competition in the form of corporations and syndicates
has done. We will become political. Industrially we can grow as all
industrial institutions have, and when we are grown to a magnitude which
forces recognition, the world is ours and again belongs, not to a few,
but to all of us.

This little volume is designed to show, in part, what an opportunity we
have to plant the flag of Industrial Co-operation on American soil and
defend it as it cannot be defended in any other country.

                                         Yours Fraternally,
                                                             THE AUTHOR.




                            THE CO-OPOLITAN.


[Illustration]




                               CHAPTER I.
                             THE YEAR 1897.


During the entire existence of the great American republic no year
seemed more hopeless to the masses of its people than the year 1897.

It is true that the dark hours of conflict, when separation from Great
Britain was sought at the cannon’s mouth, and later, when civil strife
nearly rent the nation in twain, seemed, to superficial observers, to be
more fraught with danger.

But the problems of those times could be and were readily understood.
Success to the arms of the patriots, in the one case, and the Unionists
in the other, was a simple solution, although distressing in its pursuit
and difficult of achievement.

But this year was one which was the culmination of many years of
singular abundance, blessed by nature in almost every conceivable way,
and yet by a strange contradiction of circumstances full of sorrow,
distress, hunger and poverty.

The wealth of this, the richest country in the world, was made valueless
by reason of the belief on the part of its people that it must borrow
the right to use that wealth from other nations. The supplies of food,
clothing and materials of all kinds were vast, and yet the inhabitants
for some cause were not able to obtain them, although their needs were
great. There were now a few rich and many—very many—extremely poor.

It was this strange, contradictory, confusing and incomprehensible
condition which made men hopeless. Where to look for help, what to do,
the cause, the consequence, the evil and the remedy, were all subjects
of agitation and deep concern. Everybody except those few who were
satisfied with any condition which did not disturb their own happiness,
had views on these subjects and had conceived of some remedy. And the
multiplicity of these views and the innumerable varieties of remedies
proposed, seemed to aggravate the general despair and produce an
increasing paralysis of action.

It was in January of that dismal year that I found myself in the great
city of Chicago. I, too, had been affected by the universal depreciation
of property, so that a fortune of fifty thousand dollars, which I had
inherited from my parents, was now dubiously estimated to have dwindled
to something like ten thousand dollars. I knew it was not my fault.

Bank stocks, railroad stocks and mining stocks, represented the bulk of
my poor, deceased father’s savings and investments.

Much of this could not attract buyers at any price. Some could not be
given away. The rest was convertible into gold at a few cents on the
dollar.

But I was too young, being only twenty-five years of age, to become
despondent over the loss of money, and I had traveled so extensively
about my own country and seen its countless opportunities that I felt a
certain elation in the prospect of building up a fortune of my own.

So that, although a stranger in Chicago, with no friends nearer than
Massachusetts, and without the smallest idea of a plan for the future, I
yet had a firm belief in God, man, my country and myself.

I did not even doubt the system which had robbed me of my fortune, and
was inclined to look upon all who denounced it as hostile to the best
interests of mankind.

My education was, in a large measure, responsible for this. Born in
Salem, Massachusetts, one of the oldest, sleepiest and most conservative
of American cities, educated in her schools and in one of the staid old
colleges, for which New England was justly famous, how could I have
imbibed anything but ancient, sleepy and conservative theories of
political economy, and fine, staid and somewhat musty notions of the end
and purpose of man?

It is true that my extensive travels had broadened me somewhat mentally.
They had taught me the value of individual men and had rather
obliterated sectional pride, which I was willing to confess was the
besetting sin of the average New Englander; they had made me acquainted
with manners and customs and had produced in me a capability of
adjusting myself to delicate situations.

But this sort of breadth, while excellent and serviceable, did not
render me tolerant of ideas which were at variance with those commonly
accepted. My distinguishing characteristic, on which I prided myself not
a little, was an almost encyclopedic knowledge of the history and
resources of my own country. I mention this particularly now, because I
had occasion, later on, to turn my knowledge to a very useful purpose.

I was inclined to remain in Chicago. There was no reason for it which I
had defined to myself, and I really believe that, of all the dismal
places I had ever seen, Chicago was the most dismal at that time. I did
not have any occupation, attraction or hope to keep me in this maelstrom
of the human ocean.

I did not like it. I had no friends in it. I did not seem to find
companions. Indeed, I was happy in being alone, and enjoyed a certain
discontent, which was productive of thoughtfulness, and which set me to
expressing my thoughts on paper.

Governed by an instinctive prudence, which is characteristic of the New
England mind, I had selected a room in a respectable private house,
where there were also two other roomers, and took my meals at a
neighboring restaurant.




                              CHAPTER II.
                       JOHN THOMPSON—CO-OPERATION


One day after I had been settled in Chicago for, perhaps, two or three
weeks, the sun shone so brightly and the weather was so mild that I was
tempted to stroll out, on so exceptional an occasion for Chicago, into
the suburbs of the great city. As I wandered along aimlessly, watching
the gay sleighing parties, I saw one of the young men who roomed in the
same house coming toward me from the opposite direction.

I had become so far acquainted with him as to have learned that his name
was Thompson, and had overheard some of his conversation with companions
who called at his room. What I had heard and seen did not impress me
favorably. He seemed to entertain and express views of an economic
nature which were not in accord with my New England notions, and I was
disposed to avoid him. My first impulse, in fact, was to cross this
street and continue my way alone. Before I could do this, however,
Thompson hailed me with a cheerful, courteous and familiar “How do you
do?” So cordial, good-natured and attractive seemed his manner, devoid
of all affectation or obtrusiveness, that I stopped, returned his
salutation and suddenly became conscious of a desire to have company in
my walk. So I asked him which way he was bound, and on his replying that
he was simply taking a stroll we both turned into a side street, and
continuing the walk together entered into conversation.

Thompson was really a remarkable looking man. I marveled, as I walked
along with him, that I had not noticed this in the two weeks that we had
roomed in the same house, but probably it was because we saw each other
only once in awhile in the hallway as we passed. I now observed that he
was a man fully six feet tall, erect and powerfully built, with a
thoughtful, clean-shaven face, strong features and great earnest,
commanding eyes. Indeed it seemed to me that I never had seen such eyes
before. One felt that they belonged to a master and that this man was a
natural leader of his kind. But I then thought, and afterward learned,
that he was not only a leader but a thinker. Such a man could, if his
heart was enlisted in any cause, sacrifice not merely life, but, if need
be, reputation for the good cause in which he believed.

“I have thought, Mr. Braden,” said he, as we sauntered along together,
“that you might be interested in a little project some of us have to
improve the condition of the masses of our people. Have you ever studied
the question of co-operation?”

“No, sir,” said I. “I have never studied the question of co-operation. I
presume you mean, sir, co-operation among laborers. But while I have not
studied it I must admit that I have little sympathy with the theory. It
is not practicable and all attempts which I have observed have failed.”

“Pardon me, Mr. Braden,” returned my companion. “I feel that you have
not observed the noble and very successful co-operative enterprises
which flourish throughout Europe and to some extent in the United States
at this time. The truth is, co-operation has proven to be and is
strikingly practicable. In the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland $60,000,000.00 and more constitutes the accumulated capital of
co-operative societies and on the continent of Europe the capital
involved is much greater.”

It is not my purpose to detail our discussion of this subject. Suffice
it to say that nearly the whole day was spent in each other’s society.
Although by no means convinced at the close of the day that Thompson was
correct in his views, I found myself deeply interested. I resolved to
study the subject and study it fairly.

The project which my new acquaintance outlined was one which I at once
pronounced visionary. It was, he said, the design of certain gentlemen,
some of whom lived in Chicago, to organize what they called the
Co-operative Commonwealth. These gentlemen had decided to induce
laboring men and other persons who might be willing to associate
themselves in the work to form co-operative societies and to colonize
them in some one state, so that, in process of time, they would outvote
the devotees of the old system. When this desired result was achieved,
they made no doubt that the Co-operative Commonwealth would be
established and present to the entire world an example of prosperity
which would rouse an unquenchable spirit of emulation. I could not
forbear to sneer at the plan when it was explained, but when I saw how
serious Thompson was, and looking into his face felt the impression of
his strong character, I was inclined to think about it and began,
involuntarily, to picture to myself an ideal of the Co-operative
Commonwealth.

That day Thompson and I were together much of the time and went to the
public library, at his suggestion, to prove some of his statements, the
correctness of which I had disputed. I was obliged to admit, when we
parted, that he had made no mistake, and this satisfied me that he was
an authority on social and economic questions.

This man was, at the time when our meeting and conversation occurred,
about thirty-five years of age. He was an Englishman by birth, but came
to this country when only three years of age with his parents, and
settled in Red Bluff, California, where his mother died shortly after.
When about fifteen he removed with his father to a mining town in
Nevada, where the father speedily acquired a fortune in mercantile
pursuits and in some fortunate speculations in mining stocks. The son
was impatient of restraint as a boy, ran away from home, and visited
nearly all the mining camps in the west, followed every excitement,
became a skillful miner and acquired an immense fund of useful and
curious information.

When about thirty he drifted to Chicago and worked at a variety of
occupations, being a master of many, but never rose above the station of
a journeyman. This was due to the fact that he worked only that he might
obtain money to procure books, principally on questions of political
economy, and had no aspiration to follow any life but that of a student.
One day when he had been in the city for some years he saw his father,
now an old man, in the crowd on State street. He had lost all trace of
him many years before, and once in his wanderings he had gone to the
Nevada mining town where he last saw him, and had found the town
deserted except by two old men, who could give him no information as to
where his father had gone. They simply knew that when he went away he
was accounted one of the wealthiest men in the camp. Now, meeting him on
the street of the great city, he observed that he seemed to have about
him every indication of wealth and position. He spoke to him, calling
him father, and was recognized by the old gentleman, but with some
difficulty. Events following were sufficiently interesting.

Thompson was taken to his father’s palatial residence on the Wisconsin
lake shore, not far from Chicago, and for a while lived in great luxury.
But this was ill suited to his character and entirely at variance with
the habits he had formed during his rough western life. He became
restless, and made numerous trips to the city, where he spent his time
in the libraries and among his books. His father, who was in truth very
wealthy, usually went south in the winter and was in Florida at that
time. On the day when I met the son he designed to take the evening
train for his father’s southern home, intending to go from there to
Arizona, where the old gentleman has some mining interests, but
expecting to return to Chicago in March.

When he parted with me that afternoon he urged me to pursue certain
economic lines of inquiry, advising me what books to read, and
requesting me to give him my views on co-operation when he should next
meet me. This I promised to do, and when we went our several ways I
found myself looking at the world with new eyes, but with a feeling that
I was getting on rather too familiar terms with a number of political
heresies.




                              CHAPTER III.
A MEETING OF THE CO-OPERATIVE COMMONWEALTH—COMMITTEE APPOINTED TO VISIT
                                 IDAHO.


After the introduction of the subject to my notice, in the manner
described in the foregoing pages, I spent nearly all of my time for at
least a month in the study of such books as had been suggested to me,
treating upon the condition of labor in what is ordinarily called the
Christian world. I was engaged in this occupation when Thompson returned
from his trip to the South and West. To say that I had become convinced
that Thompson’s plan of co-operation and the establishment of a
Co-operative Commonwealth was practicable would not be true, but in all
my researches I had kept his plan in mind and confessed that I was
anxious to see it put into practice.

I was not convinced by any means that it would succeed, but I wanted to
observe its workings and believed that it could do no evil. Therefore
when I again met Thompson about the middle of March, I made haste to
assure him that I was prepared to approve his theories and desirous of
taking some part in the experiment which I hoped would be tried. Upon
learning this, Thompson informed me that he was already a member of the
Co-operative Commonwealth, that a meeting of some of the most
influential projectors would be held that evening, and that he would
like to have me present. I readily accepted the invitation and at the
appointed time and place met him that evening, and together we went to
the meeting.

I was quite surprised upon entering the little hall where his friends
had assembled to find myself in the midst of well-dressed, refined,
intellectual and apparently practical men. Thompson introduced me to a
number of these as a friend who was interested in the Co-operative
Commonwealth and who would, as he thought, contribute to its success.

Although I felt that this recommendation of me was premature, yet I made
no objection to it, because I preferred to accept the cordial reception
which his introduction seemed to procure for me. We spent about half an
hour in conversation on subjects involving the co-operative idea. I had
little to say, personally, but rather confined myself to asking
questions until the meeting was called to order. But from what was told
me in answer to my questions I was deeply impressed by the apparent
sincerity and general benevolence which pervaded the assemblage.

I confess that I rather expected to find a somewhat motley crowd of men,
with wild staring eyes, shaggy, unkempt heads and beards, indulging with
furious gestures and loud voices in bitter and irrational denunciation
of the government and public institutions of my country.

Instead of that these men were as sleek, as mild, as quiet and
gentlemanly as an equal number of bank presidents might be. Perhaps more
so. At any rate, I have seen bank presidents and directors congregate
together in less orderly conventions and have heard from them far more
expressions of contempt for our government and its laws than these men
uttered. The truth was that the gentlemen whom I now had the honor to
meet were more fervently patriotic than any similar assemblage I had
ever seen. Men who come together in the name of a church, a party, a
bank, a business enterprise or even a particular charity, are not prone
to hold country above all other objects. But these men, gathering in the
name of humanity, held their country to be, by reason of its location,
character, condition and opportunities, the most suitable field for
whatever was and is best in the human race.

When the meeting opened Thompson, who was evidently held in great
esteem, assumed the position of presiding officer. He began with a brief
statement of its purposes.

“Gentlemen,” said he, “this meeting is called for a purpose with which
you are doubtless all familiar. Lest there should be persons among you,
however, who are not fully informed, I deem it proper to make a brief
statement at this time. The present business and financial depression,
spreading as it does throughout most of Christendom, has produced a
feeling of unrest among those classes of people who feel it most. This
unrest is admitted by all who have eyes with which to observe, and minds
with which to analyze, to be fraught with danger. It threatens our
security, it threatens our homes, it threatens morals and religion, it
threatens the stability of our institutions, the existence of the
republic and the durability of Christian civilization.

“It is the protest of blind Samson against the exactions of the
Philistines. It is the human heart overflowing with bitterness at the
injustice of men and classes. Ere the pillars of the temple tremble and
the walls of the temple fall upon us, we offer a remedy and ask that it
be applied. In justice to ourselves, let me say, that we propose this
remedy experimentally. We do not, by any means, know whether the human
system is capable of receiving it, but we are absolutely certain that it
can do no injury. We are also equally certain that the attempt to apply
it will improve the condition of those who actively participate in our
plan. I ought also to say that if our remedy is accepted and applied
with earnestness and intelligence it will not fail.

“There are in the American states over 200,000 voters who believe that
the true theory of economics is that the machinery of production belongs
to the people in common. These are convinced that in the theory so
expressed lies the remedy for those economic evils which produce the
extremes of great poverty and great wealth. They are also ready to
participate in some concerted movement which will enable them to
establish a Co-operative Commonwealth in one of our American states. Our
plan is to direct all those who believe in this system of economics into
one state, enable them to establish themselves there in comparative
comfort and ultimately, by colonizing a sufficient number of them, to
take possession of the political machinery of that state, adopt a new
constitution and through it establish the Co-operative Commonwealth.

“We who have enlisted in this enterprise believe that our own grand
republic, with its system of interdependent yet sovereign states, offers
the field for an experiment and an example which may enlighten the
world. The example of Utah, although disapproved as to its purpose,
presents an instance of a commonwealth developing under the influence of
an idea.

“When the idea is pure and exalted, and at the same time furnishes hope
to hungry and struggling millions, how much more likely is it to develop
a masterpiece among states.

“The Co-operative Commonwealth is already organized.

“It even now numbers 3,000 votes, representing 15,000 people—men, women
and children—in its membership.

“A fund of $100,000 has been accumulated and is now available to
establish co-operative colonies and is rapidly increasing. No colonies,
it is true, have been established, for the reason that we have not yet
selected the state for that purpose. This selection is the special
purpose of our meeting to-night.

“Let me express to you, my friends, the belief that we are now meeting
in the most important convention which we have ever held, because our
success depends undeniably upon the proper location of our Co-operative
Commonwealth. Strong arguments can be produced in favor of the South and
the West, and I have heard more favorable mention of Tennessee than of
any of the states. I hope, gentlemen, that you will discuss this matter
fully and deliberately as becomes the dignity and high purpose of men
who, perhaps, are about to give to the world its most enduring and most
beneficent commonwealth.”

So the meeting was declared open for discussion. The gentlemen who
participated were not partisans of any particular section or state and
were evidently disposed to be deliberate and cautious in their
selection. Most of them presented arguments in favor of Tennessee. Some
were in favor of the state of Washington. As I listened to the
discussion I was conscious of a deep feeling of interest developing
within me. It seemed to me that intuitively I comprehended the motives
and purposes of these men and that I had a stronger grasp upon the
details of their design than they. A great inspiration seized upon me
which seemed to swing my mind over every detail and to light up every
feature of this subject. When all who intended appeared to have spoken,
the chairman suggested that Mr. Braden might, perhaps, present some
views which would be worthy of consideration. I could not forbear
compliance and spoke as follows:

“Gentlemen—I feel a deep and profound sympathy for the objects of this
meeting. When I say this I do not want to be understood as expressing
favor for any plan whereby the thoughtful, conservative statesmanship of
modern society is to be set aside, and experimental statesmanship is to
be substituted for it. I am convinced that the social system which
Christendom accepts to-day is the best which humanity has ever employed,
and that it would be the worst of crimes to destroy it without
furnishing some practical model for a new and better one.

“The United States presents a plan which is sufficiently elastic, an
area sufficiently extensive, and opportunities sufficiently varied and
abundant, to make it proper that one state should be devoted to the
development of the co-operative system. I, for one, am fully convinced
that a state should be selected in which the obstacles to your efforts
will be but few and slight. For instance, you ought not to concentrate
your efforts on Tennessee if there is another area, less populous, less
prejudiced and less attached to the present system.

“The vote of Tennessee is 321,190. Its population approaches 2,000,000.
You must, in order to gain control of Tennessee, increase its population
by nearly 2,000,000 co-operators casting a vote of nearly 300,000. This
assumes that a portion of the present population is not opposed to the
Co-operative Commonwealth. It is plain to me that it will take you a
generation to accomplish your purpose.

“The same objections apply in a less degree to Washington. The
population of that state is 450,000 and its vote 93,435. To direct our
colonies to a territory not yet admitted into the Union, like Arizona,
New Mexico and Oklahoma, would subject them to repressive congressional
legislation from which in a state they would be free. As for Wyoming,
with a population of 60,000 and a vote of 21,000, it does not present a
field for our operations as suitable as some others.

“For my part I am greatly prepossessed in favor of Idaho. It has an area
of about 86,000 square miles, a population of about 90,000 and a vote of
about 30,000. Its vote is now increased by, probably, 15,000 on account
of the extension of the right of suffrage of women. This will be an
advantage to your colonists, because the proportion of married men among
you will be greater than that of the shifting population of the mining
camps. It is evident that you will control the state as soon as you have
50,000 men and women there. Already the Co-operative Commonwealth
numbers 3,000 men and this means 6,000 votes. But I make no doubt that
100,000 men, to say nothing of their wives, are ready to go to Idaho
with your colonies if you choose that location.

“But you ask, what manner of place is Idaho? I reply, that in my
journeyings throughout my beloved country I have found its superior
nowhere in what goes to produce a great commonwealth. Its name signifies
‘Light on the Mountains.’ It has valleys of great breadth and fertility,
mountains covered with extensive forests, lakes of enchanting beauty,
navigable rivers, swift streams, unlimited water power, inexhaustible
mineral resources.

“It has 12,000,000 acres of land which can be reclaimed by irrigation
and made lavishly productive, and there is plenty of water available for
the purpose. It has seven million acres of forest lands. You, perhaps,
have no very great acquaintance with Idaho. This, in my opinion, should
induce you to select a committee to visit the state incognito to examine
and report on its resources. You will find that it is capable of
supporting a population of 10,000,000 people. These can engage in
manufacture, farming, grazing, fruit culture, mining, wool growing and
all the pursuits followed by the people of Pennsylvania or New England.
The climate is not so warm as that of Tennessee, but in my judgment that
is an advantage. It is much warmer than in any northern state east of
the Rockies and north of the Ohio river. It is dry and healthful.

“Gentlemen, I shall not enter into a further description of Idaho, but
beg you to make an investigation. Remember that in states whose
opportunities are famous those opportunities have been occupied. If you
can find a state which is but little known you will find its
opportunities, open for you to take possession of and control. Idaho is
such a state.”

My remarks produced a deep impression. I was followed by several
gentlemen who heartily approved the suggestion to appoint a committee of
investigation and to send the committee to Idaho, to report after a
month’s absence. A motion to that effect was carried providing that the
chairman and two others, to be appointed by him, should constitute that
committee. The chairman did me the honor to appoint me, and also
appointed Henry B. Henderson, a gentleman of great wealth, a reformer of
thirty years’ standing, and one of the truest and best men who ever
graced the planet with an unselfish life. The assembly then adjourned to
meet again a month after, when the committee was to make its report.




                              CHAPTER IV.
THE COMMISSION REPORTS AND IDAHO IS SELECTED—COLONY NUMBER ONE PREPARES
 TO ENTER THE LAND OF ITS CHOICE—THE JOURNEY TO HUNTINGTON, OREGON, AND
               INCIDENTS AT THAT PLACE—ON TO DEER VALLEY.


The commission to investigate the resources of Idaho performed their
labors conscientiously and after an absence of about a month made such a
report as determined our people to choose Idaho for the home of the
society. This important detail being settled, it was decided to send
Colony Number One into the field as speedily as possible. The commission
had recommended a valley through which ran a small stream into Snake
river as a suitable location. It was a beautiful valley, about
twenty-five miles in length and from a quarter of one to five miles
wide. The stream flowing from the high mountains near its source had
never been known to fail, and poured its torrents with ceaseless power
into the flood at its mouth.

The mountains rose only a short distance from its banks for ten miles
along its course, but when it emerged from the foot hills the broad and
fertile acres spread away on both sides until they reached the top of
rich divides. In the mountains along its border grew great forests of
yellow pine and gold and silver abounded. Gold had also been mined in
placers all along the valley, and was still found in greater or less
quantity. The soil was as rich as that of the Nile, and everywhere in
the wild state the grasses grew luxuriant and nutritious.

The climate, we learned, was all that could be desired. Surrounded by
high mountains and plateaus and nestling in the depths of an immense
depression, extreme climatic changes were unknown. The winters were as
mild as those of Southern Ohio and the Chinook winds from the warm
Pacific currents breathed over this region, now and then, the balmy
sympathy of southern climes.

Colony Number One was fully organized with John Thompson as President,
Henderson as Treasurer and myself as Secretary. The number of our
members was then three hundred. We were not limited by any law or rule
as to our membership, but had decided to accept no more applications
until we were fully established in our western home. It was arranged
that fifty men should go to the selected location and make the necessary
preparations for the colony. Thompson, Henderson and myself were
included. The other forty-seven were made up of mechanics, farmers and
lumbermen.

There were six farmers, six lumber and sawmill men, six carpenters,
three masons, three stonecutters, three expert sheep men, three expert
cattle men, three merchants, one physician, one blacksmith, one
horseshoer, and eleven who, although men of intelligence and able to
adapt themselves to all kinds of work, were not trained to any special
calling. These fifty paid into the colony treasury one hundred dollars
each; fifty others, who were expected to follow us in three months, paid
in twenty-five dollars; fifty more paid fifteen dollars; fifty others
paid ten dollars, and the remainder five. All these were to continue
payments at the same rate monthly until the entrance fee of one hundred
dollars was paid, when the member would become entitled to enter the
colony as an active colonist. We found ourselves possessed, then, on the
day of our departure, of eight thousand five hundred dollars, paid in by
members, and the Brotherhood throughout the United States loaned us ten
thousand dollars from its accumulated fund, to be repaid in three years.

Our faith and credit, as honest men, were the only security the
Brotherhood required. Each man paid his own fare and traveling expenses
until we reached Huntington, in Eastern Oregon. From that point until we
arrived at our destination all expenses were to be borne in common and
defrayed from the common fund.

It was agreed that until the colony was entirely established, and its
business had reached a tolerably settled condition, John Thompson should
have larger powers than the presidential office conferred upon him. This
was done because it was thought the exigencies and uncertainties of the
situation demanded his varied experience and the exercise of his quick
judgment and large executive force. We regarded him as a sort of
military chief, although we were as little like a military band as it
would be possible to conceive. He naturally assumed the leadership and
we naturally submitted to it. The better to direct our movements he
divided us into squads of six, putting the carpenters into a squad
numbered one, and directing them to choose a foreman; the masons and
stonecutters together numbered two; the sheep and cattle men numbered
three; the lumber and sawmill men numbered four; the merchants,
blacksmith, horseshoer and one commoner numbered five; the farmers
numbered six; six commoners numbered seven; Henderson, myself and four
commoners, all of the latter being educated men, one an ex-editor, one
an ex-clergyman and one an assayer and chemist and another a surveyor
and ex-real estate man, numbered eight. The physician was not included
in any squad but was, as we facetiously declared, to constitute a squad
by himself.

May 1st, 1897, we took our departure from Chicago for our future home,
and proceeding over the Union Pacific arrived at Huntington in due time.
Disembarking here, we went into camp on the outskirts of the little town
and commenced the purchase of our necessary outfit.

Before leaving Chicago we had purchased and caused to be shipped to us a
stock of groceries, hardware, a limited quantity of dry goods, drugs,
paints, a number of ploughs, harrows and farm and mining tools and tools
for our mechanics, a portable sawmill and eight farm wagons at a cost of
nine thousand dollars in all. These were all at Huntington when we
arrived. But we were without live stock, horses or seed. Thompson, who
had been conceded the title of captain, assigned to each squad its duty.
Number One received orders to take charge of one wagon and load the same
with such tools as carpenters required, and if any room was left over to
report to him. Number Two assumed charge of a second wagon with similar
instructions. Number Three did the same with the third wagon, but was
also directed to purchase, in the surrounding country, ten milch cows, a
herd of one hundred and fifty cattle and one thousand sheep. Number Four
was instructed to take one wagon and in addition to provide for the
transportation of the portable sawmill. Numbers Five, Six, Seven and
Eight were each assigned to a wagon, and Thompson, with the aid of two
members of Number Six, who were excellent horsemen, undertook the
purchase of the horses.

We sojourned in the neighborhood of Huntington a week. At the end of
that time our company was prepared to move. We had purchased a quantity
of seed for two hundred dollars, sixteen draft horses at a cost of eight
hundred dollars, and forty-two saddle horses at a cost of eight hundred
and forty dollars. We had acquired our milch cows for two hundred
dollars, one hundred and fifty cattle for two thousand dollars and a
flock of sheep numbering one thousand for fifteen hundred dollars, and
there remained four thousand dollars in our treasury.

The road from Huntington was quite familiar to “The Captain” and myself.
Both of us, but at different periods, had spent considerable time in the
vicinity of Huntington and had explored along Snake river and its
tributaries for gold. We were able, therefore, to point out a suitable
road and as we proceeded upon our journey we encountered no obstacles
except when we found it necessary to cross Snake river.

This obstacle only served to delay us a short time, there being at that
point a ferry which we employed to take us across. Once in Idaho our
people seemed to acquire new life. Everything was full of interest. We
made no effort to march in any regular system except that the squad
wagons followed each other in numerical order, the bull train, which had
been hired to transport the portable sawmill, following somewhat slowly
far in the rear. The men in charge of the machinery were residents of
Huntington and well acquainted with the road to our destination, which
was then known as Deer Valley.

As we moved along we found the country settled, but somewhat sparsely.
Here and there a rancher came out to salute us and, learning of our
intention to settle in Idaho, bade us a hearty welcome. Sometimes we
fell in with cowboys in charge of herds of cattle, and passed through
several camps of miners who worked the placers along Snake river.
Several of these latter were composed of Chinese and their workings were
referred to by the white miners in other camps as “Chinese Diggings.” We
observed that everywhere the soil was rich but lacking in moisture
except where irrigation was employed. The grasses, although the season
was early, were luxuriant and the cattle, which had wintered without
shelter, were in remarkably good condition.

Several of the large ranches were among the most beautiful I had ever
seen. One of these, comprising about five hundred acres, was located
where a swift stream, called Conner creek, flowed into Snake river. This
stream had been tapped at a high elevation and the waters diverted, by
means of a flume, to the rich alluvial lands below. There a system of
small ditches distributed the waters among orchards of peaches, apples,
pears, plums, nectarines and apricots and among vineyards of grapes and
beds of strawberries. The rancher who had charge of this wonderful
little domain, a portly old man, full of information, affable and
communicative, assured me that he had traveled the world over but had
never beheld a fairer spot than this. “But,” said he, “Idaho is filled
with such places.”

I asked him about the markets and he candidly informed me that he had
been unable to garner and ship his fruits, lacking funds for that
purpose, but that he had sold his vegetables at a good profit in the
neighboring mining camps. He also showed us a large quantity of dried
fruit which his son had cut and prepared and which there was a market
for in the same camps.

“But,” he said, “I have not found the South to be as profitable for
farming as this locality, because if their market is more extensive it
is also far cheaper. At the outset the advantage is with us. Our grain,
hay, hogs and vegetables are all readily disposed of and command a good
price among the gold mines.”

Such incidents, and the sublime scenery which everywhere presented
itself to our delighted vision, varied the monotony of our journey so
that the three days spent on the way after crossing Snake river seemed
to pass like a dream. We arrived at Deer Valley without any accident of
a serious nature, full of hope, in the best of health and eager to begin
the work of laying, as it were, the corner-stone of the Co-operative
Commonwealth.




                               CHAPTER V.
DEER VALLEY—THE FOUNDING AND NAMING OF CO-OPOLIS—THOMPSON’S AND EDMUNDS’
                                 VIEWS.


It was about noon on the 20th day of May, 1897, that our company entered
Deer Valley. We found a very good road leading up into the mountains
along the south bank of the stream and followed that without difficulty.
The captain, taking six of our horsemen, including myself, went ahead of
the rest of the company, who followed after more slowly with the wagons
and live stock. The sawmill machinery was nearly a day’s journey behind
them.

The captain’s purpose was to select a suitable site for a camp which
would in all probability be more permanent than we had yet made. He was
quite familiar with Deer Valley, as I have already stated, and had in
mind a location which on other occasions he had marked as an excellent
place in which to build a city. In a short time we arrived at this place
and commenced an examination of the surroundings. We all readily agreed
that the captain’s judgment was good and, after viewing the land from
many points, unanimously decided to recommend it to our company as a
proper place to establish our camp.

We were about four miles from Snake river. The valley at this point was
somewhat over five miles wide, walled in by table lands on either side.
These table lands were high elevations with level summits covering many
square miles of fertile but dry lands. They sloped from the summits
through a succession of three shelves, each quite level, down toward the
valley, and thence the valley inclined gently toward the river bed. The
stream itself flowed at the bottom of a deep gully and its banks were
prettily fringed with box elder trees. The table lands, their sloping
sides, the shelves and the broad area of the valley down to the fringe
of box elder trees, presented at this season of the year a beautiful
sight.

All was dressed in the verdure of the rich grasses which make the
highlands and lowlands of Idaho famous as the grazing grounds of those
great herds of cattle which abundantly assist in feeding the world.
There were a few trees in places on the slopes of the highlands, and a
hillock which was proposed as the location of our camp, contained quite
a grove. But except for these, and the fringe of box elders along the
river bank, the entire area was quite open. The stream at this time came
tumbling down the valley at a furious rate, the incline being quite
pronounced. Looking up the valley we saw the giant mountains on whose
majestic tops the snow remained unmelted, and whose lower sides were
black with the foliage of the forest of yellow pine.

We found here a rancher who claimed to be the owner of some three
hundred and twenty acres of land which he had attempted to reclaim by
means of a rather crude irrigating ditch which conducted the water of
the stream from a point above to a portion of his ground. He claimed
also to have washed some gold from the sand taken from the bed of the
creek. The man had lived in the valley for ten years, but was evidently
neither a man of enterprise nor much intelligence. He had once possessed
a considerable herd, but had lost it at the gaming table in some of the
camps, and was poor and anxious to get away into the “diggings” up in
the mountains. He was able to give some information of value to us, and
offered to sell us the ranch and about a hundred acres of land which he
held under the placer mining laws of the United States, for two dollars
an acre.

We were occupied in making these observations when, about two hours
after our arrival, the wagons and their escort reached a point on the
road near the house (it was scarcely more than a hut) of the old
rancher. The captain and myself immediately rode over and directions
were given to proceed to the hillock, where the grove of young trees
already mentioned offered an inviting shelter, and go into camp.
Accordingly the entire company went thither, the teams were unharnessed,
the horses were picketed, some tents were pitched and the men were soon
to be seen engaged in conversation in little groups, some standing on
elevations which offered a commanding view, others moving to various
parts of the valley, and others still, lying down and making
observations while they rested. The farmers were particularly
industrious, looking over old Hacket’s ranch.

As the afternoon of this memorable first day wore to its close the men
all returned to camp, where those to whom the duty of preparing meals
had been assigned had prepared a feast somewhat more elaborate than
usual, and one of them reminded us that this was the first feast on the
site of our new town and that the anniversary of this day would
hereafter be a feast day for years to come. The prophecy was hailed with
approval and the evening was given up to feasting and speaking, just as
has been customary on this anniversary ever since.

After the meal was finished we gathered together under one of the
largest trees in the grove and called upon those who were known to be
speakers to address us. Among others the company called on me and I
proposed that, as we were to have a city, whether it be established on
the spot or in some other place, and as our city must have a name, that
we proceed to give it a name forthwith. To this one of the company,
Albert Ortz, a German, objected, for the reason that our sheep and
cattle men, as well as four of our commoners, being in charge of the
herds which had not yet arrived, ought to be allowed to take part. To
this I replied that our action would not be binding, if we selected a
name, and we could regard the selection now as merely informal. This was
satisfactory and Ortz withdrew his objection. I then called for names to
be voted on. Three only were submitted. Alpha, because it was the first
of its kind; Co-opolis, the city of co-operators, and Omega, which Dr.
Pinder proposed, because, he said rather facetiously, our co-operative
city was about the last hope which labor had left for justice in this
world. The vote was then taken and resulted in a large majority for
Co-opolis. It is as well to say here that afterward our absent members
voted unanimously to approve this name, and the city was so christened.

While this was going on the captain had said nothing and, I observed,
did not even vote. He had been sitting somewhat apart from the rest of
the company with a half-pleased but yet serious look upon his face. I
had come to understand him very well, and knew that he felt grave
apprehensions for the success of this movement, and now I made no doubt
that he was feeling the responsibility which rested upon each member of
the colony.

“Brothers,” said I, “I notice that our captain is serious when he should
be gay. I, for one, vote that the captain give an account of himself.”

Everybody called for the captain.

“My brothers,” said he, in response, “I regret that you have called upon
me to speak, because the thoughts which press for expression are not
altogether in harmony with the gayety of our present festivities. I am
sure that none rejoices more than I do for the safe arrival of our party
in this beautiful valley. But my mind is not with to-day nor yesterday,
but dwells with the future. The project which has brought us here is, in
the light of all history, an exceedingly ambitious one. Failure, it is
true, cannot result injuriously, but success will be a beacon light of
hope to those many millions of men and women who are denied access to
nature’s countless bounties.

“You, my brothers, have wives and children who will follow you ere long
into this fair country. For you, as individuals, the world is opening
out its avenues of comfort, but upon each of us here rests a
responsibility such as few men have ever assumed. We are here not merely
to benefit ourselves, but to benefit, by the force of example, the
waiting and watching world.

“Co-operative enterprises have been successful in many commercial and
mechanical pursuits. As a rule such enterprises have failed so far as
land and its cultivation are concerned. But there is no apparent reason
why they should be less successful than are the enterprises of commerce
and manufacture. Our purpose is to combine all laborious or productive
occupations. Behold, my brothers, this beautiful valley! God has
secreted in almost every inch of its soil the gift of productivity.
Yonder the mountains tower above us. God has made the forest to yield
fuel and lumber for our use. High up on the white-capped summits and
deep down in the cool cisterns of nature are the sources of these waters
which flow in the rushing torrent, and which we may direct thither to
moisten this soil. On the table lands which rise north and south of us
our herds and flocks shall graze.

“You can see, my brothers, that if we fail in our enterprise the fault
will be in us and not in nature. The duty which lies before us is to
work in harmony. We must encourage competition in all lines of mental,
physical and spiritual progress. But we must rid ourselves of
competition in the simple acquisition of property. We must encourage
individualism in all that makes men practical, self-reliant and manly.
We must destroy it in all that makes men grasping and unsympathetic.

“My brothers, the great world beyond deems that man greatest who
acquires the greatest fortune or wields the greatest power, but I say to
you that man is greatest who induces the greatest number of men and
women to do right. Such is the manhood we must honor, and upon the brow
of such we shall place the laurel wreath of victory. If we work to such
a purpose we shall succeed.

“My brothers, the most difficult part of our project lies in our
foundation work. We will meet obstacles. Some of our number may,
perhaps, be of opinion that the first year or two of our struggle here
should be free from difficulty because our ideal is high. If so it were
better that those immediately return to their eastern homes, because
there is nothing for us, the pioneers of the Co-operative Commonwealth,
but arduous labor. Your wives and children look forward to a time when
they may come hither to homes which you have established where the old
system which has forced you into this unsettled country cannot affect
them. What will you do? Will you subjugate self, defer to one another’s
opinions, and work always together, and so make your enterprise succeed?
I believe you will.

“My brothers, this work is in your hands. I have been your leader thus
far, but I now surrender the leadership and insist that the will of the
majority be your guide hereafter.”

When Thompson ceased to speak some seconds elapsed before any one
ventured to break silence. His words were fully appreciated and it was
evident that all comprehended the magnitude of the task which was before
them. Mr. Edmunds, ex-clergyman, voiced the general sentiment of all.

“You are not alone, Brother Thompson,” said he, “in your apprehensions.
Most of us entertain the same doubts as to the future which you have
expressed. But it is better it should be so than that we should, in such
an enterprise, be carried away by enthusiasm. When soldiers approach the
dangers of war, where death and glory mingle, their captain seeks to
inspire them with a courage which dares but does not reason. No need of
that with us. The task we have to accomplish is, in truth, devoid of
danger. It is the easiest ever proposed to the intelligence of man. All
that we need lies where God placed it centuries ago, and is ours, if
only we will take it. If we make this task hard, it is because we will
not reason. If dangers arise, they will not arise from the mountain,
stream or valley, nor yet from yonder table lands nor grassy slopes.
They will arise from ourselves. This we must study to avoid. This is our
work. One thing, my brothers, we must do from the outset. Let our
community be self-dependent. Let us call upon the outside world to help
us as little as possible. Let us build our own homes, burn our own lime,
manufacture our own furniture and crockery. Let us make it a rule that
whatever we can make ourselves, no matter how much labor it costs us,
that we will make. If we do this and work together success is certain.”

The clergyman spoke for nearly half an hour and finished amid great
enthusiasm, for his speech was able and brilliant and calculated to
produce confidence in our enterprise.

This ended the memorable first day.




                              CHAPTER VI.
  THE GENERAL SYSTEM—PROGRESS THE FIRST YEAR—LAND TITLES—LABOR ORDERS.


The city of Co-opolis was established, after the surrounding region was
duly explored, upon the site of our first camp in Deer Valley. The
Hacket ranch and water rights were acquired by our company at a small
expense, the farmers went to work upon it immediately and in a
comparatively short time we had many acres of land broken and planted.
We sowed very little wheat the first year, but made a specialty of corn,
calculating that we could feed it to our cattle and hogs, and believing
that we could realize more from our live stock than from the raising and
sale of wheat. We also planted vegetables of all kinds in quantities
which we believed would not only suffice for our company for the
following winter, but would enable us to dispose of a surplus in the
mining camps in the mountains.

The ex-surveyor, meanwhile, proceeded to lay out a town. This was a very
simple task, as our plan was to construct a public hall and office
building in the center of a large square, surround the latter by a wide
street, and erect our store, hotel and residences on this street. If the
city grew it was considered that we had ample space at our command.
Meanwhile the sawmill had arrived and had been conveyed to a place on
the banks of the stream and placed in charge of the sawmill men. One of
these having great experience in the forests of Wisconsin, took a number
of picked commoners and went to the headwaters of the stream in the
mountains and was soon able to send a large quantity of pine logs down
the current, where they were caught and sawed into lumber of various
dimensions. In three weeks after we started our camp our carpenters had
built a temporary frame store building, a rather crude hotel and had
supplied these with furniture which was rather crude and unfinished but
sufficient for our purposes. It was not considered prudent to erect any
permanent structures until our lumber should become better seasoned, but
carpenters, masons and stonecutters proceeded to excavate for the fifty
cottages which we designed to construct for our members and their
families. In the latter part of June, such was our industry, we had a
very respectable appearing village, with carpenter and blacksmith shops
and general store. The last was the feature of the village, containing a
stock of hardware, dry goods and groceries and a stock of drugs of
various kinds. The hotel furnished board and lodging to all our company.

Shortly after our arrival at Co-opolis, at a series of meetings held for
that purpose, we had formed our permanent organization, taken as our
name “The Co-opolitan Association” and adopted a constitution and
by-laws to regulate our colony.

The constitution dealt only with the system of government and invested
the lawmaking body, which it created, with unlimited powers as to all
other matters.

The President was to hold office for seven years and was ineligible to
re-election.

The Vice-President was elected for the same period.

The first President and Vice-President were elected by all active
members, and any member was eligible, but after seven years these
officers must be elected from among heads of departments only.

Heads of departments were to be denominated chiefs and were to be chosen
by popular vote from among foremen and the latter by the Legislative
Council.

The lawmaking power was to consist of the heads of departments and
President and Vice-President, the former presiding at all legislative
meetings and the latter, by virtue of his office, being a member of the
Legislative Council with the right to speak and vote on all
propositions.

Whenever twenty per cent of the men and women of the Association should
petition the Legislative Council to declare any office vacant it was
bound to submit the question as to whether such vacancy should be so
declared to popular vote, and if a majority decided in the affirmative
then the Council must declare it. The incumbent whose office or position
was thus vacated was not eligible again for the remainder of his
unexpired term and the full term following.

Officers found guilty by the Council of misfeasance or malfeasance in
office were also subject to impeachment by the Council, who were
required to pass on the particular charges submitted to them.

The legislative and judicial functions were both conferred upon the
Legislative Council, and this body could initiate and complete
legislation, but on petition of twenty per cent of all voters proposing
a new law the Legislative Council was required to submit such law to
popular vote and the decision of a majority of such voters operated as
either an enactment or repeal. This action was effectual to permanently
dispose of such law for five years. The constitution was also subject to
revision, correction, amendment or repeal by the same method.

The constitution further provided that every person under twenty years
of age should be in charge of the department of education, that no man
or woman should in any event be required to work more than twenty-five
years, but that after having contributed twenty-five years’ labor should
become entitled to his full share of the profits distributed annually
among members.

This constitution did not limit the right of the people to shorten the
term of service if they so desired. It was deemed expedient to provide
for two classes of industrials, wage workers and members. The former
were such as were employed and paid reasonable wages. These were rarely
employed except in cases of emergency. The latter were such as had paid
an entrance fee and had been accepted as equal partners in the
enterprise. The wage workers were such as enlisted in the Industrial
Army for pay and they could not participate in the affairs of the
society or settlement. But any one of these who was in good health and
of sound mind could become a member on payment of the fee required and
on enlisting in the Industrial Army subject to the laws of the society.

No person was admitted who was over fifty-five years of age except such
person was able to contribute to the Association’s accumulated wealth an
amount of property equal to the full annual dividend of the average
member at the time of his application, multiplied by the number of
years’ service required by members. In later years, as is well known,
the constitution does not admit an applicant who is over forty except on
the same terms.

The constitution was by no means a perfect one at the outset, but it was
sufficiently elastic and stable in its provisions to admit of such
amendments, without danger to its substantial features, as might, from
time to time, be suggested by experience.

The most conservative force in society has been found to be, not the
wise nor the foolish, but the majority which are neither the one or the
other. These are not generally favorable to experimental legislation,
and long before the establishment of the Co-operative Commonwealth
Switzerland proved, by the operation of the Initiative and Referendum
provisions of their constitution, that the people were disposed to
accept changes in their social system with a caution that made progress
slow, but retrogression impossible.

The first year of the Co-operative Commonwealth was a very successful
one. We had May 1st, 1898, over one thousand persons, including men,
women and children, in our city of Co-opolis, two hundred and fifty
substantial cottages, an excellent public hall, a good hotel, a large
and sightly three-story building containing our department store,
postoffice and offices for our President, Vice-President and heads of
departments; an excellent schoolhouse with graded school and a corps of
eight teachers, consisting of our ex-clergyman, who became first
principal, and teachers who were selected from among the wives of
members. All the furniture used in our homes and buildings at this time
was manufactured of such lumber as we had and was somewhat crude, but
sufficient in all respects. In our department store were sold vegetables
produced by us, consisting of potatoes, onions, beets, parsnips and all
of the hardy variety grown on the old time “breaking” on Hacket’s ranch.
We had home-made preserves and a quantity of dried fruit. The meat
department was well supplied from our own herds of cattle or from the
surrounding country, and from our flocks of sheep, which had largely
increased, partly through natural causes and partly because much of the
money received for membership fees had been invested in that direction.

Shortly after we had definitely settled upon a site for Co-opolis we
proceeded to acquire land. This whole valley was what in the United
States land office was denominated “desert land,” not because it was
barren but because it was unproductive unless reclaimed by irrigation.
Under the law it was permitted that each man enter three hundred and
twenty acres upon declaring his intention to reclaim the same, and we
had in this manner entered, up to June 1st, some sixteen thousand acres.

We had also, for the purpose of complying with the law and completing
our titles, proceeded to a point about ten miles up the stream, and had
there constructed a dam, collecting the waters of the stream by that
means, and were engaged, whenever the weather permitted, in excavating
ditches, or building flumes so as to conduct a large quantity of water
nearly the whole length of the valley, but high up on the slopes of the
“tables” on the south. The work was by no means finished, but it was
easily estimated that when our plant was completed over eighty thousand
acres of land would be available for agricultural purposes. That was on
one side of the river. Our plans also included the irrigation of the
north side of the river in the same manner. The law was such that, being
the owners of Hacket’s water right, and having tapped the stream at a
time that no other settlers could be disturbed or interfered with, we
were entitled to the exclusive control of the stream. We found that the
law required us to file our claims to this water right for record in the
office of the Register of Deeds for the county, and did so accordingly.
It was not difficult for any one of our number to see that we were in a
position to shut out all settlers in this valley who were not members.
The water right was taken in the names of Thompson, myself, Henderson,
Ortz and three others, who constituted our first Legislative Council, as
trustees for the Association. If any member who entered the land thought
to segregate his tract ultimately from the great body of land he had
only to consider that it was entirely worthless without irrigation, and
that this was exclusively controlled by the Association.

The Industrial Army at this time numbered five hundred, one hundred and
fifty being women and three hundred and fifty men. The women were
engaged largely in the Domestic department, but a number were employed
in the departments of Commerce and Education. One of the merchants had
charge of the department store, but most of the clerical help was
selected from among the women. The bookkeepers were, at that time, all
women. The chief of the Domestic department was a woman and as such
participated in all our legislative councils. The entire army was
divided into companies of twenty, and at the head of each company was a
foreman. Each company was again divided into two squads of ten and each
squad had a second or assistant foreman. In forming companies or squads
our chiefs endeavored to have the members composed, as nearly as
possible, of men having the same or kindred trades. We now had three
physicians, one of whom was regarded as an especially skillful surgeon.
We also had an incipient brass band which assisted largely in rendering
the hours of recreation pleasant.

At this time we had a rapidly increasing trade at our store and were
supplying many of the camps with such goods as they needed. Two of our
own wagons were constantly employed in conveying groceries, hardware and
other ware to our customers in the mountains, and it was not an uncommon
thing for five or six wagons to come down in the course of a day for
goods. The enterprise was successful and the prices which we obtained
for what we sold were very profitable. We were obliged, however, to
constantly replenish our stock of groceries, dry goods, hardware and
drugs from the east. We also sold large quantities of beef in the
mountains and, not caring to draw too heavily on our own herds for this
demand, we kept a number of men constantly employed hunting and
purchasing animals suitable for the purpose. We also devoted a building
to the sick and our hospital was already quite famous throughout the
entire region. Men in the camps who were injured or who had become sick
preferred to endure the journey to Co-opolis to avail themselves of our
physicians and nurses rather than risk the rough and sometimes reckless
treatment to which they were elsewhere exposed. Our hotel, store and
hospital were sources of profit which aided us largely the first and
second years of our career.

One of the most difficult problems which we had to solve the first year
was that of providing a medium of exchange for the use of our own
members and also such persons as we might employ. We recognized that,
although the money of society was at variance and inconsistent with all
our plans, until we had fully established the Co-operative Commonwealth
and acquired the state and all it contained, it would be impossible to
establish a labor-check system. We decided that money was to be treated
as a mere commodity and purchased as such, just as potatoes, wheat or
beef were purchased. In dealing with the world outside of our society we
must have money until we should become independent of it. It was on that
theory that we endeavored to keep our fund of United States currency
increasing.

How to deal among ourselves was the question. We were satisfied that
members should, as nearly as possible, receive equal shares of what was
produced in our colony, provided they were industrious and worked
honestly, but we deemed that in the formative period of the commonwealth
it was inexpedient to adopt the check system of Bellamy’s social plan
exclusively. We did, however, decide that checks should be given to
those who desired them, but that, owing to the fact that many of our
workers were to be, at the outset, mere hired men, it would be better to
issue orders for each one’s share as measured by dollars. The laws of
the United States practically denied us the right to issue money or
circulating notes, and our purpose was to build our state in entire
harmony with the constitution. We proposed to avoid a conflict with the
Federal government.

It was therefore decided that each member should receive wages, to be
established upon the basis of a distribution of sixty per cent of all
the society produced, equally divided among all persons above the age of
twenty-one, whether male or female.

The forty per cent undistributed was to be used to purchase money for
the use of the department store; in other words, sold for cash. These
wages were to be paid in orders on the treasurer, signed by the
president. They were required to read as follows: “To the Treasurer of
the Co-opolitan Association: Deliver to John Jenkins, Foreman of Company
Number One of the Industrial Army, one (or any denomination) dollar’s
worth of any product, convenience, privilege or license at your
disposal. Signed, John Thompson, President.”

These orders were to be delivered to the foreman only and it was the
foreman’s duty to endorse or stamp his name on the back so that, when
once so endorsed or stamped, they became current as a medium of
exchange, but not as a measure of value. The foreman’s duty was to pay
his men with these orders and he was held to the strictest account for
the disposition made of each order. Whenever an order was received in
any department it was stamped canceled and never again issued. Most of
our members for the first three years preferred the check. As time
passed, however, the credit labor check became more and more popular and
in time crowded out the circulating orders entirely.




                              CHAPTER VII.
            CO-OPOLIS A CONVENTION CITY—A MENACE TO LIBERTY.


It was a bright day in the latter part of June, 1902, that the first
state convention of the Co-operative Commonwealth met in our city of
Co-opolis to place in nomination a full state ticket for the state of
Idaho. It was considered that the co-operators were strong enough to
take possession of the political machinery of the state. The National
Brotherhood, using Co-opolis as a basis for its operations in the state,
had directed many colonies to Co-opolis and we had taken charge of them
as they came, absorbed most of them in our own Industrial Army, and
others we had assisted to establish themselves in some fertile valley in
the state where they could put their own peculiar ideas and methods of
co-operation into practice.

We now had fifty thousand male and female voters, upon whose solid
support we could count to carry out our designs. Most of this population
was settled through the southern, central and western part of the state,
and there were at least forty cities and villages entirely devoted to
our cause. Co-opolis contained a population of fifteen thousand
souls—men, women and children. Its Industrial Army was 7,000 strong, and
its members, working not more than seven hours a day, accomplished the
most remarkable results.

Co-opolis itself, while not comparable with the present great city, was
at that time the fairest city on the face of the earth. I say this not
because it could or did boast of massive structures, splendid palaces or
costly monuments, for these were absent, but because there was not a
mean or dilapidated building in it and there was not a pauper among all
its people. Millionaires were not numerous, but there were several rich
men, all of whom, except Thompson, whose father had died leaving him a
vast estate, and Henderson, who had always been accounted wealthy, were
visitors, or resided in the city to have the advantage of its hotel and
climate. These latter, be it said in passing, boarded at the Co-opolitan
hotel or rented cottages of the Association. There were some excellent
buildings, among which were numbered the great store of the Department
of Commerce, which had now grown to vast proportions. The building was
four stories high and occupied nearly an ordinary city block. The larger
part of the goods exposed for sale were produced in Co-opolis.

In the next block to this structure, on the site of the present
Co-opolitan Hall, was one which more modern Co-opolis has placed there,
but which had a seating capacity of 10,000, and was the largest and best
equipped in the state. With the grounds belonging to it the hall
occupied an entire block. The next block contained a very sightly high
school edifice and its grounds.

All the avenues in the city were so laid out that they consisted each of
a park fifty feet wide with a driveway of equal width on each side and
resembled in some respects the boulevards of Paris. The parks were
well-kept lawns, surrounded by young trees and traversed by gravel
walks. The driveways were all paved with asphalt, as were also the
country roads extending in every direction for one mile beyond the city
proper. All avenues and streets were lined with young, thrifty trees,
planted by the Association.

All buildings were required to be at least fifty feet apart, and the
spaces between were arranged according to the taste of the occupants of
the houses. There were no fences in the city. Commonwealth Avenue
contained the several department offices and storage buildings. There
were three electric railroads, which were owned in common by all the
cities, co-operative towns and communities of the state which at this
time centered in Co-opolis. The longest was one hundred and fifty miles
and extended to Boise, the Capital of the state.

The transcontinental roads also entered the city. But the application of
electricity to nearly all locomotion had enabled the city to preserve
its streets from being marred and rendered unsightly and dangerous by
street railroads. The electric motorcycles, bicycles and tricycles,
operated by storage batteries, which plied rapidly along the smooth and
clean asphalt streets, were the pleasing harbingers of that system by
which we are now enabled to travel on similar roads throughout the
length and breadth of fair and favored Idaho.

The scene presented by the streets of Co-opolis, on this convention day,
was inspiring. Everywhere the American flag was displayed, and
sentiments of patriotism filled the air. It was a gala day. Not only had
the delegates to the convention congregated in the city, but friends and
enemies seemed to have thought the event an extremely important one and
came from all parts of the state, as well as from Western Oregon. At
nine o’clock in the morning groups of people—men and women—wandered
through the streets, viewing the city, and all the public vehicles,
motorcycles, bicycles, tricycles and carriages, were employed in the
same service. For the accommodation and refreshment of visitors the
Commerce department had caused little refreshment fountains to be
stationed in different parts of the city, along the avenues, and in the
parks, containing cool and pleasant drinks, and lunch counters, in
charge of members of that department, were also located in places. These
supplied the public needs at nominal prices. There were also pavilions
in the parks every six blocks where tired wanderers could rest
themselves.

As the chief of the Messenger and Publishing departments I had charge of
the telephones, telegraphs and public press of the Association. The
Daily Co-opolitan was the only newspaper which this department published
at that time, but the department was required by our law to publish
whatever any member or association of members was willing to pay for at
reasonable rates. The Co-opolitan, however, had no mission but the
publication of news, public opinions as represented by articles
appearing in other papers, and such articles as might be contributed, if
the contributors signed them. Anonymous editorials or articles were
prohibited and nothing appeared while the paper was under my charge
except what my judgment or that of my staff approved. My position was
one of great importance, because I was practically in control of public
opinion. I hope I did not abuse my power and at this time am not
conscious that I did so. The opportunity for such abuse has since been
removed by the establishment of many other papers all printed and
distributed by the Association, but controlled and edited by persons who
advocate their own views.

Seated in the general office of my department that morning running over
the columns of the Co-opolitan, I noticed an editorial copied from the
Boston Transcript of recent date entitled “A Menace to Liberty.” I
immediately read it and found that it was a direct attack on the
Co-opolitan Association. It classed the movement with the Mormon
occupation of Utah; declared that it was hostile to a republican form of
government; asserted that the men who had become most prominent in
pushing it to the front were designing and ambitious persons who sought
only their own aggrandizement and alleged that it had become so powerful
in Idaho as to threaten to take control of the state and set up a
government which the constitution of the nation forbade. It was
particularly severe on John Thompson. “This man,” it said, “is reported
to be an illiterate but able man, possessed of great executive force,
who has conceived the entire plan and has superintended with remarkable
diligence and ability the details of its development. As President of
the company he is the practical uncrowned king of Idaho. This scheme to
embrace a state within the dominion of one company is the most daring
and dangerous yet attempted by corporate greed. Should it succeed, grave
constitutional questions will arise and congress will be called upon to
deal with this new menace to liberty and good morals as it did with the
Mormon question.

“There is this difference, however, that the monopolistic octopus now
threatening Idaho is entrenched behind an unfortunate system which
recognizes the independence of states and the obnoxious doctrine of
state rights, while the Mormons, being in a territory which was directly
within the jurisdiction of congress, were struck down by the sentiment
of the entire Union made effective by national legislation. But as our
people found means to rend the veil of this obnoxious doctrine, to
strike down slavery in the South, so it will find a way to rend it again
and strike down such institutions as this so-called Co-operative
Commonwealth or Co-opolitan Association.”

I threw the paper down upon the floor with an expression and feeling of
indignation. I knew that our movement had attracted wide attention, but
never before had I seen any indication of hostility. The newspaper press
of the United States had generally treated the undertaking as an
experiment which would teach a useful lesson if successful, but waved it
aside as purely idealistic and not likely to succeed. Now one of the
most conservative and reputable metropolitan dailies in the country,
ignoring all its former expressions of approval, had deliberately
reversed itself, suppressed facts, falsified the truth, and, on the eve
of the success of the co-operative programme in Idaho, had begun a
campaign for its destruction. So entirely consumed was I, for the
moment, by my own passion that I did not notice the entrance of
President Thompson and was somewhat startled when he saluted me.

“Brother Braden,” said he, “you seem to be disturbed about something.”

“Yes,” I replied. “Look at that article from the Boston Transcript and
see whether I, and we, have not cause to be troubled.”

“I have seen it,” calmly rejoined he. “But,” he continued, “I am not
surprised. Having read extensively and seen much I have learned that men
are quite likely to view with complacency, and sometimes approval, the
development of an idea, but the moment that idea becomes formidable they
attack it. I expect, in fact, that we will win the coming election in
this state, but when we call our constitutional convention I am by no
means certain that we will get the majority of delegates.”

“Indeed,” said I, “I have never heard you talk so doubtfully before.”

“I know it, Braden,” replied Thompson. “The occasion has never before
arisen. You will find, however, that the battle for the Co-operative
Commonwealth has just begun. I have come over to see you now about the
convention. Our friends are asking me to be the candidate for governor.
I have not been inclined to accept, but I would be glad if you will give
me your opinion as to whether I ought to do so.”

“You must do so,” I exclaimed. “I have not expected anything else. I
know that you consider your position as President of the Co-operative
Commonwealth an objection to your assuming other duties. It is not. You
should retain both positions. Why, sir, I expect that when the new
constitution is framed it will provide for a President whose term of
office will be commensurate with the term of our President and that the
officers of one will be the officers of the other. I expect that this
dual character will continue to exist until every trace of property
individualism has disappeared and that then, instead of the Co-operative
Commonwealth being Idaho, Idaho will be the Co-operative Commonwealth.”

It was evident that the view so expressed made an impression on
Thompson. We talked it over for nearly an hour and when the time arrived
for the convention to meet it was practically decided that, if the
convention should so desire, Thompson would accept the nomination for
governor.




                             CHAPTER VIII.
   THE FIRST CO-OPERATIVE CONVENTION—THOMPSON NOMINATED FOR GOVERNOR.


The great hall was thronged with delegates and spectators. There was a
feeling that this convention was to select the next governor and state
officers and people who were not members, but resided in Idaho, were
many of them disposed to be favorable. The railroads, owners of gold
mines, some of the great cattle kings, real estate brokers, money
loaners and saloons were against us, but the masses were friendly. We
calculated that we had ten thousand more votes at our disposal than our
opponents. It was estimated by the leaders of the People’s party that
more than half of the inhabitants of the state outside of the
Association would support the ticket, but Thompson had several times
assured me that while more than half were disposed to support us, most
of them had not the mental strength to do so. Be that as it may the
convention met, organized and went to work. No need to describe all that
was done. Mr. Edmunds, chief of our Department of Education, made a
speech nominating John Thompson for governor. He described the
Co-opolitan Association, presented an historical sketch of its
foundation and development, pictured Co-opolis as it was when our
company reached Hacket’s ranch, told the story of each year’s work, and,
in closing, showed how one master mind conceived and one master spirit
directed every detail of that magnificent undertaking.

“You would hardly credit, if you were acquainted with the facts, the
history of Co-opolis as I have presented it,” said he as he proceeded.
“From the smallest beginnings we have progressed to that magnificent
estate which lies before you. The world may behold if it will, and
accept the model if it choose. In five years all this has been effected.
In the first year we had only the bare land, the running water, a few
cattle and sheep. In the second year we had five thousand cultivated
acres, ten thousand sheep, one thousand cattle and abundant harvests. In
the third year we had a surplus of produce and wool, forty thousand
sheep, twenty thousand cattle and with the help of irrigation abundant
harvest. In the fourth year, in addition to two hundred thousand sheep,
seventy-five thousand cattle and abundant harvests, we have added a
woolen mill, in which we manufacture our own woolen blankets and yarn
and knit our own woolen stockings and shirts. We can sell these in any
market. We are now building another mill and will work our wool product
into cloth. You ask how we have progressed so rapidly? I reply that the
Brotherhood throughout the United States has contributed much to our
enterprise by purchasing our surplus products and disposing of them in
eastern markets. But better than this we have never lost the labor power
of one able-bodied man during all this time. The confidence of the
Brotherhood in us was due to the magnificent generalship of one great
man, and that one great man was and is John Thompson of Co-opolis. (Here
the enthusiasm became unbounded and the audience cheered for several
minutes.)

“But, my friends, let me say to you that John Thompson has not only been
a general. He inherited a large fortune from his father and while he has
not contributed one cent of this to the Commonwealth he has sent men at
his expense to several of the great cities of this country to search out
deserving persons and has advanced to them the funds to come hither and
to pay the one hundred dollars required of each person on admission.
These amounts have been repaid from the wages of the recipient in due
time. I say to you, gentlemen, that this world does not contain a more
thoughtful, able and public-spirited man than John Thompson, whom I now
nominate for governor of Idaho.”

Mr. Edmunds sat down and the great hall fairly shook with the applause
which, as often as it subsided, was repeated again and again. James
Rutherford of Boise City, a delegate who, although a member of the
National Brotherhood, was, as yet, not connected with any colony,
seconded the nomination and moved that President Thompson be declared
the nominee by acclamation. The motion was put and carried without a
dissenting vote amid the wildest enthusiasm. The nominee having been
escorted to the platform by a committee designated for that purpose,
addressed the convention, after the tremendous cheers given in his honor
had subsided.

As he stood facing the great audience waiting an opportunity to begin I
thought I had never seen him look so masterful before. His tall,
powerfully built frame presented the picture of an athlete, and his face
expressed an intelligence which could only belong to a man of great
intellectual force. He was the personification of strength of physique,
mind and will. His face, as usual, was clean shaven, his black hair was
combed straight back from his forehead, his large dark eyes surveyed his
audience with a look which was a strange commingling of love and
command. I do not believe a man, friend or enemy, in the multitude
before him doubted his sincerity, or was conscious, for the moment, of
any other sentiment than that of admiration. He drew all men toward him
and, as many have often related to me since, when they came within his
influence they seemed most naturally to fall in line behind him and
acknowledge him as leader. He began to speak slowly, but his voice could
be heard distinctly throughout the great hall.

“Mr. President and gentlemen,” said he, “we have now reached a point in
the history of this Commonwealth which marks the beginning of an epoch.
To my mind it is apparent that all the events of Christian civilization
have been a preparation for the higher civilization which we are
privileged to usher in. It has been said that ‘Time’s noblest offspring
is her last,’ and we may hope that such offspring is this day born, and
that it will thrive and continue to grow until time shall be no more. I
have always believed that the old system from which we have sought to
escape is barbaric feudalism, and that, whether in its ancient military
or its modern commercial form, it was distorted by selfishness and
greed.

“The motives of the robber baron of the dark ages and the self-serving
organizer of trusts to-day do not differ, and if in the dark ages the
one, by force of arms, held possession of fertile valleys and exacted
tribute from neighboring peoples, the other by fraud monopolizes an
industry and seeks to crush out all competitors. Death strewed the paths
of both, the one being no less hideous in blood than the other was in
the gaunt and shrunken spectre of starvation. The one, however, spent
itself in its own terrors and disappeared before the awful ravages of
destructive war. So the other has exhausted itself in greed and making
the automaton serve in the stead of man has taught man the lesson of
co-operation.

“I have never been a friend to political socialism as a factor in
building up the Co-operative Commonwealth. My judgment has proposed to
me the development of the co-operative principle in commercial and
industrial lines until it became so strong that it could not be ignored.
In that manner the railroads, telegraphs and other vast interests from
unknown forces, developed into those mighty giants which came to control
the government and now terrorize the people. I have hoped that the
Co-operative Commonwealth developing in like manner, slowly but surely,
might with very different motives and for different purposes, become
strong enough to take the government and wield it for the common good of
all. If I mistake not, the time has come, the Commonwealth is equal to
its purpose, and we may assume our political rights. If we win in the
election now approaching the state of Idaho will become a co-operative
state. Our aim should be to establish our system without encroaching
upon the constitution of the nation. We will violate none of the
provisions of that instrument, but we will carefully observe all its
limitations. This will be no more difficult for us than it is for the
great trusts and monopolies, which have become so powerful that they are
able to obtain an interpretation of the constitution when they wish it,
whereby its limits have been and are constantly extended to suit their
purposes. By presenting a model of one co-operative commonwealth, we
may, and I believe will, sooner or later induce other states to follow
our lead, and the entire sisterhood of states may form one great
co-operative nation. But we should advance to the accomplishment of our
purpose, in this state, with wisdom and caution.

“We must make as few mistakes as possible. Our endeavor must be to
understand and strictly conform to the law. We must respect the opinions
of those who do not agree with us. We must not disturb any citizen in
the enjoyment of his property and it should never be forgotten that the
Commonwealth depends for its growth solely upon volunteers. You have, my
friends, nominated me to be the first governor of Co-operative Idaho. I
have consented to accept this dignity only because I now believe that he
who acts as President of the Co-operative Commonwealth should also be
the governor of the state, until every vestige of the old system is
removed from Idaho and all its people have voluntarily entered the new
system. We must have a dual government, but the Co-operative
Commonwealth must control it.

“Idaho, the name of our state, is said to mean ‘Light on the Mountains.’
We will strive to give it a still broader signification and, God
willing, it shall be a light to all the people.

“The Co-operative Commonwealth was conceived by men who believed the
human race capable of advancing to the highest ideal of civilization. It
never depended, for its success, upon those philosophers who chose to
believe that because they themselves did not feel the pinch of want
therefore none others need feel it, nor of those philanthropists who
were always going about giving that sort of temporary relief which only
served to make the source of poverty all the more prolific and the cause
all the more obscure. They did not ask advice of learned students of
history, who by that dim light discovered only the passions and sins of
great sinners, and being diverted by the monsters whose careers filled
the world with their unhallowed fame, failed to observe the patient,
law-abiding, industrious and sober millions who toiled unobserved in the
background.

“The Co-operative Commonwealth is founded upon the theory that all men
can as well habituate themselves to conform to higher as to lower
standards. The individualist, the theoretical democrat, urges that our
system will tend to destroy self-reliance and to weaken the individual
man. The same proposition carried to its logical conclusion would
abolish all co-operative effort, and as society, even in its lowest
forms, rests upon co-operation, all society is, if judged by that
standard, but weakening in its effects. But whether co-operation makes
men weak depends upon its purpose. If it is organized for theft, murder
or lewdness, then it certainly tends to make men morally weak. If it is
organized for luxury, riot or intemperance, then it tends to make them
physically weak. If its purpose is blasphemy, gross materialism and the
prevention of the free investigation of religious truth, it cannot fail
to make men spiritually weak. The Co-operative Commonwealth is organized
for none of these. Its aim is to produce a better and stronger man
mentally, physically, morally and spiritually. It gives the fullest
education to all and endeavors to make the minds of its pupils
independent and self-reliant. It offers the largest opportunity for
physical culture, and in all moral and spiritual spheres presents the
highest and best standards, without limiting freedom of thought or
criticism.

“In brief, the consummation of our programme is, the complete
elimination of speculation, gambling and unjust advantage from the
social state, and to guarantee our members the rewards of their own
efforts. We do not permit the rich to rob the poor, the strong to prey
upon the weak, nor the keen to sharpen their faculties at the material
expense of those who may be dull. To say that this is injurious to the
development of what is best in man, is to assert that life has no
purpose except physical gain, and that the main purpose of life is to
provide clothing, shelter and food. We hold that these are only the
means of life and that the purpose of life is the highest development of
manhood and womanhood for the acquisition and appreciation of truth.

“The Co-operative Commonwealth is a great insurance association, and as
such guarantees to its member the enjoyment of his or her earnings. It
goes one step further, and assures him that if accident or sickness
shall deprive him of physical or mental ability, or death shall remove
him from a dependent family, all physical and mental needs shall be
provided for him or them. All such advantages were and are regarded as
lending strength to any form of society and surely they cannot be other
than meritorious features of our system.

“With a firm belief in the righteousness of our great cause, and
assuring you that my life is devoted to your service, I again express my
willingness to accept this nomination. I need give you but one pledge
and giving that you can feel perfectly secure that your will is to
govern the future. It is my purpose to use my utmost endeavors to have a
constitutional convention called as speedily as possible, if I shall be
elected, and through that convention you, my brothers, will establish
the Co-operative Commonwealth forever.”

Again the convention went wild with enthusiasm and the delegates and
visitors crowded around the nominee. I have attended many state
conventions, but never before saw one which resembled so closely in its
magnitude and tumultuous enthusiasm those assemblages in which the
national parties are wont to designate their choice for chief magistrate
of the great republic. The reason, however, was apparent. All understood
that this convention was to initiate a peaceful revolution whose
influence would ultimately be world-wide in extent.

After the enthusiasm attending the nomination had subsided the
convention nominated the remainder of the ticket. All the candidates
were co-operators, but selected from different localities.

For Secretary of State, Addison Wellman of Boise City; State Treasurer,
Benjamin D. Corwin of Alpha, then a flourishing colony, now a great
city, on the Snake river, about sixty miles from Co-opolis. For
Lieutenant-Governor, Edward J. Murphy of Banford, in the northern part
of the state. This ticket, be it said, did not fully conform to our plan
to have the officers of the state and the association identical, but it
was considered best to unite all our colonies under one brotherhood
government within the state and then to carry our plan of official
identity of state and brotherhood into effect. The platform adopted was
very brief. It pledged the Co-operative Commonwealth to respect all
vested rights and to conform to the constitution of the United States,
but asserted that the sources and machinery of material production
should be owned in common. It also declared for a constitutional
convention to be called at an early date.




                              CHAPTER IX.
      MY HOME LIFE—AUNT LYDIA—MISS WOODBERRY—TRIP TO CANYON LAKE.


According to the laws of the Brotherhood each company was entitled to a
fortnightly holiday and as far as possible work was entirely suspended
on Sunday. The day after the convention was Thursday and the company of
which I was a member enjoyed a “lay-off” on that day. Although the
convention had kept me up late the night before I arose early, having
arranged an outing in the country with a small company of friends. The
Co-opolitan lay on the walk as I stepped out to sit upon the veranda
while breakfast was being prepared. I picked it up and sitting down
proceeded to read the news. At that time my residence was on Salem
Avenue where it widened into an extensive park in which was a lake fed
from an artesian well around which a grove of young trees grew
luxuriantly. My house was not a large one. It had been constructed for
me by the association, as all private dwellings had been for their
occupants, upon a plan such as the occupant furnished. The estimated
cost to the Association was one thousand dollars as represented by
orders paid out by it for the labor and material used. It is well to
state here that the construction of a house was to the Association
hardly more than a question of labor. My house was, like all the
dwellings in the city at that time except apartment houses, a frame
structure. The timber had been obtained from the neighboring forests by
our own people without cost. It had been sawed into lumber by our mills.
It had been put together by our carpenters. The stone for the
foundations, the lime for the walls and ceiling, the brick, mortar,
sand, and, in short, all but the nails, screws, locks and gears were
produced by the labor of our own people. Three years later, even these
were manufactured in Idaho. So that the house cost little more than the
cost of the labor employed in its construction. But it was,
nevertheless, as well built and as commodious as one costing three
thousand dollars in an eastern city under the competitive system,
showing that our co-operative system was at least three times as
effective in this line as the competitive system. This showing, however,
is limited to the building trades alone, and does not include the
enormous increase of productivity by the employment of all labor power
in the direction of greatest utility.

The rooms were all provided with open fireplaces for heating purposes,
but the cooking apparatus consisted of a gas stove. Gas, electricity,
steam heating and both hot and cold water were furnished by the
Association at a small cost. In fact the rent of the house, its lighting
and heating as well as its supply of water, cost me only one hundred and
forty-four dollars per year, or twelve dollars per month, and the
service was complete. Besides this, any repairs needed were attended to
at once and the house was kept in perfect order. The furniture was also
provided by the department store as selected by myself. Even the carpets
were manufactured in Co-opolis. This furniture was paid for by me in
Commonwealth orders and was mine without reservation.

In those times most of us preferred to prepare our breakfasts at home,
but we usually either had our other meals sent from the public kitchens
close at hand or went to the public dining halls or hotel. The Domestic
department had charge of the entire domestic work of the city and
companies were stationed in each precinct for that purpose. Whenever any
house wanted domestic work performed it was only necessary to telephone
to the proper station and a well-trained domestic, either man or woman,
as desired, was sent for the purpose. The time of the domestic was
charged to the house and the cost of the service collected by the
department each month, like the rent, gas, telephone, water and heating
bills. The streets and grounds were kept in order by the city at the
public expense.

For nearly a year an aunt of mine, an old widow of most excellent
character, had been keeping house for me. She was not a member of the
association, did no service and drew no pay, but lived entirely on my
bounty. She was a strict Congregationalist of the New England type, read
her bible diligently, assisted in maintaining a religious society of
that denomination, and was one of the most kindly and lovable souls in
our neighborhood. She was, of course, too old to become an active member
of the society and too poor to purchase a membership. She did not
altogether approve the system in operation in Co-opolis, but rarely ever
expressed any criticism upon it.

I think she was as comfortable and happy as any old lady in the country,
for her time was employed, either in sewing, light domestic work,
reading, writing letters home, or riding with the motorcycle which I
kept at her disposal. She was always endeavoring to economize in
household matters because she felt that she was a charge upon me. It was
in vain that I assured her of the growing wealth of Co-opolis, and tried
to get her to realize that I had a share in all this wealth which would
last me my lifetime. She could not comprehend it and still continued to
save.

This morning she was quite busy, according to her usual custom, and it
was not long after I sat down to read that her cheerful voice called me
to partake of the morning meal. It was not an elaborate one, but it was
an Idaho production almost entirely. The rolled oats were grown, rolled
and prepared in Co-opolis; the flour, maple syrup, butter and even the
sugar were made in Idaho, and none better were ever made elsewhere. The
sugar was the product of the beet-sugar factory at Laselle, which had
been established by the National Brotherhood two years before. The salt
was manufactured by our Association, and this morning we had plates
which were among the first productions of a new industry added by the
Department of Manufactures just two months previously. The silver on the
table was some which I had inherited from my mother and was highly
prized. The oak extension table, sideboard and chairs in the dining room
also represented our Co-opolitan labor. Aunt Lydia sat at the table with
me and served the coffee.

“Willie,” said she, as she reached me the cream, “I guess I won’t go
to-day. I promised Mrs. Cressy that I would spend a day with her, and
she has a holiday; so, if you have no objection, I will go there instead
of the lake.”

“Why, Aunt Lydia,” I exclaimed, “what has made you change so suddenly?
Of course you must go with us. Mr. Fuller and Joe Preston are all going
and if you don’t go I’ll simply have to ride alone. You must go.”

“No, Willie.” She always called me Willie. “No,” she declared again.
“The Prestons have company just from Boston, a Miss Woodberry; I met her
yesterday. She seems to be a very nice young lady and I want you to go
with her and show her the valley.”

“Why, aunt,” I replied, “I will do nothing of the kind. I want you to go
and have made my arrangements accordingly.”

But my aunt was obdurate and all I could say was unavailing. The truth
was she was anxious that I should marry and was, very much to my
annoyance at times, always contriving to throw me in the way of young
ladies, hoping that I would meet my fate. I suspected that this was
another scheme of that kind and felt provoked. If I could have found a
good excuse I would have canceled my engagement and remained at home.
But no excuse presented itself. What was even worse, as I thought, my
aunt had gone so far as to invite Miss Woodberry to take her place in
the party, which that young lady as a guest of the Prestons, who were
also going, very naturally and promptly accepted. Of course I could not
scold the dear old meddling lady, and so, although much put out, I
philosophically submitted to the inevitable.

After breakfast Joe Preston, a young man about twenty, who had just
entered the Industrial Army, in the Transportation department, but who
had a holiday also, came over and said that he had been to the precinct
kitchen and had all the edibles put up for the trip and that Miss
Woodberry was ready to go whenever I was. He took the motorcycle from
the shed back of the house, adjusted the storage battery, and conducted
the vehicle around to the front door. I entered and a minute later we
were at the door of the Preston cottage, where we found the entire
party, Miss Woodberry among the rest, waiting with their vehicles. The
formalities of an introduction over I assisted Miss Woodberry to her
place and seating myself by her side we started away, the rest of the
party following.

Our destination was the lake made by damming the waters of Deer River
and flowing about two hundred acres of land in the canyon where the
stream emerges from the mountains. We called it Canyon Lake and laid out
a park around it, which at that time was not completed, but gave promise
of much beauty. It was my intention to ascend the divide south of the
city, pursue the road which ran along the slope and take in the scenery
which delighted the eye from that elevation. So we followed the asphalt
pavement as far as it went in that direction and then rolled along the
smoothly macadamized country driveway. The Co-opolitans of that day were
very proud of their roads and spent much time and labor upon them. They
were all wide, smooth and well shaded and accommodations for drinking
both for man and beast—horses were still in use for drawing heavy
burdens at that time—were provided from the big flume and the reservoirs
of our system of irrigation.

The lady by my side was enthusiastic over all she saw and so bright and
unaffected were her remarks and exclamations that, before we had gone
very far, I began to enjoy her society. She was not a remarkably
handsome person, but she had what I suppose my female acquaintances
would call “style.” That, of course, was a matter of dress, all of which
had its effect on me as fashion intended, but none of which I could
describe. In a general way I could see that she had a jaunty hat full of
bright-colored artificial flowers, a loose-fitting white waist and a
gown of some blue material. Her form was tall and rather slender, her
hair auburn, her features somewhat pronounced, but intellectual, her
mouth indicated firmness, but was in an everlasting conspiracy with a
pair of large blue eyes to express all that is bright and sunny in the
feminine character.

She had one of those faces, in which no feature was above criticism, but
upon which so many happy thoughts and kindly emotions were continually
expressing themselves, that criticism was as soon forgotten as made, and
once forgotten was never recalled. I was seized, as we walked together,
with a great desire to show her novel or beautiful scenes, and to tell
her what I knew. I never enjoyed anything so much as the varying
expressions of her face, always intelligent, always pure, always gentle,
and withal full of strong character. It was evident that she had read
much, seen many places and had a clear understanding. But it was also
apparent that she was in search of the pure, the beautiful, the good,
and she was altogether like what she sought. One most remarkable fact
about her was that although a Bostonian she did not insist that Boston
should be the sole subject of conversation.

After an hour’s journey from the city, moving rapidly along the levels,
swiftly down the inclines and slowly up the steep road which ascended to
the divide, we reached the place which I have always considered the best
from which to view Co-opolis. Here our party halted for a time,
remaining in our carriages and discussing the many objects of interest.
The mountains, black and threatening, looked down upon us as if with
sullen displeasure, and beyond the wild wastes of treeless and houseless
valleys, far to the south, rose the weird forms of the Seven Devils,
presiding over a kind of a golden Hades. But it was not the mountains
nor the wilderness which attracted us mostly.

Before us lay the garden of brotherly love, in whose bosom nestled the
fair city of Co-opolis. That city was indeed a picture of peace and
loveliness, with all its great public buildings, its wide streets, its
artificial lakes and magnificent urban parks. I pointed out the
buildings and parks to my lady companion and took much pleasure in
giving her brief historical sketches of several of them. But even
Co-opolis, with all its artificial beauty, was not the greatest object
of interest. The valley itself, subjected to the most thorough
cultivation to which the most approved methods could reduce it, lay
before us “as fair as the garden of the gods upon the slopes of Eden.”
Directing our attention to the north we saw the silvery expanse of
Canyon Lake glistening in the sun. Along both the northern and southern
slopes of the valley extended the finely constructed ditches and flumes
conducting the waters of the lake to many different reservoirs, where
they were stored and distributed when occasion demanded.

I explained, what was a fact, that the rainfall in this region had
increased to such an extent since the valley became inhabited and
cultivated that for two years the supply of water had been comparatively
little used in irrigation. But irrigation assured us our crops and there
was no danger that a drought would ever destroy them. Eighty thousand
acres constituted our cultivated farm. I pointed out the apple, peach
and pear orchards and vineyards and spoke of the promise these orchards
and vineyards gave of a large supply of fruit in perhaps another year. I
showed the corn, wheat and potato fields, the vegetable gardens and the
extensive hothouses, and explained that at times three thousand members
of our Industrial Army were engaged on the farm.

We could also see the numerous sheds constructed in sheltered places,
for the sheep and cattle which our shepherds and herders attended on the
ranges, and the large barns here and there in which the harvests were
stored and kept. The fields and ranges had produced in the last two
years an enormous surplus. This surplus, however, the Brotherhood in the
nation had taken or it had been distributed at the instance of the
Brotherhood among the new colonies which it had established throughout
the state.

My companion asked me the wealth of the colony, and my answer was that
its buildings could not be constructed in any competitive eastern city
for less than $15,000,000.00, but that they probably cost an amount of
labor estimated by our standards at $4,500,000.00. The 80,000 acres of
land, to which the Association had title, were worth $50.00 per acre at
least, or $4,000,000.00. The personal property, consisting of machinery,
stocks of goods, sheep, cattle, horses, wagons, tricycles, bicycles,
motorcycles and farm products, were worth $8,500,000.00 and the water
right, irrigating ditches, electric railroads, gas and electric plants,
water system for the city, heating system and public utilities which
brought or could be made to bring a revenue, were produced by the labor
of the Industrial Army, without an outlay of much cash, and were worth
at least $5,500,000.00. All this has been created by labor in five
years, and, of course, the value of the city lots is not estimated.

Yet the mere fact that 15,000 people lived on these lots was sufficient
to give them an enormous value if they were to be sold for cash. Indeed,
I think the lots in the city at that time wore worth $4,000,000.00 as an
investment, based upon their rental values.

We continued our observation of the valley in this manner for about half
an hour and then rather reluctantly moved on. The day was spent
pleasantly, in fishing, sailing and picnicking. There was at the lake an
Association restaurant where, in the summer time, fish dinners were made
a specialty. Special attention was given to supplying our city with
fresh fish and a large fish hatchery was also located here. The event of
the day, however, was the observation of the scenery from the divide
both on the trip to and the trip from the lake, for we again stopped on
our return and again feasted upon that vision of fertility and
abundance.

When we arrived home that evening we were still intent on the full
enjoyment of our holiday, and, as the great French tragedienne, with a
superb company, had been engaged for the week by the Association, we
went to the theater. Here, again, Aunt Lydia, having an aversion for
theatrical performances, which New England Congregationalism had
instilled into her, preferred to remain at home, and I was once more
obliged to accompany my newfound friend Miss Woodberry. I may say,
however, that whatever my aunt’s aversion to the theater may have been I
did not share it and the aversion which I felt in the morning to leaving
my good, old aunt at home was not so keenly felt in the evening.




                               CHAPTER X.
   THE CAMPAIGN OF 1902—DRIVING CAPITAL FROM THE STATE—THE POLITICAL
                           MINISTER—VICTORY.


The political campaign of 1902 in Idaho was one of the most notable ever
waged in the United States. It was interesting to the entire country
because it was understood that if the Co-operative Commonwealth was
victorious the changes which would be effected in the government, laws
and industrial system of the state would be radical and sweeping. The
moneyed interests all over the country were alarmed, but it may be said
that in those times the “moneyed interests” were always in a state of
alarm at every suggestion of a reform which proposed the betterment of
the condition of the masses.

As a result of this “alarm” a system of colonization in Idaho was begun
with a view to outvoting the co-operators on election day. But the
extent of the Brotherhood of the Co-operative Commonwealth was little
understood by the business and moneyed interests of the nation. They
supposed it to be practically confined to Idaho when in truth it had its
branches throughout the entire country. The effort to colonize voters in
Idaho was rendered abortive except in the mining regions of the northern
part of the state, and even there the colonizers were not as successful
as they supposed. The Brotherhood, secretly giving the most useful aid
to co-operators, caused many ardent friends to be enlisted as colonists
of the enemy, and these, immediately on arrival in Idaho, communicated
with our leaders and we were kept constantly informed as to the
movements of the opposition.

The Brotherhood numbered one million members outside of Idaho and if we
had asked them to contribute to our financial strength they could and
would have sent us from one to five million dollars. This, however, was
deemed unnecessary, and we confined our expenditures to the education of
the masses with regard to our purposes, and the prevention of the gross
frauds which we expected the opposition to perpetrate. Great speakers of
national fame were sent from all parts of the country to discuss the
issues of this campaign. Competition and co-operation had here locked
horns and this tremendous issue was to be fought out once for all.

The principal argument made by the opposition was that the success of
co-operation, besides destroying personal liberty, would drive out all
the capital in the state, and all the capital approaching the state away
from it. To this position, which was depicted on every opposition stump,
our great leader, President Thompson, always made but one reply.

“Drive capital from the state!” exclaimed he. “Prevent its entrance!
Why! Let them take every dollar of gold and silver and every item of
what they call credit away forever. Let them leave us the land and
ability to labor and we will speedily reverse the order. Instead of
Idaho being a suppliant at the door of capital, we shall soon see
capital, so boastful and arrogant now, an abject suppliant at the door
of Idaho.

“Instead of capital directing industry we shall find industry directing
and controlling capital. But how will they withdraw capital? Will they
fill up the mines they have dug? Will they tear up the rails they have
laid? Will they stop their trains on the boundary line or rush through
without stopping? Will they transport the houses and farms on which they
hold mortgages? They can, of course, do none of these things, nor do
they contemplate it. But they say we intend to repudiate our
indebtedness to them. In the great record of the Omniscient Lawgiver, in
which the list of those moral obligations which ought to be kept are
found, it is not probable that all the debts of the people are numbered,
but into that we shall never inquire. All moral and legal obligations
which rest upon it shall be strictly and fully paid.”

The fight waxed warmer as election day approached. Every effort was made
to stir up the basest passions against the Co-operative Commonwealth. We
heard of a riot and what amounted almost to a pitched battle in the
mining regions of the Coeur d’Alene Mountains, and learned, to our
surprise, that we had a large number of adherents among the Trade
Unionists and the Miners’ Unions of that section. An equally great
surprise was that, although our movement was in no sense hostile to any
church, and as a matter of fact encouraged all religious denominations
in their work, the ministers of the gospel were, as a rule, among our
most bitter opponents and, excepting those who presided over
co-operators of their own denominations, they were disposed to denounce
us as opposed to morals. I regret to say that from this class of
campaign speakers and political workers came the most outrageous
misrepresentations of the campaign.

I beg to be understood aright. I make no charge against the church, or
against ministers. God knows that I have the highest regard for both,
but I have noticed not only in connection with the campaign of 1902 but
other great campaigns before and since that when they step out of their
true sphere into politics these amiable, innocent and estimable
gentlemen generally become the catspaws of the most unscrupulous
political monkeys. They are undeniably caught by men who make the
loudest professions of honesty, justice and virtue, when in truth those
who proclaim their merits in these regards with the greatest vigor are
not necessarily the most sincere or deserving. Vigor of tongue does not
always indicate a healthy conscience, but it generally catches the
political minister.

The day before election Thompson and I met at the Co-opolitan. The work
of the campaign was now practically completed as far as speaking was
concerned. Thompson had certainly done his duty, for he had spoken in
every county seat and every considerable town in the state. Everywhere
he had been welcomed by great crowds and everywhere it had been
acknowledged that he was a man of commanding genius. Indeed, all this
was conceded by the newspaper press throughout the Union. But he told me
confidentially that he did not trust the appearances which seemed so
flattering and cited several instances to show the uncertainty of
political events. I was a younger man and my enthusiasm caused me to
entertain no doubt of the complete success of our entire programme.

Election day passed off without incident. The vote was heavy. Every
woman of voting age, as well as every man, voted, and the vote cast was
more than twice as large as the state had ever cast in any previous
election, the grand total being 190,000. Of these our ticket received
115,000, giving us a majority of 40,000. We had elected more than
two-thirds of both houses of the legislature and the victory for the
Co-operative Commonwealth was complete.

How we shouted, and went nearly mad with joy in Co-opolis. The total
vote of our city, numbering 6,661, had been cast for the entire ticket.
I have not mentioned the fact that in the distribution of political
honors I had received the nomination, equivalent to election, for state
senator, and I may now say that I was unanimously elected.

I did not vote for myself.

I was the only candidate. When the result of the election was known we
appointed the following evening for a grand jollification. It was an
occasion to be remembered. The army, 7,000 strong, not all residents of
Co-opolis, as some were permanently stationed in the country, marched
through the streets, with music furnished by the city band. This band
consisted of one hundred first-class musicians, and was one of the best
in the entire western country. There were other amateur bands which were
drilled to a high degree of excellence, and the army marched to such
music. There was a grand illumination in the evening, and a magnificent
display of fireworks.




                              CHAPTER XI.
    THE BROTHERHOOD CONVEYS ITS IDAHO POSSESSIONS TO THE CO-OPOLITAN
    ASSOCIATION—ARRANGEMENTS FOR COLONISTS—TYPICAL INSTANCES—JARVIS
                    RICHARDSON—MRS. ELIZABETH MAXON.


The National Brotherhood of the Co-operative Commonwealth had prior to
the election of 1902, in a delegate convention held in Chicago, passed a
resolution approving the Co-opolitan system of co-operation and
directing that all colonies and colonists entering Idaho, under its
auspices, after January 1st, 1903, enter and become merged in Colony
Number One, as Co-opolis was named in the Brotherhood records. It also
transferred all its property, including the beet-sugar factory at
Laselle, a gold mine at Banford, in the Coeur d’Alene Mountains, and
several large tracts of land and small colonies to us, upon the theory
that we were better able to superintend the details of state building,
while the Brotherhood should simply aid us with funds to extend our good
works, furnish us with colonists and distribute our surplus product.

Our Legislation Council, anticipating large accessions to our population
on this account, was in constant session and during the entire winter of
1902–3 large plans were under consideration for the utilization of the
new labor power. The National Brotherhood had contracted not to send us
more than 10,000 new members during the year 1903 and to pay us
$1,000,000.00 cash or one hundred dollars for each person sent for our
surplus products stored in various barns and storehouses.

It was not considered that these new colonists should all remain in
Co-opolis. About two thousand of them were to be retained in certain
productive lines in which we were already prepared to set them at work.
One of these was a large woolen mill located down the stream toward
Snake River, capable of employing one thousand hands. We had a large
quantity of wool on hand, and were ready to take all which was offered
in exchange for goods at the department store. It was also agreed
between the National Brotherhood and our council that they should send
us one thousand persons skilled in the manufacture of woolen fabrics.
These we agreed to receive on equal terms with all other members. We
also arranged for the establishment of a large boot and shoe factory, an
extensive fruit and vegetable canning factory, and another one still for
the slaughtering, dressing, preparing and packing of pork, beef and
other meats. The slaughter houses were designed to be situated about six
miles from Co-opolis over the divide on the Seven Devils branch of the
Oregon Short Line. These skilled artisans numbered in all about three
thousand. The rest, consisting of six thousand adults, were to enter the
Industrial Army as common workers.

We estimated that we could employ this new industrial army in opening up
another large valley in the same county fifteen miles south of
Co-opolis. That valley was in nearly all respects similar to Deer
Valley, except that it was larger and the divides and tables were
covered with a thick growth of timber. We considered that it was proper
to retain about half of the seven thousand new men to work in and about
Co-opolis and to send an equal number of our older members to the new
fields. The plan was, first of all, to provide irrigation; second, to
break thirty thousand acres of land and seed it to corn; third, to
construct buildings sufficiently commodious to house the companies of
the Industrial Army which might be necessary to make the valley
productive and protect its structures and products from destruction. It
was then intended to be a sort of an industrial outpost for Co-opolis,
and was placed in charge of the Agricultural department.

When the new colonists began to arrive in large numbers the scene
presented in the main hall of the building was interesting. The
department chiefs took turns presiding at the hearing of applications
for membership. I remember very well my own experience one day the
latter part of January. I had obtained a temporary leave of absence from
the senate in order to assume the duties as chief of my department.
There were eight hundred newcomers, men and women. Each was sworn to
answer truly all questions put touching his or her age, education, trade
or calling, nationality, former place of residence, family and career.
His application, together with certificates of medical examiners, was
examined and if approved by the National Brotherhood the following
contract was handed him for his signature: “It is hereby agreed by and
between Peter Jones, party of the first part, and Colony Number One of
the Co-operative Commonwealth known as the Co-opolitan Association,
party of the second part, that in consideration of the promises,
agreements and undertakings hereinafter set forth, said first party
enters the employ of said second party as a laborer for the term of
three years. That he agrees to do and perform any and all work which
said second party shall require of him in any part of the state of Idaho
to the best of his ability. That he agrees to conform to all the rules,
regulations and laws which are now in force or shall become in force in
or in connection with said colony, provided the same do not impair the
obligation hereof. Said second party agrees to pay said first party for
said service in the products of labor on hand or obtainable by said
second party, an amount equal to forty per cent of the yearly product of
the labor of said colony divided by the total number of members of said
colony above the age of twenty years, less fines and forfeitures, the
same to be paid in such amounts, and at such times, within each year, as
shall be provided by the Legislative Council of said second party.”

The examination to which applicants were subjected is well illustrated
by the record of one who has since become one of the famous Industrial
chiefs of the state.

“What is your name, age, occupation and place of residence?” asked I of
a medium-sized man with a strong, square face, and a large forehead, who
arose and held up his right hand to take the oath.

“Name, Jarvis Richardson. Age, thirty years. Occupation, printer. Former
residence, St. Paul, Minnesota.”

“Name of former employer and when last employed.”

“Pioneer Press Publishing Company. Was laid off three years ago.”

“Reason for discharge?”

“Improved typesetting machines.”

“Do you understand and favor co-operation, or are you desirous of
entering the Brotherhood for temporary protection?”

“I believe I understand the principle and purpose of co-operation.
Having been excluded from usefulness in my own trade by the introduction
of labor-saving devices, I realize that an injustice has been done me. I
should have had the benefit of the labor-saving device, but instead of
that I am simply supplanted by an automaton. The machine which excluded
me from my place and has kept me comparatively idle ever since does the
work which it formerly took five men to do. If the same results were
accomplished, as it ultimately will be, in all departments four-fifths
of the labor of human beings would be thrown aside and four-fifths of
the laborers would starve. This would curtail the consumption of
products of such machinery, and a portion of those who operate them
would then be discharged on the plea of hard times, limited demand and
overproduction.

“The industrial system now in operation throughout the Christian world
was devised for an ignorant and barbarous people. Invention, learning,
industry and progress are showing its entire inefficiency. Learning must
be limited to a few if that system is to live. Under it, if industry
produces enough for all, stagnation results, because that system makes
no provision for wise and equitable distribution. Progress is impossible
because it strains society to a point of revolution and destruction
follows. The co-operative system, on the contrary, deems labor-saving
machinery a blessing, and its adoption simply increases production and
is a relief and benefit to the laborer. It does not diminish his share
of the product, but reduces his hours of labor. You cannot have too much
education and learning in the co-operative system because all are
educated, and yet each is required to submit to his share of labor and
drudging. This tends to destroy false pride, and prevent vanity.
Moreover, men come to realize their true relation to one another.

“Industry can never cause overproduction in the co-operative system. If
too much is produced for the members to consume they do not therefore
find it necessary to starve a portion of their number. Such a condition
is hurtful to none. The co-operative system demands progress. Every step
forward brings a reward and does not suggest a danger. Every advance is
a blessing not to a few, but to all. A system which is large enough,
just enough and expansive enough to admit of the unfoldment of all the
powers and virtues of the race cannot be less than Christian.”

The manner of the applicant as he expressed himself was that of a
polished and educated gentleman. It was not customary for us to
encourage lengthy speeches on the part of applicants, during the year
1903 nor the years following, but once in a while a man of commanding
will and intellect would challenge our attention and we would listen to
him as I did to Mr. Richardson. He was a sufferer from one cause, and
understood the cause and its only cure far better than a philosopher who
only observes and could not feel the condition it imposed on him.

“It is claimed that the individual is weakened and made dependent by our
system, Mr. Richardson,” said I. “The claim is also made that the man
who escapes the perils of the industrial system comes out with a
stronger character and a more independent manhood than if such perils
had not been encountered. Have you a different opinion?”

“I do not know,” was the reply, “how great a manhood your system will
develop. It teaches, however, the lesson of brotherhood, and gives me
protection for my wife and babies by furnishing me an opportunity to be
industrious. The competitive system might not be objectionable if it
would do the same. But it does not permit fair competition. It demands
that a man be industrious, but gives him no chance to work. It permits a
few to monopolize land, water, power, money and all the sources, means
and machinery of production, and then asks the disinherited and landless
ones to compete when competition is impossible.

“The system called competitive is not competitive. It is a system
whereby a favored few are permitted to rob the many. As for the perils
of that system developing character, I admit they do. The most
remarkable character and those most admired in it are the modern
Shylocks. If that sort of character is desirable, then the system is a
success, but I do not covet its benefits. It seems to me the perils of
savagery are much more effective to bring out strong traits of character
and build up a manhood more courageous, self-reliant, and even heroic,
certainly not more brutal, than the trading, cozening, cheating,
gambling, sordid methods which make up this so-called ‘Competitive
System.’”

It was not possible for me in the press of business to continue the
conversation further that day. Indeed, the arguments offered by the
applicant were not new to me, and it was only because of the strong
individuality of the man that I stopped to converse with him at all. It
was, however, a part of my business to investigate the qualifications of
applicants and when they had been accepted to enroll them in the proper
department. Each department had its enrolling clerk present, who
received the signature of the new member in the department to which he
was assigned. A few formal questions more were put to Mr. Richardson and
I assigned him to the Messenger and Publishing department, where a
vacancy had occurred within a week by the death of a trusted member.

He of course entered as a mere printer, being compelled to earn
promotion by the efficiency of his work.

The examination and acceptance of applicants went on with great rapidity
after this, and no incident occurred worthy of note until after the noon
lunch. A woman about thirty-six years old presented her application.
After the usual formal questions I asked:

“Are you married?”

“I am a widow,” she answered; “my husband was killed in a railroad
collision five years ago.”

“Have you children?”

“I have seven—three boys and four girls.”

“Have you them with you?”

“All are here. Mr. Thompson advised me to come and make this
application, so I have been saving up all my money and I am here.”

“You say you live in Boise? You are not recommended by the Brotherhood.
Have you any recommendations?”

“I have one from Mr. Thompson.” Here she handed me a note from our
President, now Governor of the state, and upon reading it I found that
she was an intelligent and deserving woman who was anxious to educate
her children. She had saved, through several years’ hard work at the
washtub and in various kinds of domestic work, the fee necessary to
enter the colony, and, although it was her all, she was ready to pay it
for such a purpose.

“What shall I do for a home?” she asked.

“We have excellent houses, in one of which you shall live,” I replied.

“Can I send my children to school?” she continued.

“You are required to do so. Education is compulsory. Your children will
be turned over to the Department of Education.”

“Am I to be separated from them?”

“You and they will live together in the same house.”

“But I am a member of the Episcopal church. I desire my children brought
up in that church.”

“The religious education of your children is your own care. Send them to
what church you will. Episcopal, Methodist, Baptist, Catholic,
Congregationalist and other denominations are represented here.”

“Would it be wrong for me to ask how much my wages are to be?”

“You will receive checks or orders the first year entitling you to
one-third as much as a skilled first-year member. The second year you
will receive as much as any other member of the Industrial Army, skilled
or unskilled, officer or private. Last year each member received
$1,200.00 in orders or checks entitling him to the use of public
conveyances, railroads, house, water, gas, light, heat and other public
utility, to goods, wares and merchandise, meals at restaurant or hotel,
to admission to entertainments, use of public ovens, and, in short,
whatever you need. If your children are infants the Department of
Education has trained nurses to care for them. If a mother is nursing
her babe we give her a furlough until the period of nursing ceases, but
her pay continues. We encourage the mother to be with her children as
much as possible, as we believe a mother’s love is one of the
influences, under proper conditions, which inspire purity and develop
manhood and womanhood in the child.”

“But if I must work I cannot care for my children and get them ready for
school in the morning.”

“Women who have children are placed, as far as possible, in companies
which do their work during what are called school hours. You will be
assigned to the Domestic department and its officers will place you
where you belong. You will go to your work at 9 o’clock and continue
until 12. You will then take an hour for your own lunch and returning to
work continue until 5.”

I felt great satisfaction at being able to give this poor woman
information which restored almost immediately the light of hope to her
careworn face. She only asked one more question. She wanted to know what
would become of her children in case she should die, and when I told her
that children who once entered our Department of Education were always
protected, clothed and supported, without the slightest dishonor, by the
Association and afterward entered our Industrial Army on equal terms
with all others, she seemed so happy that the bystanders wept and I felt
my own eyes grow moist.

Several days after this, being anxious to learn the fate of this woman,
whose name was recorded as Elizabeth Maxon, I entered, inquired at the
office of the Domestic department, where she was enrolled, and learned
that she had been assigned by her department chief to laundry work and
that her place of residence was number 800 Pine Street. I took occasion
to call there. Upon my ringing the electric bell the door was opened by
a bright-faced little girl of about fifteen summers.

“Is your mother at home?” I asked.

“Yes,” was the reply. “Will you come in?”

She ushered me through a small carpeted hallway, into a neatly furnished
parlor, the floor of which was also carpeted, and the furniture in which
appeared to be quite new. Having been politely offered a chair, I sat
down, and being informed that “mamma” would be in directly I waited. A
minute later Mrs. Maxon appeared.

“Mrs. Maxon,” I said, arising, “you will doubtless look upon my visit as
an intrusion, but I felt so deep an interest in your welfare, after your
application and examination for membership, that I had to hunt you up.
Perhaps you will remember me as the man who presided at that time.

“Indeed!” she exclaimed. “Mr. Braden, certainly this is an honor and not
an intrusion. You were so kind to me on that occasion that I shall never
forget you. Will you be seated, sir?”

I sat down again. Mrs. Maxon also seated herself.

“I would be glad to learn how you fared,” I resumed. “Will you permit me
to ask you a few questions?”

“Yes, indeed!” was the quick answer. “I will answer any question. The
people are so good to me here that I feel that you are all brothers and
sisters. And see,” (she waved her hand around her), “I have never lived
in such a pleasant house before. It is heated by steam which comes from
pipes laid under the streets and we have water, gas and electricity.”

“Do you like your work?”

“It is very pleasant. Most of the work at the laundry is done by
machinery and the machinery does five times as much work as the force we
have there could do by hand. All the hard work is done by machinery.
Then I have only to work seven hours a day, too.”

“How did you get so well settled?”

“The next day after the examination I was told to go to the office of
the Domestic department on Commonwealth Avenue. I went. The gentleman in
charge told me that when an active member paid a membership fee of
$100.00 the company gave a labor check to her in return representing
$100.00 worth of goods. He gave me the amount in such check and then
directed a gentleman to take me and my children to number 800 Pine
Street, where we should live. He hailed a passing motor car and we got
on that and rode to this house, my children with me. The gentleman did
not pay my fare, but I paid it.

“I was surprised that it only amounted to what would be two cents of my
hundred dollars. I was quite surprised also to find that we were to have
such a nice house. But there was no furniture in it then. I left my
children with our neighbor, and went up to the department house and
ordered these carpets, furniture and other things. They let me have them
on time, with the understanding that they were to keep the title until
they were paid for. I got a few groceries from the store and some meat
and brought them home myself. The furniture came about 2 o’clock that
afternoon and before supper time we were almost settled. A bell rang out
there in the dining room and I found a telephone there. I answered it
and found that the foreman of the company which I was told to enter had
some directions. He said I was to go over to the ward office of the
Department of Education, about two blocks from here, and report with my
children at 9 o’clock next morning and then to report to him at 9:30
o’clock for duty. So I did, and all my little ones were taken and sent
to school.”

“Are you then comfortable?”

“I am very, very happy. I never dreamed that such good would come to me
after my husband died. But God has directed me here and I am very, very
happy.”

The conversation continued a few minutes longer. All her little
children, with bright and shining faces, came in to see me, and I was
overflowing with sympathetic enthusiasm myself before I was able to tear
myself away. And I thought to myself as I returned to my home that the
joy our system brought to these comparatively humble people was the best
indication that we were now, in truth, upon the threshold of a higher
civilization; a civilization that uses all power, both mechanical and
human, to lift up all humanity; a civilization which does not content
itself by simply emblazoning the golden rule upon painted banners and
church walls, but makes it the measure of every public act toward all
men, women and children alike.




                              CHAPTER XII.
   IDAHO ELECTS A SENATOR—PARALYSIS OF THE COMPETITIVE SYSTEM—BLIGHT
 AFFECTS THE CAPITAL CITY—CAPITAL WITHDRAWS FROM THE STATE—A SESSION OF
 THE LEGISLATURE—CO-OPOLIS ESTABLISHES A DEPARTMENT STORE AND HOTEL AT
                              BOISE CITY.


Governor Thompson was inaugurated at Boise City January, 1903. There was
no demonstration on the occasion, the Governor being sworn in by the
Chief Justice of the Supreme court of the state without display. The
Legislature convened the same day, the Lower House elected its speaker,
and the next day the various committees of both branches of the
lawmaking body were appointed. The third day the entire political
machinery of Idaho, with the exception of some minor officers and some
members of the judiciary, was under the control of the Co-operators.

The work to be performed by the Legislature was regarded as pressing and
important. A senator was to be elected to represent the state in the
United States senate. The complexion of the two houses made it certain
that the new senator would be a Co-operator. As for that matter so was
the then incumbent. He was a member of the People’s party and also a
member of the Brotherhood and of the Co-opolitan colony. He was a man of
wealth and, being past the age of forty-five, had transferred property
to our colony worth twenty years of a Co-operator’s income, estimated
upon the basis of such income January 1st, 1902. In addition to this,
his assistance as senator from Idaho had been invaluable to our cause.
When a man became a member, in this manner, the Association, while
leaving him his own property and the income which he derived from it,
required that all wages, salaries and compensation, which his skill,
labor or use of time might earn should be the property of the
Association, so that the senator’s yearly salary belonged to it. We took
but one vote on the senatorial question, and the sitting senator was by
that vote elected to succeed himself.

But this Legislature had some really serious questions to consider
besides that of electing a senator. It was confronted by a condition
which to all individuals in the state seemed appalling. The public,
outside of the co-operative colonies in the state, and outside the
Brotherhood of the Co-operative Commonwealth out of the state, was
filled with alarm at the prospect of certain radical reforms being
initiated.

The election of Governor Thompson and a co-operative Legislature was the
signal for all banks, competitive business houses and money loaners to
draw in their loans and investments, as far as possible, and many of
those who were engaged in the various lines mentioned proposed to depart
from the state. In such cities as Boise City, Shoshone, Ketchem and a
few others of like description the saloon men and money loaners
endeavored to sell out and leave the state at once.

The banks refused to make any new loans and insisted upon the immediate
payment of such indebtedness as was then due. The railroad companies
began a course of discrimination against the people of the state and
business houses reduced their stocks of goods. Money, gold, silver and
paper, became very scarce.

Boise City, the capital, before January 1st was in a condition of
business paralysis. As for the several Co-operators, who made up the
Legislature and occupied other government positions, they had no
money—that is, United States gold, silver and paper. Their entire
exchange consisted of the orders and checks already described. It was
evident that they would not be able to pay cash for what they purchased
in Boise and the merchants and other business men realized as early as
December that they were not likely to reap a harvest from the new
administration.

This was also anticipated by the Department of Commerce at Co-opolis,
and an agent of the Legislative Council was sent down to Boise, who
speedily closed a trade for a lot of land on Boise’s principal street.
Then came carloads of lumber from Co-opolis, and a force of Co-opolitan
carpenters was speedily at work, even in the dead of winter,
constructing a good, substantial and commodious three-story-high
building. One-half of this building was a hotel and one-half a
department store. By January 1st such was the energy displayed by the
Co-opolitan workmen that it was completed and furnished and the store
part was stocked with a large assortment of groceries, hardware,
cutlery, drugs, clothing, dry goods, fancy goods, millinery, fruit,
meats, boots and shoes, dairy products and many other of the
manufactures and products of Co-opolis and the Co-opolitan farm.

This, to a very large extent, solved the problem of comfort and supplies
for our representatives. The orders and checks of the Association were
all good at the hotel and store. A few motorcycles with runners and
others without and some horses and carriages were provided later on. The
inferiority of the streets and roads in and around Boise at that time
made horses indispensable in the conveyance of passengers in the winter
time. The department stores undersold every other business and in a very
short time its trade from the citizens and from the surrounding country
was enormous. The competitive stores could not compete with them. The
same was true of the hotel. The table creaked with the finest of
Co-opolitan foods and delicacies prepared by the most expert of
Co-opolitan cooks. The service at the hotel was excellent, the beds were
clean and soft, and the attention given by our hotel attendants made up
for the somewhat temporary character of the buildings.

Notwithstanding the complete prostration of town business and the
absence of work for workmen, skilled and unskilled, the farmer and the
cattle men around Boise began almost immediately to realize that it was
an advantage to them. They obtained all manufactured goods at our
department store cheaper than ever before. They were also able to
exchange their products for department store wares. The wheat, corn,
oats and other staple products of the farm and cattle from the ranges
still found as good a market abroad as ever and commanded as good
prices. That was not saying very much, however, for prices everywhere
ruled low.

State, municipal, county and other public bonds depreciated until their
value was scarcely more than nominal. Miners and cattle men were nearly
the only classes who were now able to pay taxes, and both classes were
notoriously expert in evading this duty by false statements of their
wealth. It was evident that before another year passed, if Idaho
depended upon the money of the United States in circulation within her
jurisdiction, for the payment of public expenses, that her condition was
one of hopeless bankruptcy.

This condition did not much interest the rank and file of the
Co-operators, because they were well satisfied with their labor-credit
checks and industrial orders, which enabled them to obtain all they
needed, even money, under certain restrictions. But the individualists
were in despair and many of them emigrated with their flocks and herds
to Wyoming. Others who considered that their holdings in Idaho were too
valuable to leave, not understanding the Co-operators’ plans, contented
themselves with abusing what they called the stupidity of the
administration. They knew it was the unalterable purpose of our people
never to issue public bonds and this was the only method of raising
money for public uses of which they had any knowledge. Some of them
proposed the issuance of warrants upon the treasury, bearing interest
after demand, but this was immediately rejected.

The proposition was made by one prominent individualist newspaper to
issue treasury notes to circulate as money, but this was at once
declared impracticable as being an encroachment upon the authority of
the Federal government to coin money and the provision of the Federal
constitution prohibiting the emission by the states of bills of credit.
Turning then to state-bank issues the individualist found no
encouragement from that quarter, as he was confronted by the Federal tax
of ten per cent of such issues. Be it noted, however, that some of the
bankers were inclined to favor the issue of state-bank notes and
strongly advised that it be done, arguing that it was better to have
money with the ten per cent tax rather than no money at all. But the
administration simply declared that Co-operators did not feel the
scarcity of money and a far better plan than any proposed would
doubtless be discovered.

The Legislature remained in session just thirty days. Very few new laws
were enacted. Of those which were enacted, the reduction of all salaries
of public officials one-half, the law providing for a constitutional
convention, the delegates to which were to have no compensation except
traveling expenses, the abolition of several offices, such as insurance
commissioner, labor commissioner, etc., the repeal of the law
authorizing corporations and the enactment of a law respecting the
organization of Co-operative Associations and their regulation, were the
most important. Some appropriations were made, but it was admitted to be
one of the most economical sessions ever held by any legislative body,
so far as results to the state were concerned. The law reducing salaries
one-half, although not strictly applicable to existing officials, was
effective because all Co-operators in office willingly complied with it,
and that general compliance influenced individualists to do likewise.




                             CHAPTER XIII.
             THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION AND ITS LABORS.


The constitutional convention was set for July 4th, 1903 at Co-opolis.
The election was held two weeks before that time. Few individualists
were anxious to become delegates because the honor was unaccompanied by
compensation, and for the further reason the majority of Co-operators
was now overwhelming. The result was that the same proportion of
Co-operators obtained in the convention as in the Legislature and it was
evident that the progress of the Co-operative Commonwealth would be
carried out. When the convention met it was called to order by the
Governor, a portion of whose address on that occasion is well worthy of
repetition. After tracing briefly the history of Co-opolis and the
Brotherhood of the Co-operative Commonwealth, in glowing language, he
took up the question of the Co-operative Constitution and said:

“Gentlemen: You are the men in whose wisdom the state of Idaho confides
and upon whose action here the fate of unknown generations hangs. I
would not presume to advise you with regard to your all-important
mission, but I shall ask permission to offer, with the greatest humility
and with all respect for your high intelligence, a few simple
suggestions.

“The burden of all I have to say can be aptly phrased in the somewhat
homely language borrowed from the street. Do not put your state in a
‘strait jacket.’ Do not think it necessary to prohibit, restrict, define
and dogmatize when you come to make your constitution.

“When you have provided a system of state government and made clean and
emphatic the boundaries of executive, legislative and judicial power,
consider that you have completed your work. Do not undertake to guard
the inalienable rights of man by introducing details, methods and
systems into your constitution. Leave all that to the common sense and
common justice of the people. Let your Legislature dominate both the
executive and judiciary. That body is designed, or should be, to express
the popular will. The judiciary is designed to interpret that will as
expressed. The executive is to carry that will into effect.”

The Governor’s address did not advance further into the province of the
convention. He spoke, for the most part, in a merry vein, as if he felt
that even if the success of his work was not yet achieved it had nearly
passed the stage of experimentation, and when he concluded the
convention, while impressed with the importance of its great mission,
appeared to share in their leader’s satisfaction.

The convention continued in session one week. The result of its work was
a constitution, brief, clear and simple. It provided for executive and
legislative departments. No judiciary was provided for. It prescribed
the duties of the executive department and provided for its branches.
The first Governor of Idaho was to hold office for a period of three
years and all Governors succeeding for seven years each. He was the
chief executive of the state and his duty was to see that the law was
enforced.

There were to be a Secretary of State, State Auditor, State Treasurer,
Attorney-General and Secretary of Co-operative Industries. The duties of
these several officials were such as ordinarily attached to such
officials, except that of Secretary of Co-operative Industries. It was
the duty of this official to keep a full record of all Co-operative
Associations in the state, their rules and by-laws, and to use his best
endeavors to bring about a complete union of all under one head. He was
also to be the active general of the militia of the state and
superintend all operations of that body, subject to the order of the
Governor. The Great Council possessed all legislative and judicial
power. The legislative power could not be delegated, but was restricted
and controlled by the people as follows: When twenty per cent of the
voting population of the state should petition to have any law, whether
on the statute books or not, submitted to popular vote, the Governor’s
duty was to submit it at the annual election held in October of each
year.

A majority vote was sufficient to enact or repeal such law.

It was also provided that if twenty per cent of the population should
petition the President to remove any official from office the question
of such removal should be submitted to the popular vote at the next
annual election, and a majority vote was sufficient to retain or remove
such official. In case such officer was removed by popular vote the
Governor was to appoint a successor to hold until the next annual
election, but the person removed could not hold the office again until
one full term had intervened. The Legislature had power to delegate its
judicial functions in such manner as it saw fit.

When it was desired to remove the Governor the petition must be
submitted to the Great Council and in case of his removal the vacancy
was filled by that body.

When the convention adjourned its labors had produced the briefest
written constitution in force in any of the states of the American
Union. In my opinion it was the best. It not only made the legislative
body the most prominent of the people’s servants, but it provided a
plain and simple method for the exercise of such control. It provided a
strong executive to execute the laws and made him the commander-in-chief
of the militia of the state, both industrial and military, but it gave
him no veto or pardoning power. It was, however, his province to
recommend to the Great Council the pardon of persons sentenced by the
judiciary to punishment, and few instances are known to our history
where such recommendations were not acted upon favorably. It contained
one brief provision which expresses all that is best in modern civilized
government in a few words. That provision, under the head of
Co-operation, is as follows:

“The Council shall provide for the government ownership of all the
sources and machinery of production and the operation of the same, to
the end that no person within the state shall be idle or needy. It shall
cause all railroads, water rights, mines and cultivated or uncultivated
lands to be purchased by the state as speedily as practicable and shall
levy an army, to be known as the Industrial Army, to work the same. The
state shall never sell, grant or alienate any of its property so
acquired. No property shall be taken from any person or persons by the
state without paying just compensation therefor.”

All the laws in force at the time of the adoption of the new
constitution, except such as were inconsistent with it, were to be
continued in force until amended or repealed. All officials, except
those whose offices were abolished by the new constitution, or should be
abolished by the Great Council, continued in office until the next
general election.

The constitutional election was held the third Monday in August, 1903,
and resulted in the adoption of this new instrument. By its terms the
old system of legislation being abolished, the Governor was authorized
to convene the first session of the Great Council the first Monday in
January, 1904. An election was called for November, and at that election
the Great Council, consisting of one hundred and ninety members,
representing as nearly as possible one for each one thousand voters,
were elected. All but thirty were Co-operators. There was no doubt now
that the new state and the new system were, for a time at least,
established. The machinery of government was in our hands and the future
rested with us.

The world beyond Idaho did not apparently concern itself with us or our
system. The defeat of the opposition which had, in the election of 1902,
attacked us with bitterness, resulted in that opposition subsiding into
silence. The great dailies, magazines and periodicals simply refused to
recognize us, and our system received no notice from the capitalist
world. This was annoying to some of the Co-operators, both in and out of
Idaho, because we felt that we were ignored and that our merits ought to
be proclaimed. I remember some of our members of the Great Council
expressing dissatisfaction because of this fact in the presence of
Governor Thompson.

“Merits!” exclaimed he; “what merits have we? We have simply shown the
world that for five years we could work together and produce wonders.
Let us see what we can do as lawmakers. Let us show what we can do with
a state after we have captured it. If we make some blunders you need not
flatter yourselves that you are unobserved. If you build a strong and
substantial state you need not fear that the world will overlook that
fact. The truth is that all the capital, intellect and classes of
America are watching for signs of disagreement and dismembership. They
will be disappointed if they do not find them, but when you are on a
solid basis then they will proclaim your system a wonder and
philosophers will come to observe and study it. We ought to bear all
this in mind as we proceed to the work of making proper laws for the
regulation of this state. Our history is just begun and it rests with us
whether it will continue.”




                              CHAPTER XIV.
    DEPARTMENT STORES IN THE COMPETITIVE SYSTEM—DEPARTMENT STORES IN
  CO-OPERATION—THE CO-OPOLITAN ASSOCIATION DISCOVERS THE VALUE OF THE
    DEPARTMENT STORE AS A WEAPON OF WARFARE—THE DEATH OF OLD BOISE.


The latter part of the nineteenth century saw strange and novel
influences at work in the competitive system of the civilized world. The
great advantages accruing from co-operation had become apparent, in
those days, to a few, and these employed its methods to a limited extent
to acquire vast fortunes for themselves. Such were corporations, trusts,
great combinations of capital, department stores and syndicates. These
concerns, establishing themselves in every industrial center, absorbed
nearly every industry. It was impossible for the individual, the small
capitalist, the man, to compete with such institutions, and yet those
who were the greatest gainers from them were the most zealous advocates
of the competitive system. Wanamaker’s vast department stores in
Philadelphia and New York city were good illustrations of what the
co-operative institution, employed against the competitor, could
accomplish, both for the one man who owned it and against the many who
were asked to compete with it.

The owner grew fabulously rich. There was no limit to his acquisitions
and he swallowed up all competitors who could not do business on the
same system. Commercial house after commercial house fell before
Wanamaker. Man after man became bankrupt, not because he lacked business
ability, or was idle or inattentive, but because he could not compete
with Wanamaker. So it came to pass that in Wanamaker’s great marvels of
industry, the department stores, some of the brightest, shrewdest and
most expert business men were serving as managers of departments, floor
walkers, clerks and bookkeepers. It was, indeed, a vast, ceaseless and
mighty army of co-operators intent upon making the fortune of one man,
and with such a combination competition could not compete.

In Idaho our colony accidentally discovered the use to which they could
put this great “idea” which enabled Wanamaker to conquer the commercial
world and force the princes of industry to become his willing slaves.
This was the undesigned conquest of Boise City by the Co-operative
Commonwealth. When the first Great Council met in January, 1904, our
Co-operative Hotel had absorbed the entire business of all other hotels
in the city.

All our productive power was so fully employed that we were able to
furnish board and lodging for a small sum, of a quality such as few
hotels in cities of a hundred thousand persons offered their guests. Our
department store was equally successful.

It cost us nothing to advertise.

We painted no signs.

We paid no rents.

The only expense we incurred was the labor we expended, and labor was as
plentiful as humanity.

Besides this, we employed labor-saving machinery without stint, and
thereby multiplied the enormous power of co-operative labor many times.

We were better and more powerfully prepared to destroy competition than
Wanamaker, because we had no expenses and wasted neither time nor money
in inviting trade.

We sold daily the best wares and produce which we could manufacture or
procure. The excellence of our stocks, together with the smallness of
our prices, was our recommendation.

We intensified by our establishment in Boise City the well-known effects
of the department store in competitive cities.

All the trade came to us.

Nothing could compete with our system, and merchants and hotel men were
compelled to assign for the benefit of creditors, join the Co-operative
Commonwealth or depart from the state.

When our new constitution was adopted the Co-opolitan Legislative
Council made a rule that all persons who were citizens of the state at
that time should be eligible for membership on the same terms as all
other members of the National Brotherhood. Most of the merchants and
hotel men in Boise City whose occupations were gone chose to join our
body and were assigned to positions in the Co-opolitan store or some
suitable department at Co-opolis.

Lawyers being largely creatures of competition, nearly all disappeared,
and the few who remained either joined us and were assigned to the Legal
department or if they remained and did not join engaged in the
precarious business of settling up bankrupt estates.

The Association had, with the opening of spring, purchased a pleasantly
located tract of land adjoining the city, laid it out on the plan of
Co-opolis as nearly as could be done, constructed elegant brick hotel
and department store buildings, built a large number of cottages similar
to those in Co-opolis, and a commodious school building, and provided
water, gas, electric and steam-heating plants. About November 1st, 1903,
the entire Co-opolitan plant in Boise City, including the industrial
force employed, removed to the new town and old Boise was well nigh
deserted.

The reason for this move is apparent.

Old Boise was burdened by debt which it was no part of the design or
duty of the Co-operative Commonwealth or of the Co-opolitan colony to
pay.

There was a large bonded municipal debt, a large bonded water debt and
another large school debt.

The gas and electric plants were also bonded, but those were private
debts payable only by such as availed themselves of their advantages.

There was no way to avoid assuming these public debts if we continued in
the old city.

Some of our enemies, later on, set up a howl against what they termed
our immorality in running away from these obligations. But they were not
our obligations. We did not make them and we certainly had a right to
live outside of the territory affected by them if we chose. In
competitive cities business enterprises and persons of integrity and
fortune usually locate where the public burdens are least likely to rest
heavily upon them.

While Boise City, that is the collection of town lots, streets and
buildings bearing that historic designation, was blighted, the
collection of people who had done all the work of building it was
immeasurably improved by the Co-operative accession. A new Boise City
had begun to grow up on the commercial ruins of the old, but the Boston,
New York, St. Louis and Chicago people who held large tracts of land
around about and in the city were not benefited by this change. New
Boise did not help them. Indeed, their land depreciated in price daily.

The banks of old Boise all went into liquidation and made frantic
efforts to collect their debts.

Money loaners did the same.

Insurance agents either fled from the blight or came to us.

Saloonkeepers, speculators in land, dance-hall proprietors, persons
whose methods of gaining a livelihood were illegal, women of ill
reputation and gamblers all departed for lands unknown.

From the competitive point of view this hegira was regarded as a fatal
blow to old Boise. Useless as were their occupations to the production
or even distribution of wealth, they had been deemed necessary, because
they lured money into the city, and this money, being collected in fines
from one class and taxes from another class, went to help pay interest
on public bonds. Many a pious holder of municipal bonds would be shocked
to learn that but for the toleration of criminal and disgusting
practices in the bonded city the bond would be well nigh worthless. Yet
such was the case.

The Legislative Council of the city of Co-opolis took full notice of the
situation at Boise and after visiting and viewing the city felt and
expressed great pleasure. It was our first venture into a competitive
city, and at the outset we had entertained some misgivings as to the
probabilities of a success. But the seeming necessity of providing
accommodations for a Co-operative Legislature forced us to enter Boise
City and the results were astonishing. The profits were immense, and it
was now evident that the co-operative system was not only a powerful
developer of a new and hitherto unoccupied country, but that in very
truth it was invincible in the very center of competition. Honesty,
justice and fraternity, in combination with industry, were
unconquerable, and left no room for the gambler, the speculator, the
panderer or the drone. This discovery having been made, the Legislative
Council announced its purpose to place a department store and hotel in
every city in the state, but to proceed cautiously, so as not to
diminish the annual dividends of members.

By the employment of this great industrial force it was believed the
citizens of Idaho would speedily be brought to enlist in and share the
benefits of the Co-operative Commonwealth. And events have proved the
belief correct.




                              CHAPTER XV.
OUR NEW REVENUE SYSTEM—CONSTITUTIONAL BATTLE OVER BILLS OF CREDIT—MONEY
IN IDAHO—CONFLICTS WITH CATTLE MEN AND MINE OWNERS—CO-OPERATION AGAINST
                               THE FIELD.


The Great Council of 1904 readjusted our legal system to conform to the
new constitution and the co-operative programme. The political
subdivision of the state into counties was not disturbed and local
government of these was delegated to county commissioners. What had been
variously denominated home rule and local option was, however, greatly
extended.

Counties were permitted to determine for themselves many questions which
by the old system were within the exclusive province of the Legislature.
No county or other subdivision of the state was permitted to issue bonds
for any purpose nor to expend in any one year more than the total amount
received in taxes. But each county had the option to pay the state tax
in money or in the products of labor. Where a county voted to pay taxes
in the products of labor it was required to maintain as many store
houses as were necessary to properly and securely store its receipts.

The law provided that the Great Council should annually elect a
commission consisting of five members, whose duty it was to meet at the
capital city in October of each year and determine the value of the
various products of the state. The cereals, for instance, were to be
valued at so much per bushel, vegetables and fruit at so much per pound,
precious metals at so much per ounce, wool, hides, furs and other raw
material at such prices as were fixed in the schedule prepared by the
commission. All articles named in the schedule were to be received in
lieu of money and at the prices fixed, so long as that schedule remained
in force.

This plan would have been impracticable had it not been for the fact
that the Legislative Council of Co-opolis agreed to take all produce so
received for taxes at the schedule price therefor. The latter, for its
own protection, placed a department store in every county seat, where,
under its contract, it reserved all perishable property and either sold
it in the proper department of its local store or shipped it at once to
a suitable market. The schedule prices were sufficiently low to protect
the Co-opolitan Association from loss. As for hides, furs, wool and
other raw material, and staple agricultural products, they were
carefully inspected by Co-opolitan commissioners at the receiving
department store or warehouse, and, if not of schedule standard, were
not accepted. In this manner and by this system all producers were able
to pay their taxes without being compelled to borrow money and in the
very wealth which their industry produced.

All public expenses were defrayed and all salaries were paid in the
products of labor. The salary of a judge, for instance, amounting to
twelve hundred dollars per annum, neither more nor less than a
Co-opolitan received as his annual dividend, was paid by the state in
orders or credit checks for goods or whatever the Co-opolitan
Association had to sell. Such orders were of various denominations and
in the following form:

 To the Co-opolitan Association:

Deliver to the bearer hereof goods, wares, merchandise, entertainment or
services of the value of one dollar and charge the same to the State of
Idaho.

                     Jacob Wirth,   John Thompson,
                         Secretary.      Governor.

This method of collecting taxes and paying state expenses proved fully
equal to the emergency. The Co-opolitan Association lost nothing by it.
All schedule prices were fixed, as I have already stated, at a figure
which was slightly lower than the cash market price for non-perishable
and staple products and still lower for produce generally considered
perishable.

But the producer also found his advantage to consist in the facility
with which it enabled him to meet his public dues at all times promptly,
thus avoiding penalties, interest and expenses. The system had not been
long in operation before a question arose, concerning these orders, with
the Federal authorities, who, at first, pronounced the Co-opolitan
Association a kind of a banking institution, and the state orders upon
it devices in the nature of state-bank issues. The effort was then made
to compel the Co-opolitan Association to pay the ten per cent tax
imposed by the Federal law on such issues.

The question was never brought into the courts, because the most eminent
and expert lawyers in the Union agreed that such orders could no more be
regarded as money than the checks of business men upon their bank
deposits, the promissory notes of debtors, the tickets of transportation
companies and the time checks of mining and other large corporations
controlling labor.

Another question arose of a more serious character upon the right of the
state to emit “Bills of Credit.” This the Federal constitution
prohibited. A test case was made upon one of the state orders and taken
to the United States Supreme Court. The decision of that tribunal was
rendered by a divided court, a majority being of opinion that they could
not be regarded as coming within the prohibition of the constitution
referred to. These orders, the court held, were not designed to
circulate as money, because they were directed to a private association
of individuals designated as the Co-opolitan Association, and simply
directed such association to deliver goods to the bearer. It was not a
promise on the part of the state to pay money, nor to deliver goods. It
was to be honored on demand, and when received by the Association in
question was forthwith canceled. Evidence was offered by the parties
seeking to void the orders that as a matter of fact they did circulate
as money. This was held to be immaterial, for the reason that the fact,
if shown, would not tend to prove that such was the intention of the
state. The truth was that very few of the state orders so circulated.
They were usually presented to the Co-opolitan store at any county seat
without intermediate transfer, and a labor-credit check or industrial
orders were issued instead.

It is true that such industrial orders so circulated and were treated as
money by the people of Idaho, but the practice was not encouraged by
Co-operators, because it was an incident of individualism and not of
co-operation. Their circulation could not be prevented so long as the
co-operative plan embraced the purchase of all property owned or
produced by individualists in the state, and payment on goods or
property as represented by these orders. In 1904 more than one-half of
the people of the state were members of the Co-opolitan Association, and
great numbers of those who were not members were daily becoming so. It
was believed that in time our industrial orders would cease to circulate
and perhaps be entirely superseded by the labor-credit check. It should
be borne in mind that the labor-credit check, not being transferable,
never passed out of the hands of its owner.

The policy of Idaho and the Co-opolitan Association was to prevent, as
far as possible, the circulation of money in the state. It was treated
as if it were a kind of poison which produced among men most dreadful
diseases, and at the same time was an instrument of moral, financial and
social ruin. We were fully convinced, when Co-opolis was founded, that
if co-operation was to succeed some system must be applied which would
exclude money from use among Co-operators. But it was recognized that
outside of Idaho money was and must continue to remain king, as long as
the industrial competitive and individualist system governed their
affairs. For this reason the Co-opolitan Legislative Council accepted
money, but sought in every possible way to prevent its circulation.

All money obtained by the sale of surplus products, manufactures or
property of any kind in other states, or which might come into the
co-operative stores, was immediately turned over to the Legislative
Council and by it deposited in a strong safe in the basement of the
Council Hall. Here it was guarded as if it were a deadly peril to the
public weal.

The safe in which it rested was opened by a combination known only to
the President, and it stood in an iron chamber whose great lock was
turned by a key held by one of the Council. This was enclosed in another
iron chamber which was opened only by a different key held by another
member of the Council. There were twenty-six chambers of different
sizes, the smaller enclosed within the larger, and twenty-six locks
opened by as many different keys, each councilor holding one and no
more. It took twenty-six councilors and twenty-six keys to reach the
safe, and no money could be taken from it except in the presence of at
least one-half of the members of the Legislative Council. But it was a
rule of the Association that if any person living in the state desired
money with which to travel outside of the state he should make his
affidavit to that effect setting forth the amount he desired, and upon
his application for such an amount, if the Council were satisfied that
it was made in good faith and that the money would not be expended in
the state, the application was granted. Articles which the Department of
Commerce were compelled to import from other states or countries were
also paid for from the accumulation in the safe.

After disposing of the question of how taxes and public expenses could
be discharged the first Great Council took up the question of what
property should be taxable. Among the private individualist enterprises
in Idaho mining and grazing predominated. Both the mine owners and
cattle men, whose herds were permitted to wander at will on the ranges,
were expert “tax dodgers.” How to reach them and compel them to pay
their just and fair proportion of the expense of running the state and
maintaining the schools was an important question. It was decided that
all taxes should be levied on land values. In other words, what is
sometimes called the Single-Tax system was adopted.

Wherever cattle men occupied a range together the total number of cattle
upon it was determined, owners’ names were obtained and the value of the
range per acre was estimated upon the basis of its use for grazing
purposes. Each owner was then made liable for the tax on the total
acreage of the range occupied, and the proportion each was bound to pay
was no question for the state, but was a question for the cattle men to
determine for and among themselves. Cattle men now found it impossible
to escape their taxes as formerly, each being zealous to require his
neighbor to pay his part, and it must be confessed that they showed a
strong disposition to leave the state, so that the ranges abandoned by
them were left for the use of our herds.

It ought to be said, however, that the cattle owners did not abandon the
state without a fight. They resisted the collection of taxes, claiming
the system to be unjust and against public policy. One of the trial
courts decided in their favor, but the case was appealed to the Great
Council, which, it will be remembered, retained the Supreme Judicial
authority in itself. The matter was referred by this body to six of its
members, all lawyers, and indeed the only lawyers in the Great Council,
all of whom were Co-operators, and the trial court was reversed. There
was also an armed resistance to the collection of the tax, but the
cattle men were speedily put to rout, the state militia suffering no
other loss than three men wounded. The newspaper press throughout the
Union, however, took sides with the cattle men, claiming that the system
of taxation had been adopted for the sole purpose of driving these
“honest” men from the state and taking possession of “their” ranges. The
truth was that the men who left the state on account of this law did so
to escape honest burdens and went where the laws were more unjust, or if
not unjust not effectual to prevent the shifting of such burdens
dishonestly to other shoulders which ought not to bear them. We offered
no encouragement to dishonest practices, and if our failure to do so was
an advantage to some other state which did, we certainly had no occasion
to feel envious.

Mining property owned by corporations or associations was valued at the
full par of its capital stock and assessed accordingly.

It was the policy of the state not to encourage the mining of the
precious minerals by private enterprise. The miners of the state were
fast becoming absorbed in our Co-opolitan Association and wages had
risen to nearly four dollars per day for skilled or unskilled workers,
because a membership in the Co-opolitan Association or its Industrial
Army paid that amount annually.

Mine owners sought to obviate what they called the evil of high wages by
importing cheaper labor. At first they attempted the introduction of
Chinese miners and later an ignorant class of Italians, Hungarians and
Slavonians. Our Great Council prohibited aliens from owning, holding or
acquiring real estate or making investments of any kind within the state
on and after the date of the passage of a law to that effect. It also
prohibited the importation of aliens into the state as laborers, or the
employment of any such by any person, association or corporation.

These laws were all held to be valid and constitutional by the Supreme
Court of the United States, which some years after their passage had
occasion to pass upon them.

The result was that capital engaged in mining in Idaho withdrew and some
of the mines were purchased at a low figure and operated by the
Co-opolitan Association.

Here again the press of the United States denounced the immorality of
the Co-operative Commonwealth, because of its oppressive conduct toward
capital. Immoral indeed!

Idaho simply made laws which in other states or countries have never
been disapproved as immoral.

The Co-opolitan Association gave to labor the same high wages in all its
departments, and in that manner made laborers anxious to join the
Association. This left the mine owner to do his own work or pay as much
as the worker could earn as a Co-operator.

The capitalist could not compete in the labor market with labor itself,
when labor employed its skill and force in its own behalf. If the mine
which was made to produce wealth for capital and peril, distress and
death for labor, became valueless, because there was no longer a force
to work it, whose fault was that?

We did not steal the gold which glistened in its dark caverns!

We did not rob the capitalist of the labor which he owned!

The labor of men and women was not his vested right, like his mine. He
had preached the merits of competition and we had simply competed for
and won the labor force that dug his mine.

Now the mine was worthless because the men who made it would no longer
work it. What did the Co-opolitan Association do which was immoral?
Having taken its labor force and set it at work for itself, this mine
had no value except if the labor force could be restored to it.

Capital could not do it. The Co-opolitan Association could. We purchased
it for what it was worth without the labor force, which nobody owned. We
could never have done this if capital had been able to work that same
force and steal its products. Yet the newspaper press of that day
denounced us as immoral and was effusive in its praise of the
competitive system.

The Great Council at this session provided for a Supreme Judicial Court
and as many County Courts as there were counties. The purpose of this
system was to secure the proper administration of justice.

The Supreme Court was not authorized to decide any question of the
constitutionality of a law enacted by the Great Council adversely, but
if in their opinion such law was unconstitutional they were required to
certify the same, with their reasons, to the Great Council for review.
The jury system was preserved, with the exception that in civil cases a
majority of the jury decided. Many radical changes were effected by this
Great Council, but those mentioned were the most sweeping.

The Great Council of 1904, perhaps because it was unhandicapped by
precedents, was the most memorable, for the swiftness and merit of its
legislative work, of any session which has occurred since. Its
successors had been, in a very marked degree, required by public
sentiment to conform to its standards.

Humanity, as all history proves, when once it accepts a system, whether
good or bad, is loath to abandon it, and permits it to be changed only
when the necessity for change is made apparent by experiences often of
the most distressing nature. For this reason revolution has rarely ever
produced lasting results except in the mere form, and not in the
substance and spirit of things. If it be contended that society has
undergone great changes in those respects let it be remembered that
evolution, not revolution, did it.




                              CHAPTER XVI.
   MISS CAROLINE WOODBERRY AGAIN—THE WEST PARISH—PUBLICATION OF MISS
            WOODBERRY’S NOVEL—MARRIAGE—WE VISIT NEW ENGLAND.


Long before the year 1904 drew to its close a great change had taken
place in my life. The feminine disposition of my aunt to make
matrimonial matches had been successful in throwing me into the society
of Miss Caroline Woodberry and after the ride to Canyon Lake, of which I
have already made mention, I was with her whenever leisure and
opportunity permitted.

In Co-opolis there were in all seasons amusements and entertainments of
every kind, and if we tired of one we were not at a loss for diversion
which, while it could not increase the happiness I found in the young
lady’s society, aided me in administering to her pleasure. Society in
Co-opolis was even then refined and intelligent. I do not mean to leave
the impression that our people had in six years acquired all the arts
and foibles which fashionable society in eastern cities mistake for
refinement, but it really was wonderful to see what improvement
prosperity had produced in the manner, bearing and language of most of
our people. While it is possible that such prosperity in the competitive
system, would have caused many to develop the worst traits of their
character, yet the absence of all opportunity to amass a fortune in
speculation or by gambling methods in the co-operative system insured to
each the enjoyment of his own portion. Nobody was or could be purse
proud. Nobody was or could be dependent upon charity. Nobody had
occasion to be ashamed of his material condition.

Good clothes, ornaments, books, pleasant homes and all the conveniences
of modern life were within the reach of all.

Humanity is so constituted, however, that its members must compete,
contend and battle with one another.

What shall be the field for this competition? Over what shall the race
contend? Where shall be the battle ground?

Some philosophers in times past taught that the race must fall into
decay, dwindle into weakness and lose individuality if it was removed
from the struggle for potatoes, meat and coffee. They, perhaps, honestly
believed that it was fatal to progress to raise mankind to an elevated
plane and let the battle be waged for moral, intellectual and perhaps
spiritual supremacy. In Co-opolis our system eliminated the mere
material world as an object of competition, and pursuing the law of our
nature, we sought to excel in intellectual pursuits, matters of taste,
athletics and what tended to personal improvement. It was not long
before the Co-opolitan began to be known as being possessed of good
manners, taste in matters of dress and even polish. These were not
pronounced characteristics for many years after, but I sometimes thought
I could see them developing. One people from whom, in part, at least,
the incentive to acquire and own things had been largely removed, lost
in a measure the cheating, lying, cunning and overreaching habits of
that delusive and obstructing thing called business. Co-opolitans, six
years after the city was founded, habitually told one another the truth.

Sets and circles existed then, as now, in Co-opolitan society. Men and
women always will choose their own companions and some common interest
will always operate to form them into associations. If some of the
potato diggers discover that potato digging is not all there is of life
those will probably come to recognize in one another kindred spirits
whose kinship is closer than that of the uninitiated and the circle is
evolved. I was one of a circle or set and Miss Woodberry was a member of
that circle, too. There were literary gatherings, card parties, socials
and all sorts of meetings in winter, and lawn parties, dinners, dances
and all sorts of pleasures in summer. It must be admitted that our
social circle was generally regarded as somewhat select in a literary
sense, because some of the brightest minds in Co-opolis were members.
This did not exclude us from the pleasures which I have mentioned, but
it gave our circle a somewhat sombre rather than gay reputation. We were
just as popular, however, as any other set, and by no means assumed to
be better than our neighbors.

Miss Woodberry was not a member of the Industrial Army, and one of the
great questions which we often discussed was whether she should become
such. This question grew more than ever urgent when we decided that we
were sufficiently attached to each other to become husband and wife.
Attached to each other! That sounds and reads mechanical enough to
describe the gluing together of two blocks of wood, and I have no doubt
that because this is, in the main, an historical work and only
incidentally biographical, it is all the warmth I am expected to
express. I beg pardon! But this lady has been my wife now thirty years
and a better wife no mortal man ever had. Attached to her! Why! I was so
thoroughly and passionately devoted to her that I came very near
incurring the censure of my department associates and being subjected to
the operation of the Imperative Mandate on the charge of inattention to
business, but escaped, because, as I suppose, “the whole world loves a
lover,” and my attachment was not successfully concealed. Be that as it
may, after we were engaged to be married, Miss Woodberry became curious
to know what her fate would be; she had accepted me without much regard
to consequences. Now, after the acceptance, when the consequences were
close at hand, she became more solicitous to understand her position.
She had only been a visitor in Co-opolis and had been a guest of the
Prestons, whom I have already described as my near neighbors. During
this visit she had been engaged in writing a novel, which she read as
the chapters were completed to me. I was impressed with its merit and
believed some of its passages breathed the spirit of genius. However,
although I judged myself a dispassionate and unsparing critic, I would
not trust my judgment upon the production of one who was prejudiced in
her favor. I persuaded her to allow me to submit her manuscript to a
committee of my department for its criticism, with a view to arranging
for its publication under the auspices of the Co-opolitan Association.
As this committee had proven whenever it deemed a work sufficiently
meritorious to warrant it, to proceed with its publication and defray
the expenses from the so-called publication fund, it occurred to me
that, if my judgment should be approved, this novel could be published
by our department and would distinguish the admission of its author into
the Association. We had, up to that time, never undertaken the
publication of a novel, but our plant was sufficiently extensive and
commodious to enable us to do so. Hitherto we were contented to confine
our publications to text books for our schools, a monthly magazine
devoted to co-operation, the Daily Co-opolitan and a large number of
pamphlets. To my great joy the committee, composed of the very brightest
literary men in the city, including our educational chief, Mr. Edmunds,
pronounced it a production of such merit as to be worthy of publication
at the public expense. I had not disclosed to them the name of the
author and they supposed it was some member.

On the evening of the day when this decision was communicated to me I
went over to the Preston cottage to see my affianced and tell her the
result of my venture with the committee. She was delighted with the
news. It was her first novel, and to find that the committee had
received it with favor was an event which, as she often told me, gave
her more genuine pleasure than anything ever did before or has since. We
spent an hour or more that evening talking over the novel, its
characters and plot.

The name was “The West Parish.” The opening scene was laid in the West
Parish of Gloucester, Cape Ann, Essex County, Massachusetts. There were,
as everybody knows, wonderful descriptions of white sandy beaches, the
blue old ocean, ships sailing, marshes and sea birds a-wing. There were
two little boys and an old aunt. The former were orphans, the latter
infirm and impoverished, but doing her best, which was as bad as could
be, to keep the little ones alive. Their father had been a railroad
engineer, but a series of misfortunes deprived him of his savings, and
then, in one of the perils common to his dangerous employment, he was
killed and the mother soon after died.

These little ones, without means and without the sympathy of the
multitudes, who, in their desperation in the struggle for bread, forgot
or did not see them, were sent to this aunt. That poor old woman had
griefs enough of her own. Her life was well nigh worked out. She had
neither nerves nor strength. Her limbs were stiff and rheumatic. Her
eyes were dim and her aged back was bent. In her mean little cottage by
the roadside at Annisquan she had all she could do to nurse the fading
embers of her life’s fires, and she was now expected to support these
two little infants, one three and one five years of age. She was cross
to them, but she did not mean to be. She was very impatient and she did
not know it. She did not take them into her arms as a mother would, but
that never occurred to her. And yet she loved them, but the power of
expressing love had long been crushed out by poverty.

So one day these two ragged, half-fed little boys, with their
tear-bestained cheeks and great eyes, made more expressive by being set
in the pale faces pinched by want, started out from the old aunt’s house
in search of a place their mother used to tell them about which was
called Heaven, where she said their papa was. The children were
afterward found nearly starved to death lying near the roadside seven
miles from home by some charitably disposed persons, who fed them and
subsequently caused them to be placed in an orphan asylum, where they
were kept and given a meagre education suitable to their lowly financial
condition. When they were large and strong enough they were sent to the
West and placed in the charge of farmers, but were widely separated. The
author traced the development of each. Both were naturally possessed of
powerful minds. One became a money maker, the other the champion of a
new system for the development of his race. One was a great banker and
amassed millions. The other was a great co-operator and occupied a high
station in the Co-operative Commonwealth. She carried her story into the
future that she might picture conditions which had not yet obtained.

In those days it was a favorite method of illustrating economic
principles, and had been made quite fashionable by Bellamy’s famous work
called “Looking Backward.” Miss Woodberry’s novel was not so remarkable
for its plot as for the vivid contrast which it presented between the
competitive and co-operative system, and so powerfully did her pen draw
the picture that while the brother who gave his life to the one, though
not worse than most of its supporters, seemed possessed of a demon of
greed; the brother who gave his life to the other appeared to be no more
nor less than a man. This novel seemed to me then, as it does now, both
instructive and artistic and equal to any of those which my wife has
written since.

“What shall we do now?” asked Miss Woodberry. “You have obtained a
favorable criticism and the Association will publish the novel. What
advantage will it give me or you to do so?”

“I shall urge you first to make an application for membership,” I
replied. “Although you were not a citizen of Idaho nor a member of the
National Brotherhood, you will find that your accomplishments and this
novel will gain you immediate admission.”

“Yes!” exclaimed she. “But what else? Does not the Co-opolitan
Association provide for some reward for a meritorious work?”

“The Co-opolitan Association will endeavor to be just,” I replied. “In
the case of Dupont, the man who invented the Dupont motorcycle, which
has brought us a large accession of wealth, the Legislative Council has
allowed him a five years’ furlough and he is now traveling in Europe,
but draws his full pay on the Industrial Army. Dupont has decided to
take only one year now and then the rest of his time hereafter. Then
there is Dr. James, who received a furlough of three months and an
advance of $1,200.00 from his next three years’ pay, for special merit
and extraordinary services of a professional character. We have a system
of rewarding those who display special merit or who by some new
invention add to the wealth, comfort or power of the Association.

“Our Legislative Council requests each department chief to present,
every three months, the names of members most deserving of reward, and
after fully and fairly informing themselves as to the work, art or
production recommended, dispenses its rewards according to its best
judgment. At the last meeting of the Legislative Council for this
purpose ten men in my department were rewarded. One got six weeks rest,
another two months, a third one week and others various terms of
respite. This was in addition to the vacation. I am not in the habit of
selecting these ten myself. I leave that to my foreman and in doing so
avoid jealousies. I shall not recommend you, but I believe this novel
will suggest to the Legislative Council the propriety of a reward.”

This reference to her entering some department suggested the old
discussion again of whether she would apply or not. She was very much
attached to the Association and believed it would ultimately own the
entire state, but she was not sure, she said, that she ought to become
absorbed in it. We considered that we might marry and that I could
supply the house from my income and she could, if her novel was
successful from a financial point of view, do other literary work at
home and for ourselves. But she was not committed to this view, nor were
her opinions fixed. However, she finally agreed with me in the belief
that her life could be made far more useful as a member than as an
individual. We agreed that if both were employed by the Association our
united efforts would bring us twenty-four hundred dollars a year so long
as twelve hundred dollars was each member’s income. I had long before
converted all the property which I had inherited into cash of the gold
and silver kind and had turned it over to the Association with the
understanding that I would be permitted to withdraw it in amounts not
greater than $1,200.00 per annum, if I so desired. The Association paid
nothing for its use, but agreed to furnish, on the terms stated, goods,
wares, labor checks or orders instead of money, or even money, if the
proper affidavit and application for money was filed.

Aunt Lydia had also been economical in expenditures for the house, so
that my expenses for two years had only been two thousand dollars, and I
had a thousand dollars in unexpended labor-credit checks. This was also
left with the Association, undrawn, so that the Association was indebted
to me in the sum of $11,000.00. My affianced wife, as well as myself,
was anxious to visit Europe and Asia, and this fund of $11,000.00 we
calculated would enable us to do so without pinching ourselves while
abroad. It was not possible to pinch ourselves at home, because at this
time every department was accomplishing wonders in the production of
wealth.

Caroline made her application the next day. Being neither a citizen of
Idaho nor a member of the Brotherhood, she was obliged to pass an
examination as to health, opinions and wealth. The first was found to be
perfect. The second showed her to be fully acquainted with co-operative
principles and the main features of our peculiar system. Wealth she had
none. But she had what was better than wealth. She had talent. She had
education. She had some experience in teaching and was a skillful
stenographer. She was accepted and enrolled in the Educational
department. This was in June and her services were not required until
September in that department. She was, however, placed on the pay roll
and given her vacation period at once. It did not concern the department
whether her school year began or closed with a season of rest. I, too,
was entitled to a vacation of four weeks each year and it was usual for
me to take it in July or August. Ordinarily I spent it in the vicinity
of the great lakes in the northern part of the state or with parties of
excursionists in the mountains. This year I designed to visit New
England and to take with me my wife. Caroline was agreeable to this plan
and I made all arrangements accordingly.

In the latter part of June we were married and on the very same day, as
a part of the celebration, the work of putting the new novel into type
was begun. It was a joyful occasion. The wedding ceremony was performed
at my house in Co-opolis and Governor Thompson did me the honor to
officiate. It was not a public affair. Members of the Legislative
Council, Governor Thompson and the members of my departmental staff and
their wives were present at the wedding feast, which was spread at the
Co-opolitan Hotel. That evening my wife and I took a special car at
11:30 o’clock on the Co-opolis Southern Electric Railroad for Boise
City, from which place we went to Nampa, met the early morning
east-bound train on the Union Pacific and proceeded on our wedding trip.

We were absent until the middle of August and were glad enough to
return. I say we were glad to return, but this does not mean that our
trip was unpleasant. We were like people of refinement who gayly abandon
the luxurious surroundings of a beautiful Christian home and, returning
to the primitive habits of their savage ancestry, descend, for a short
season, to the novelty of camp life. However enjoyable such life may
seem for a season there comes a time, and that speedily, when the
novelty wears off, and life in the civilized world is all the more
pleasurable by comparison. So you descend into the regions of commercial
competition; the waste regions and desert lands of speculation; the
world where old men and women are left to die in poverty after a life of
usefulness; where little children, innocent of wrong, are trained daily
to sin, or are starved to death in sight of plenty. We were glad to
return to Co-opolis and take up our labors in a land where we could not
hope to acquire more of the world’s good than we could use, but where we
could be sure that we and ours would not be compelled to try subsistence
on less than we needed, and where every human being was guaranteed “the
inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.”




                             CHAPTER XVII.
  THE UNITED STATES CONVEYS PUBLIC LAND TO THE STATES—THE CO-OPOLITAN
   ASSOCIATION RECLAIMS THE SNAKE RIVER VALLEY—A GREAT AND BENEFICENT
                              ENTERPRISE.


The year 1905 witnessed the inauguration of two important enterprises in
Idaho, each of which has contributed immeasurably to the development of
the Co-operative Commonwealth. Both were proposed, superintended and
owned by the Co-opolitan Association. The first was the irrigation,
cultivation and settlement of the Snake River Valley. This valley at
that time was noted for its wonderful scenery, its broad expanse of
uncultivated and unoccupied land, and the majestic river which swept
swiftly through it. All public lands belonging to the United States had,
the year before, been granted to the various states in which they were
situated, each state being required to pay two cents an acre to the
Federal government therefor. Some of the states proceeded to pay at once
and receive the patent for the lands so granted, and to dispose of the
same to settlers.

Among those which paid for their acquisitions promptly was Idaho. But
the money to pay, amounting to one million three hundred and eighty-six
thousand dollars, was advanced to Idaho by the Co-opolitan Association.
This advance, let it be understood, was not a loan. The state government
could not borrow money. But the Co-opolitan Association had become so
powerful and exercised such entire and absolute control over the state
government that when it advanced this amount it was well understood that
it was able to reimburse itself at will. The state now acquired the
public lands of the Federal government, but was powerless to improve
them. What should be done?

The Great Council had met during the first half of the year, and its
members were all Co-opolitans except eleven. It realized that it would
be open to severe criticism outside of the state if it should grant the
newly acquired lands to the Co-opolitan Association, whether for a
consideration or gratuitously. It did not concern Idaho what the world
beyond its territory thought, except that we were all anxious that
mankind, for its own good, should not be misled as to the benefits of
co-operation. Before that session of the Great Council was closed a
petition, signed by more than twenty per cent of the voters of the
state, was submitted to the Governor, on the recommendation of the Great
Council itself, asking that the simple question of whether the public
lands of the state should be granted in fee simple absolute to the
Co-opolitan Association on condition that the Association improve the
same, be submitted to popular vote at the October election. Under our
law it was the duty of the Governor, if such petition was properly
signed, to submit the question proposed as a matter of course, and it
was done accordingly.

This was not the first time the people had by petition initiated
legislation, but it was the most important question thus far submitted.
There was no doubt as to the result, because the Co-opolitan Association
embraced nearly all the people of the state except something like fifty
thousand who were scattered along the boundaries of Montana and Wyoming,
being principally placer miners and cattle men. Even among these there
were many inclined to favor the grant. But the question was very fully
discussed. The Daily Co-opolitan, under my charge, presented the
arguments on all sides. Every company in the Industrial Army was
required to attend at least three meetings before election day, at which
the question was debated by the ablest debaters we could find, and on
election day it is safe to say that the voters who were ignorant of the
merits of this question were exceedingly few. The election resulted in a
vote of two hundred and sixteen thousand five hundred and three for and
seven thousand three hundred and twenty against the grant. The decision
of the people thus registered was the law of the state and was
sufficient in itself to pass the title in all this land to the
Association, but the formality of issuing the patent was enacted when
the Great Council met the following January.

Great were the preparations the day after election for the work of
reclaiming the Snake River Valley. The Legislative Council was in
constant session arranging the details of an industrial occupation of a
new and broader domain. The Engineering department had long before
procured complete surveys of all the public lands, and more especially
of this valley. A final survey had been made for an extensive system of
irrigation flumes, canals and ditches, together with reservoirs for the
collection and storage of surface waters, as well as the waters diverted
from the river. Four thousand men were dispatched, under the charge of
the proper departments, to commence the work and make excavations along
the survey at such points as they could work most conveniently, and when
the freezing of the ground in the latter part of November made further
work in that direction impracticable the army returned to Co-opolis and
the companies composing it were sent to their several home cities and
engaged in other employment.

When springtime came—the spring of 1906—the work upon the irrigating
system of Snake River Valley was again resumed with an increased force.
It was prosecuted with such vigor that when the snow began to fly again
the whole system was completed and constituted the most extensive of the
kind on the American continent. The result was that one million acres of
land as fertile as any in the world, not excepting the valley of the
Nile, were made available for use for agricultural purposes and all of
this was the property of the Co-opolitan Association. The whole of this
broad area was now turned over to the Agricultural department. The
Transportation department was also instructed to extend the Co-opolis
Southern Electric Railroad the entire length of the valley, and in two
years from the time the first work was done on the irrigating system
that marvelous region was changed from a wilderness into a productive
and beautiful garden.

The history of the Snake River region since then has been one of the
most startling illustrations of the power of co-operation and the
quantity of literature devoted to the description of the valley, its
people, its productivity, its cities, roads, system and methods in all
the countries and languages of the civilized world show how deep an
impression this magnificent product of co-operation has made. But the
wealth which this valley added each year to the Co-opolitan Association
enabled us to carry the industrial war forward with a celerity not
anticipated. The Agricultural department now—1909—had under its control
three million five hundred thousand acres of land devoted to
agriculture, five hundred thousand acres devoted to fruit and at least
eight million devoted to grazing.

The Co-opolitan Association was and is the most successful farmer in the
world! No wonder! There stand between it and the consumer no middleman
and no manufacturer. Its own labor manufactures most of its own farm
tools and machinery. It feeds, clothes and shelters its own farm hands,
and both produces and manufactures food and clothing. All represent to
it the cost of labor only. The wheat produced cost the Association in
1909 only about five cents per bushel to produce. This estimate is based
upon the cost of machinery imported from other states and paid for with
metallic money. But even this was too high an estimate, because when a
machine was once imported our mechanics kept it in constant repair,
while other farmers using machinery are continually paying out money to
keep it in serviceable condition.

We paid nothing but labor. Other farmers were compelled to sell their
wheat at the lowest cash price paid by traders and speculators, who
invariably received a large profit. We obtained that profit ourselves.
Other farmers saw their wheat ground into flour and sold at a profit by
the manufacturer to the wholesale dealer, who again sold at a profit to
the retailer, and the retailer added a profit and sold to the farmer. We
received all this profit. The only cost to us of a barrel of flour was
the cost of such machinery as I have described and the cost of
transportation. The Brotherhood stores at that time sold all our surplus
on commission. At the time of writing this—1917—the cost of producing a
barrel of flour at the great Shoshone flour mills is, of course,
nothing, the farm machinery, mill machinery and all devices used in
connection with such manufacture being manufactured by the Association.

The facts which I have thus briefly stated must make it apparent that we
were, as early as 1909, and even before that time, in a position which
was entirely unassailable by competitors who had not placed themselves
on a similar foundation. Our system was in a condition to challenge the
whole industrial world in a free and fair field. We could and did
undersell every business house in all Idaho and the competitive system,
unable to compete against us, had fled from the state. Its case was
hopeless. It had no footing, and never could have. It recognized capital
as master and labor as its humble servant. Our system reversed the order
and recognized labor as master and capital as its creature and its
obedient servant. For this reason labor came to us and capital without
labor was powerless. Already this condition in Idaho was affecting all
adjoining states. The Co-operative system was, after ten years of honest
trial, so strong, and so wondrously beautiful in its strength, that,
overleaping the bounds of the co-operative state, it was infecting
Oregon and Washington, and colonies framed upon the model of the
Co-opolitan Association were pouring into those states. But of that I
have something to say in a subsequent chapter.




                             CHAPTER XVIII.
 PUBLICATION OF MRS. BRADEN’S NOVEL—THE PROFITS OF THE ASSOCIATION AND
   REWARD OF THE AUTHOR—THE PUBLISHING DEPARTMENT EXTENDS ITS SPHERE.


The Messenger and Publishing department, as I have previously stated,
was under my especial charge. Up to the time Miss Woodberry, now Mrs.
Braden, had given permission to have her novel submitted to a
Co-opolitan committee, and that committee had reported favorably upon
the proposition to publish it, I had conducted this department upon the
most conservative lines. I confess that, even then, the vastness of the
power of co-operative labor to overcome all obstacles was not fully
comprehended by me. I had as yet but dimly recognized that the combined
strength of labor directed to the accomplishment of a definite purpose
was simply irresistible. Business in the competitive world which
involves the sale and delivery of large accumulations of property, real
or fictitious, is transacted upon a ridiculously narrow financial basis,
and must necessarily be conducted with extreme caution. But where the
fiction of money is abolished and the intercourse among men rests upon
the basis of labor exchange, which is as broad as the earth itself, and
as fair as perfect justice, there need be no fear of setting in motion
every productive energy available. Too much of what men need or ought to
have can never impoverish them.

My wife’s novel was placed upon the market for sale in due season. The
Daily Co-opolitan announced its appearance and contained an able and
very flattering criticism of it from the pen of Mr. Edmunds. The first
was a cheap edition of twenty thousand copies, and so great was the
pride of all Idaho in this first literary work in the line of fiction
which could be considered distinctively Co-opolitan that the entire
edition was exhausted before any could be shipped out of the state. This
edition was sold for twenty cents a copy in labor-credit checks or
industrial orders or money. But the demand was so great from the
Brotherhood all over the country for this novel that I was compelled to
have another edition of 100,000 copies struck off, and this was gotten
up with so much greater ornamentation and in so much better style that I
thought proper to have the price fixed at fifty cents a copy. The book
had been commented upon favorably by all the newspapers and magazines of
the United States and England, and not only the Brotherhood but the
entire literary world was anxious to read it. The time was especially
favorable to render it exceedingly popular. It was just beginning to
dawn upon civilized humanity that Idaho was producing marvels in
co-operative industry, and that a new civilization was born. “The West
Parish” was a masterly presentation of the Co-operator’s case against
the competitor and had a powerful effect in convicting the latter,
before the tribunal of Christian civilization, of high crimes and
misdemeanors. The second edition was exhausted as swiftly, almost, as
water sinks in sand. Again I was called upon to supply the unsatisfied
demand of the American reader. Its high literary merit, the picture it
drew of Utopia realized, the remedy it pointed out from the standard of
an actual modern experience, the relief it offered to millions of
starving men and women made it the sensation of the day. All classes
read it. Even the conservative business man who, twenty years before,
had, rather vainly, boasted that he had escaped reading “Looking
Backward,” quietly bought a copy of “The West Parish,” and, after
reading it, handed it, without comment, to his neighbor.

I now found that these two editions of the first publication of my
department, in the book line, had added $40,000.00 in United States
money to the accumulations of my department, and this I turned over to
the Legislative Council, according to law. Again I printed an edition of
one million copies. This was prepared in much cheaper style, and by
advice of our Legislative Council, whose advice I had asked, I placed
this edition in every book store and on every news stand in the United
States at five cents a copy. This I did because it was now apparent that
it was producing a great awakening among the people, and I desired, or
rather, I should say, we desired, that the poor who had no means might
also read. But we realized a profit even at that price, and we knew no
better way to destroy the profit system than to take its profit.

We fought the devil with fire, and had a theory that if we could gain
control of his fire we could extinguish it.

The million edition of “The West Parish” was taken rapidly by the class
for which it was intended and the Publishing department realized the sum
of $30,000.00 from that source after paying cost of transportation. I
now placed an edition upon the market for standard use consisting of
twenty thousand copies, finely illustrated and elegantly printed and
bound. This was sold at one dollar per copy, although in the competitive
system it would have been difficult for the publisher to have sold that
edition on the market for three dollars a volume and to have realized a
profit.

My wife’s fame, of course, was now world-wide. Wherever the English
language was read her name had become a household word. Her novel had
also been translated into most of the languages of Europe and was
working its way throughout the countries which described themselves as
Christian, although more slowly than in England and the United States.
The Co-opolitan Association was mindful of her incalculably great
service to the cause of co-operation which it regarded as its own and at
the proper time, without any department recommending it, the Legislative
Council considered the propriety of offering her a reward which her work
and her genius merited.

What should it be? The mechanic who invented a labor-saving device or
machine, the artist whose painting had displayed extraordinary merit,
the sculptor whose genius had chiseled in marble some living thought,
the self-sacrifice of some hero in a moment of peril, all these merited
reward, and our Association had dealt and knew how to deal with these.

But here the work had not been of moment so much because of its
allurement of wealth as its supreme value as an educator. The
Legislative Council considered that she was entitled to five years’
release from duty as a member of the Industrial Army, and so awarded.
She was entitled to this time at once and continuously, if she so
notified her department chief, Mr. Edmunds, or she could give notice
that she would take a portion of the time between certain dates. As a
matter of fact, she chose two years’ release and leave of absence
commencing January 1st, 1907, and the remainder of her time later in her
twenty-five years’ term of service.

Having discovered the power which my department could wield, not only in
Idaho, but in the world, I determined to exercise it to the fullest
extent. Linotypes, electroplates and all the devices for saving labor
were unsparingly employed.

I determined to put a Co-opolitan edition of all standard works of all
spheres or departments, literary, scientific, religious and political,
on the American market in every great city.

I began with Shakespeare. I caused an elegant edition of that immortal
poet’s work to be gotten up in excellent style, and sold for about
two-thirds what it would cost any other house in the United States to
produce. I increased my plant and followed the edition of Shakespeare in
quick succession and at similarly reduced prices, with editions of all
the standard English authors.

In three years’ time I had Co-opolitan book stores established in
Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, Buffalo,
Cincinnati, Chicago, St. Louis, St. Paul, Minneapolis, Omaha, Atlanta,
New Orleans, Galveston, Denver, San Francisco, Portland and Seattle. The
competitive publishing houses could not compete with our system and
house after house fell before us or limited their business. I also
established correspondents all through the world and had the latest news
sent to the Co-opolitan newspaper.

My arrangements were such, in conjunction with the Brotherhood and
Co-operative stores now springing up everywhere, that I had a Daily
Co-opolitan issued in every one of the cities named, and the news was
flashed to them daily, as it was to Co-opolis. I endeavored to have each
Daily Co-opolitan in the hands of the national Brotherhood and each was
issued on the plan of the great daily which was sent from Co-opolis to
all parts of Idaho. The national Brotherhood was daily increasing in
numbers and power.

My idea in extending branches of my department was to aid the national
organization in destroying competition. How well I have succeeded the
years have proved. The publications of the Co-opolitan Association have
displaced all others and have brought millions to the safe in the
basement of the Council Hall.

My department was divided in 1910 and I was confined to one portion
called the Publishing department. A new department, including the
messenger, telegraph, telephone and postal service, was created and
Jarvis Richardson was elected its chief. I would be glad to comment upon
the glorious administration of that new department, by that great and
good man, but the scope of my present work does not permit. Necessarily
in such a work as this I can but give the reader the most salient
features of my own personal experience which tend to throw light upon
the development of Idaho under the Co-opolitan control.




                              CHAPTER XIX.
THE STRANGER FROM LONDON—BOISE CITY BONDS AND A LOAN—THE PERIL OF IDAHO.


The year 1906 should be considered one of the most memorable in the
history of Co-operation, more on account of the great peril in which our
system was placed than on account of any extraordinary undertaking. Yet
perhaps I ought not to say that the year was devoid of important
undertakings either, inasmuch as the Co-opolitan Transcontinental
Railroad was conceived and planned that year. It was in connection with
this enterprise that our peril was unwittingly incurred. The large
accumulations of money which our Association was constantly making had
become known to the world, so that if our Legislative Council entered
upon the consideration of any great proposition the decision was looked
for in financial circles, both in Wall Street, New York, and Lombard
Street, London, as being a matter of prime importance. Co-opolis was now
a formidable opponent and rival of those celebrated centers of
competitive iniquity. Its methods were, however, the exact opposite of
those of Wall Street and Lombard Street.

The proposition to construct a transcontinental railroad was
particularly interesting. It was the plan of Mr. Seabury, chief of the
Transportation department, to build the road in question from Co-opolis
to Chicago by what he declared to be the only route which extended all
the way through a productive country. This route was to parallel the
Union Pacific to the Great Shoshone Falls, thence to Idaho Falls, thence
veering slightly in a northerly direction to pass through the coal,
iron, oil and cattle fields of Wyoming, thence entering the Black Hills
region near the center, to proceed across the limestone foundation of
that wonderful country, down Rapid Valley to Rapid City, across the
divide to Box Elder Valley, down that fertile valley to the Cheyenne
River, down Bad River to the Missouri, over the Missouri, and thence
through South Dakota, Southern Minnesota and Wisconsin to Chicago. It
was also proposed that this road should be extended to Seattle, on Puget
Sound.

The plan was considered sufficiently practicable to warrant the
Legislative Council to instruct the Engineering department to run
preliminary surveys along the proposed route as far as the Missouri
River. This order was given in the early spring; I think the records
will show that it was about April 10th. A month later there appeared at
the Co-opolitan Hotel an elderly gentleman who registered as Lester
Hickman, London, England. Mr. Hickman appeared to be merely an English
tourist. He did not, at first, make special efforts to get acquainted,
but neither did he display any aversion to talking with other guests or
citizens who might come in his vicinity. There was nothing about him to
particularly attract attention, except that his face was very pale, his
hair white, and his eyes were very gray. Perhaps they would have been
very white, too, if that had been possible for keen, observing eyes. Mr.
Hickman’s clothes fitted him perfectly and his style of dress indicated
the neat and modest gentleman. He looked the picture of scholarly
innocence and spotless purity. In passing through the hotel I had
noticed him several times during the week, and I had seen him on the
street several times, but never felt any special curiosity as to who he
might be. One day I was in my office when the young man who acted as my
messenger and office attendant handed me a card, upon which was the name
Lester Hickman. The attendant said the gentleman was in the anteroom and
would be glad to speak with me if I was at leisure. I was at leisure and
told him to show the gentleman in.

“Good afternoon, sir,” said the old gentleman as he entered the door,
smiling and bowing good-naturedly.

He had the air of a man whose business could not be very weighty, but
whose motives were invariably humane. He was as white as an angel.

“Good afternoon,” I returned. “Your name, I see, is Mr. Lester Hickman.
I have noticed you several times about the city. What can I do for you?”

“Do not let me disturb you, sir.” Mr. Hickman looked as if he could
become my most intimate friend in five minutes, as he smiled
patronizingly and held his hand out toward me with a gesture which
seemed to indicate that he was a great man at leisure and that I was a
great man whose time might be occupied. The whole manner of the man
flattered me and I felt that he had my confidence at once. “I only
called for information,” continued he, “and do not wish to take your
time, which I know is valuable.”

“I am at your service, Mr. Hickman,” said I. “Will you be seated?”

Mr. Hickman sat down. Even that he did with such graceful, unassuming
dignity, and with such exalted deference to me, that I felt flattered
again.

“You have a wonderful city, Mr. Braden,” he exclaimed. “Your people have
certainly built up a wonderful Commonwealth.” He looked at me as he said
this, as if he attributed the wonders he had seen to me.

“Yes,” I replied. “The Co-opolitan has reason to be proud of his city.
We have performed what has never before been achieved in nine years.”

“Very true!” assented my visitor. “But you should have added, Mr.
Braden, that no people ever did as much in all time.” Here he smiled,
and I had an undefinable feeling that he rather considered it would not
have been done by the Co-opolitan Association, even, if I had not been a
part of it. I found myself warming toward this sprightly, perfectly
straight, white little old man wonderfully. He was either the most
innocent, interesting and lovable or the most artful and cunning of men.
I was inclined to think the former, but experience had taught me that
such men would bear study.

“I am anxious, Mr. Braden,” said Mr. Hickman, “to investigate your
system of co-operation with a view to establishing a similar system in
England. Some of us have a plan on foot to aid our impoverished and idle
classes to gain a foothold on earth and I have been sent by my
association to study Idaho. It occurred to me that you could aid me in
obtaining the information I desire.”

I certainly could not refuse so innocent a request, and I and my people
always hastened to extend aid to such an enterprise as he described
whenever it was proposed. I assured the gentleman that I would place my
department at his disposal and recommended him to see Mr. Edmunds of the
Educational department. The latter would place our historical records at
his disposal and he would gain, from that source, the fullest
information.

This white gentleman remained with me nearly an hour. A more
entertaining conversationalist it has rarely been my fortune to meet. He
had traveled extensively, was acquainted with most of the famous men of
England, and the moral tone of his conversation was the highest
conceivable.

“There is only one thing I notice about your system which I cannot
approve,” said he. “Your Association has pursued a course calculated to
destroy the value of all the public bonds in Idaho except those of the
state. There are Boise City municipal bonds, for instance, which have no
value in the market because you have constructed a magnificent
co-operative city outside the territory affected by them. I do not see
how you can escape the charge of immorality in refusing to pay them.”

These remarks were made by the white saint with such apparent sincerity
that I did not at that time doubt they sprang from an honest heart. I
met him many times after and he never referred to that subject again. He
remained in Co-opolis three months, during which time he was a constant
attendant upon church and I observed that he was often to be seen in the
company of the members of the ministry. Just before he departed he
called upon the Legislative Council, then in session, and asked to make
a statement to that body. The request was granted and he spoke briefly.
He said he understood that the Legislative Council was considering plans
for the construction of a transcontinental railroad, that he understood
the Association was not then prepared to build the road, but would be
obliged to defer the completion of it until its finances permitted; that
he was acquainted with numerous philanthropic gentlemen in England who
were much interested in Co-opolitan success; that he was able to procure
from these gentlemen a loan of one million pounds sterling for the
Association, at the nominal rate of three per cent interest per annum,
the bonds to run for twenty years; that he would use his best endeavors
to accomplish this purpose, providing the Association would agree to
purchase at the end of that time the outstanding municipal bonds of the
various cities for fifty cents on the dollar. He said he had no
knowledge as to who might be the owners of such bonds, but for the good
name of the Association he desired to urge that this course be pursued.

The Legislative Council paid very little attention to this proposal, at
that time, ascribing it to the gentleman’s ignorance of our system.

Mr. Hickman had not been gone a week before I made a discovery which
startled me. I found that a petition was being circulated, under our
Association law, asking the President of the Association to submit three
laws, which were attached to the petition, to the people, to be voted
upon at the next October election. What appalled me most was that they
were being circulated by the clergy, who went from house to house for
the purpose.

The first provided that the Association borrow $5,000,000.00 for the
purpose of constructing a transcontinental railroad and issue bonds on
such road bearing three per cent interest per annum and running for
twenty years. The second recited the moral obligation of the Association
to assume certain municipal bonds which had become valueless and to pay
for the same, setting forth also the fact that as long as these bonds
remained unpaid the territory formerly occupied by the cities of
Lewiston, Boise, Ketchem, Shoshone and several others would be
valueless. It then provided that the Association pay for these bonds at
the rate of fifty cents on the dollar in five years from the passage of
the law. The third provided that all industrial orders be retired and
that all labor be paid for after January 1st, 1907, by labor checks
which would be non-transferable.

While these three laws were to be submitted separately for the voters to
pass upon, they were attached to one petition. The law permitted this
action at that time, but as soon as possible after this abuse was
discovered the Legislative Council corrected the plain defect so that
each law must be supported by a separate petition in order to obtain a
reference to the people, and the correction was so obviously proper that
it has ever since remained the law.

I made no doubt when I saw this petition that the white saint-like
personage, Lester Hickman, was an agent of some English syndicate, and
that this whole scheme had been set on foot by him to get the municipal
bonds of these several cities paid.

Some time after I learned that I was correct in this surmise. His
syndicate had procured the bonds referred to for a mere nominal sum, and
hit upon the plan of loaning the Association $5,000,000.00 and getting
the bonds paid at the same time. As for the proposed loan, it would have
been as safe as the bonds of the nation, and the entire financial world
so regarded it. Why not? The Co-opolitan Association was absolutely
solvent and was looked upon as enormously rich.

Hickman was a shrewd agent. He had amassed great wealth for himself, and
was as artful as any living man in inducing men to part with the fruits
of their industry without receiving due compensation. In approaching the
Co-opolitan Association he donned the sheep’s clothing of an adviser and
advocate of co-operation, and went immediately to the ministry and
preached morality. With them he succeeded.

Those who best understood the theory of morals and could preach it in
all its purity were least able to discriminate between the spurious and
the real. Hickman belonged to a class of artful tempters who have done
more to enslave mankind and degrade morals than any other. Members of
this class go forth daily from our great cities to lobby in legislative
bodies, bribe judges, corrupt city councils and induce the
representatives of the people to give away valuable public privileges or
part with public utilities.

In Co-opolis Hickman enlisted the clergy by making large donations to
the churches, talking to them about a high standard of morality which he
professed, claiming to be entirely disinterested and assuming a modest
and retiring piety. He was a financial Talleyrand.

The result of Hickman’s efforts was that after he was gone, and almost
before we knew what was going on, the petition containing thirty
thousand names of members of the Association was sent to the President.
This was not twenty per cent of the population of the state, but at that
time all Co-operators were not members of the Co-opolitan Association.
There were several distinct associations, embracing in their membership
a total of nearly forty thousand. There were, besides, some thirty
thousand who were not members of any association. Three years later all
co-operative associations in the state were received into the
Co-opolitan Association, and the individualists who still declined to
become identified with our organization were few. But at the time the
petitions in question were presented the thirty thousand names affixed
to them constituted twenty per cent of the total vote of the Co-opolitan
Association.

Here then issue was joined. However impatient our chief officers might
feel with the Co-operators who had imprudently and unwisely raised these
serious questions, or at least the bond and credit questions, there was
no alternative and the duty to refer them to the popular vote was
imperative. Some of us felt that it was a great misfortune, and I
confess that I trembled for the result. Let me say now, as a candid man,
that I have never been very sanguine of the success of any issue which
was left to the popular decision, except on the one occasion when I felt
faith in the successful establishment of the co-operative programme in
1902.

My faith even then rested upon a theory that the masses will sometimes
do right impulsively and err when they stop to deliberate. As a candid
man, I am also bound to say that experience proves my suspicions to have
been unfounded in every instance. Our referendum law was, and is, in one
respect, superior to that of Switzerland. It provided then, as now, that
proposed laws should be published for a period of six weeks at least,
but, in addition, it very wisely denied to any member the right to vote
unless he had attended three public debates in which the law to be voted
on was discussed. Our method then, as now, was to appoint certain days
for such discussions, and we selected the ablest disputants on both
sides of the question at issue to fully present the arguments on their
respective sides in joint debate. In this manner the people became fully
informed. These disputants were generally recommended then, as now, by
the partisans of one or the other theory, but if no recommendation was
made the Association appointed an able and learned man to represent the
defaulting side.

No political party has ever existed in Idaho since 1905. Men have
combined on numerous occasions the better to support their convictions
with regard to certain proposed laws; but the men who honestly agreed on
one proposition were just as likely to honestly disagree as to the next
question. So that each organization was at an end when its mission was
accomplished. Moreover, as all are provided for, there is no occasion to
form parties to secure political office.




                              CHAPTER XX.
  THE DEBATE ON THE BOND AND CREDIT LAWS—REV. CADMUS M. DESTY AND THE
                               MORAL LAW.


The discussion of the bond and credit laws referred to the people to be
voted upon at the Association election in October, 1907, was as earnest,
interesting and thorough as any which had ever occurred in Idaho. The
advocates of their adoption were vigorous and persistent and regarded
themselves as conscientious.

They were not honest, however, with themselves. They had allowed an
artful and unscrupulous agent of the competitive system to convince them
that a moral question was involved and to delude them into believing him
to be a great and good man.

Indeed, Hickman had written a pamphlet on “Co-operation and Financial
Integrity,” which was published on his return to New York City from
Co-opolis, and a large number of these had been sent back to Co-opolis
and distributed throughout Idaho.

It was an able presentation of the view he desired his partisans in
Idaho to urge. It was not his view, however, but simply the plea which a
shrewd lawyer in the competitive world might make for a guilty criminal.
It was sufficiently effective to become the text-book of the affirmative
in the discussion, and they lauded Hickman to the skies until it was
proven that he had for years been the trusted agent of the celebrated
banking house of Rothschild. After that the bond advocate mentioned
Hickman no more.

In this discussion every member of the Legislative Council of the
Association and every member of the Great Council were listed in
opposition to these laws. Ex-Governor, now United States Senator,
Thompson was one of the most active of the negative speakers. On the
side of the affirmative was the Reverend Dr. Cadmus M. Desty, the famous
pulpit orator, a most conscientious man and an intelligent Co-operator.
He had become convinced, and I would stake life itself that he was
perfectly honest in the matter, that our whole system must fail if we
broke what he conceived to be God’s law, and did what was unjust and
dishonest.

The whole basis of his contention was the moral law. He was an emotional
speaker. It was his custom to support his views by making copious
quotations from the bible and, drawing from them some conclusions which
were satisfactory to his mind, launch into an exhortation which was
perfectly irresistible to some of his emotional followers.

In those days our discussions were not conducted as they are to-day.
Then the disputants were given an hour or an hour and a half each to
present his side. Our system of requiring the affirmative to state an
argument in ten minutes, and the negative to reply in the same length of
time, continuing in this manner for several hours in the presence of
referees who permit no divergence from the subject, is calculated to
exclude oratory and passion, and raise the discussion to an intellectual
plane. But the system was not adopted until 1912.

It must be confessed that the oratorical contests of the old style were
as interesting as a circus or gladiatorial show, in which respect they
were superior to the give-and-take method of to-day.

The greatest of all the debates of that campaign occurred between
Senator Thompson and the Reverend Dr. Desty during September. One of
these took place in the great hall at Co-opolis. There were present
9,000 members of the Industrial Army and one thousand pupils from the
schools. It was our custom to have the Educational department send a
certain number of its wards to these discussions, in order to have them
familiarized with Co-opolitan methods. These questions were always
discussed fully in the schools as well as in the Industrial Army.

The discussion in the great hall was opened by Dr. Desty. He insisted
that the bonds of Boise City should be paid, that the poor people, who
doubtless held them, factory operators in the unfortunate competitive
cities, perhaps, had purchased them in good faith; that the action of
the Co-opolitan Association, which he entirely approved, had rendered
these bonds valueless, and that the Association, which was founded on
principles of justice, equality and righteousness, should not withhold
from these poor people what belonged to them.

He also pointed out the fact that as long as the bonds remained
outstanding the territory affected by them would be lost to the
Association. Then came the wonderful, soul-stirring oratory of the man,
which moved his hearers to the depths. I almost felt, as I listened to
him on that occasion, that perhaps he was right.

When he finished the applause from all parts of the hall was deafening.
I believe now that it was more an acknowledgment of his wonderful
oratory than because he had produced a conviction of the correctness of
his views, but I was distressed by different thoughts then.

Senator Thompson followed on behalf of the negative. The Senator was at
that time in the very prime of an exceptionally strong and vigorous
manhood. He had occupied the important positions of President of the
Association and Governor of the state, the former for seven years, the
latter for two. His reputation was world-wide, not as an orator, but as
the father of the Co-operative Commonwealth and the possessor of
extraordinary administrative ability. He had not, as yet, taken his oath
of Senator of the United States, having been but recently elected, and
was hardly known as a public speaker outside of the state. He was not an
emotional orator.

His chief characteristics in debate were his ready wit, his complete
command of the subject under discussion, and his logical and powerful
array of facts. He was the opposite of the Reverend Dr. Desty in nearly
every respect. That day he was at his best. As he came forward to the
speakers’ stand he was received with terrific applause. This was always
the case, however, and it did not indicate that his was the most popular
side.

He commenced by informing the audience that he did not desire to use any
personal influence with them concerning the exercise of their suffrage.
He wished them to be guided by truth and wisdom only. If the people of
Idaho were not sufficiently intelligent to save their Co-operative
Commonwealth then it must fall, because their intelligence was its sole
foundation. He had some evidence to present for their consideration.

Here he read three affidavits from England, which set forth the
business, character and history of one Lester Hickman. These averred
that gentleman to be the president of the American and English Bond and
Trust Company, limited, of London, and that his company was the
purchaser, for a mere nominal sum, of the municipal bonds of the cities
of Idaho. They further averred that Hickman was known as a bitter enemy
of all movements for the bettering of the condition of the people, and
neither more nor less than a keen broker and speculator. They also set
forth that Hickman’s reputation for honesty was somewhat shady.

After reading these affidavits Senator Thompson exclaimed:

“This is the prophet of financial morality whose teachings are invoked
for your instruction by my good and sincere but misguided friend, Dr.
Desty.” At this point the applause which shook the house and was again
and again repeated marked the turning of the tide of public sentiment
against the affirmative.

“I think now,” resumed the Senator, after quiet was restored, “that the
bond and credit laws are dead. But I would not have you decide this
question on the simple fact that the man who instigated them is a
selfish hypocrite and schemer. I want you to understand these laws
thoroughly and adopt or reject them on their merits. If they are good,
it matters not who proposes them. Let them be adopted. If they are bad,
it matters not what demon inspired them, they should be rejected.

“These laws are for what purpose? To introduce among you the most
iniquitous feature of the competitive system.

“Once allow it to be introduced, whether under the guise of necessity or
morality, whether by Shylock or by an erring angel, and I would not give
a straw for your entire system. It will eat its way into the very heart
of your body politic and destroy all that is worth having about it.

“History shows to my mind successive systems of slavery, one chasing the
other through the earth.

“Bond slavery succeeded chattel slavery and has nearly crushed liberty
to death in the great republic. There is not the slightest reason why
the Co-opolitan Association should become indebted to private persons.

“We are the public, the law, the will of Idaho, and what we desire
within the state that we can have. If we wish to build a railroad beyond
the state we ought to have no difficulty in doing that.

“What is necessary to such a road? First you must have the line
surveyed. That has been done. Next you must have the right of way. That
will be somewhat expensive. But if the right of way costs us five
million dollars why should we borrow it? We have it already. Even if we
did not have it, let me remind you that from 1862 to 1892, a period of
thirty years, Idaho produced nearly two hundred million dollars of gold
and silver, and her producing population was at no time greater than
thirty thousand persons. With a population such as we have to-day we can
produce gold enough, if gold is needed, in a single year, to build this
road.

“Would not Idaho be demented to borrow gold from a hypocritical agent of
Rothschild when we can, without incurring debt, take it from our own
valleys, creek beds and mountains?”

The Senator treated the question of bond issues from every point of view
conceivable, with a power of description, illustration and argument that
not only held his audience spellbound, but fixed its logic deep in the
minds of all who heard him. Such was the effect of the affidavits which
he read upon the mind of his reverend opponent that the latter declared
his intention never again to enter upon the discussion of political
questions or questions of public finance. Thenceforth he confined
himself to religion and became a world-renowned pulpit orator.

When the election occurred the vote was overwhelming against all these
laws, the last going down largely on account of the unpopularity of the
two others known as the land and credit propositions. Our system did not
permit the submission of a rejected law for at least five years after
its rejection. The proposition to abolish the labor orders and pay all
labor in non-transferable checks was a really meritorious one and ought
to have been adopted.

The people, however, are so constituted that once their suspicions are
aroused they are much readier to say no than yes, and the abolition of
orders as a medium of labor exchange had to wait until 1912. It is
gratifying, however, to be able to say that the people were less and
less inclined to demand such orders, and more and more inclined to
receive the labor checks.

The defeat of the bond and credit laws had the effect of placing the
Co-opolitan Association and the co-operative system on an enduring
basis. The entire world now realized that it was an assured and
successful system and in every state in the Union the tendency was
toward the enactment of laws favorable to co-operative action on the
part of the laborer. Nearly all the states, seized by the spirit of the
hour, began to discuss the propriety of calling a constitutional
convention and reforming their systems of state government upon the
model of Idaho.

The features of our state constitution most favored were its provisions
embodying the initiative and referendum and the imperative mandate,
which I have already described.




                              CHAPTER XXI.
         WHY IDAHO HAS A DUAL GOVERNMENT—A GLIMPSE AT THE LAW.


The second Governor of Idaho and the second President of the Co-opolitan
Association, succeeding Senator Thompson to both positions, was Hon.
Henry B. Henderson. The political machinery of the state was in the
control of the Association and our policy was to make the executive
officers of the Association the executive officers of the state also.
Some of those readers who live beyond the boundaries of Idaho into whose
hands this history may come do not comprehend why we continued to run
two organizations in the name of the people, instead of one. They are,
perhaps, at a loss to understand why the Co-opolitan Association did
not, when it had acquired nearly all the land in Idaho and embraced
nearly all the population of the state, transfer its dominion to the
state government and operate its co-operative system as a state
institution. The reason is simple enough. The state was necessarily
limited in its powers by the Federal constitution. There were several
very important functions which were by that instrument denied to state
governments, but not to private corporations, and we desired to exercise
them.

I have already adverted to the fact that the Federal constitution
prohibits the state from issuing “bills of credit.” This does not
prevent corporations, associations or private persons from doing so.
When we dealt with the commercial world “bills of credit” were often
necessary. Moreover, our industrial orders might be construed to be
bills of credit and this plan of labor exchange was, in reality, one of
the most important features of our co-operative system. If the state had
inaugurated such a plan the Federal prohibition would have crushed it at
once.

Still another important power would have been lost had the state
government owned and operated our system. We could not have extended our
business into any other state in the Union. It was our purpose to build
railroads. Most of the states permitted a corporation organized in
another state for that purpose to build railroads within their limits
and take land for their right of way by right of eminent domain. No
state had a law upon its statute books which gave similar powers to
another state. It had never been contemplated that a state would do
business or own railroads within its own limits, much less within the
limits of another state.

The Co-opolitan Association was organized under the laws of Idaho. There
the Association did not so much conform to the laws as the laws
conformed to the needs of the Association. This dual system proved to be
extremely useful. We made the state perform police duties for us and
regulate the relation of our members to one another. We had a system of
courts regulated by state law, but these had little to do. In 1910 we
repealed the laws giving remedies for the collection of any debt or the
enforcement of any contract entered into after January 1st, 1911, except
against the Co-opolitan Association. We had a criminal code and punished
crimes, but the people were all provided for and educated, so that three
great causes of crime—poverty, excessive wealth and ignorance—being
minimized, the criminal courts had little to do. That other cause of
crimes—drunkenness—is uncommon. All alcoholic or intoxicating drinks
were not only sold by the Association, but were of the purest quality.
It was and is a crime to import any liquors into the state for sale, but
the Association is its own manufacturer.




                             CHAPTER XXII.
  THE STATE GOVERNMENT—ITS INSANE, WEAK-MINDED, BLIND, SICK, AGED AND
   INFIRM—THE INDUSTRIAL ARMY—ITS ORGANIZATION AND PRODUCTIVE POWER.


All the labor of the state of Idaho was, as early as 1910, performed
exclusively by the Industrial Army of the Co-opolitan Association. We
had intended at the outset of our career to transfer all our property to
the state government when it should come under our control, but for the
reasons already mentioned that plan was abandoned. Even as late as the
year following the adoption of our Co-operative institution we expected
to pursue that course. But as soon as we began the actual work of
legislation we discovered that the better and simpler method, and one
which rendered it easier to avoid conflict with the Federal
constitution, was to keep the state government within very narrow
limits. As a result the state government delegated all its important
functions which could be delegated to the Co-opolitan Association. Its
Great Council still continued to exercise its legislative and judicial
functions and the executive still continued to act as the chief police
and military officer. But the state government was hardly more than a
bridge connecting the Co-operative state with the Federal Constitution.
The latter could not recognize the former, but the state government
could, and did. The state complied with the constitution of the country
as a political organism. The Co-opolitan Association, as the industrial,
financial, social and commercial organism, did as it pleased.
Notwithstanding all this, the Co-operative state, the state of Idaho and
the Co-opolitan Association were one and the same, and the
last-mentioned, embracing all the people of the state and its
membership, was the living and controlling power in and behind the
whole.

We had expected that the state of Idaho would have an Industrial Army of
its own. Experience, however, convinced us that it would be far better
to do all its work through the Association. Insane, weak-minded, blind,
sick, aged and infirm persons who were members of the Association were
cared for by the Association, so that the state had no duty to perform
toward them. The children of our members inherited membership, losing it
only by violating its laws in some few particulars, so that insane,
weak-minded, sick or infirm children of members were all cared for. To
care for persons who might be afflicted, however, and were not members
of the Association was the state’s concern. To punish criminals was its
duty. The Great Council contracted with the Co-opolitan Association to
care for its afflicted and its criminals, and the sole consideration
which it charged for this burden was that it have the benefit of the
labor of the able-bodied among them.

We soon found that the criminals whom the state consigned to our care,
when given a fair opportunity, were most of them able and willing to
work. This was all the more apparent when we offered a reward,
consisting of wages equal to a Co-opolitan’s dividend, for meritorious
conduct. We rarely ever permitted a convict to become a member of our
Industrial Army, however meritorious his work, but we did not oblige him
to quit our service on the penitential farm or in the penitential
factories when his term of service expired. Yet we did admit Barnstead,
who invented a flying machine; Applegate, the inventor of the electric
plough; Turner, that poet who sang with wonderful power the songs of
Remorse, Injustice and Sorrow, and some thirty others. The state
criminal is now almost a thing of the past, yet fifteen years ago our
penitential farms and factories were important concerns. But we made
them pay. They produced not only enough wealth to support themselves
substantially, but enough to support the state insane, weak-minded,
sick, aged and infirm, whose several asylums adjoined the farms.

Our Industrial Army in that year—1910—contained twenty-four departments,
in which 1,025,525 persons were at that time enlisted. Of these four
hundred and sixty-two thousand one hundred and twenty-one were women. It
was a magnificent body of well-trained, intelligent, earnest,
industrious and faithful men and women. The chief of this body was the
President of the Association. Its movements were directed by the
Legislative Council. Its general laws were enacted by that body, but
each department and subdivision had regulations of its own which did not
conflict with those provided by the Legislative Council. There were then
twenty-five general departments, as follows:

1st. Department of Agriculture. All occupations requiring the
cultivation of the soil, except such as were within the Nursery and
Fruit department, were within its province.

2nd. The Live Stock department had charge of all cattle, horses, sheep,
hogs and other animals, as well as birds.

3rd. The Nursery and Fruit department had charge of all orchards, vines
and plants bearing fruit and all horticultural plants and flowers.

4th. The Irrigation department had charge of all waters and the
distribution of the same.

5th. The Commerce department had charge of all department stores and was
charged, as now, with supplying the needs of the people.

6th. The Manufacturing department had charge of all factories and all
manufactures.

7th. The Transportation department had charge of all highways, methods
of transportation, vehicles and the operation of the same.

8th. The Messenger and Publishing department had charge of the means and
instrumentalities of communication and publication, including
telegraphs, telephones, signals, newspapers and magazines.

9th. The Educational department had charge of the education of the
young.

10th. The Department of Public Amusements had charge of the
entertainment of the people.

11th. The Department of Health had charge of the public health, the
care, treatment and cure of the sick and the burial of the dead. Also
all hospitals, sanitariums, mineral springs, medicines, drugs and
medical practice.

12th. The Legal department had charge of the legal business of the
Association. This department employed about one hundred and fifty
persons in 1910.

13th. The Timber and Forestry department had charge of the timber and
saw mills of the Association. It was also charged with the preservation
of the forest.

14th. The Labor department had charge of the unclassified labor of the
Association. From the Educational department all students passed into
this department, where they were generally required to serve three
years. All persons enlisting who did not possess a trade or evince some
special aptitude were also generally assigned to this department.
Advancement to other departments, or the official positions in this one,
were the rewards of merit. This department was also required to find
constant employment for its forces or to report forthwith to the
Legislative Council its failure to do so. In the latter case the
Legislative Council would cause new enterprises to be undertaken.

15th. The Department of Public Improvements was charged with the
investigation of all plans for new roads, parks, waterways and the
improvements of the methods, conveniences and comforts of the people.
Plans or ideas were received by this department from any person and
whenever a plan or idea was accepted, provided it was new, original and
meritorious, a reward in the form of a vacation was given the
originator.

16th. The Department of Invention was charged with the duty of searching
out, investigating, testing and introducing all labor-saving inventions
to the Association. This proved to be one of the most useful
departments. Manufacturers are not usually able to find time to
experiment and are generally averse to introducing new machinery or
methods. This department did all the work of experimenting and reported
results.

17th. The Department of Art had charge of all decorating, painting,
drawing, sculpture, architecture, designing, etc.

18th. The Engineering department had charge of all engineering work.

19th. The Department of Building not only had charge of all buildings,
and was responsible for their healthfulness and security, but was the
manufacturer of all building material, except lumber, and quarried all
stone employed by it or shipped to another state. The granite, white
calico and lilac mottled marble, the gypsum, sandstone and other
building stone, as well as ornamental onyx stone, produced by our
quarries, were, and still are, handled by this department.

20th. The Department of Mining had charge of all the mining except coal.

21st. The Land department had charge of all the unused lands of the
Association.

22d. The Food department had charge of the preparation and distribution
of all foods at public or private tables, the killing, dressing and
packing or canning of meats, and the preparation, preserving or canning
of fruits, vegetables and other edibles.

23d. The Department of Fuel, Heat and Light had charge of all heating
and lighting plants and all sources of fuel, such as coal mines, gas
wells and oil wells.

24th. The Department of Science had charge of the scientific
investigation, of the geology, mineralogy and natural resources of the
state and their chemical analysis.

25th. The Department of Accounts and Statistics was then, as now, the
Auditory department. In addition to this it received and transmitted all
orders between the departments. For instance, if the flour section of
the department store desired flour the Commerce department must send its
orders to the Department of Accounts and Statistics. Here the order is
recorded and immediately transmitted to the Manufacturing department. If
the Manufacturing department has no flour it transmits an order to this
department for wheat, which is recorded and transmitted to the
Agricultural department. When the order for wheat is filled this
department is notified by the department filling and that receiving, and
so with the flour when delivered. This department also keeps a full
record of all the property and products of the Association.

These several departments were again subdivided by the Legislative
Council into divisions and sections.

Our method of co-operation, through the instrumentality of the
Industrial Army, resulted in our being able to produce more than three
times as much wealth each year as an equal population usually did in the
competitive system.

The population of the state at that time, including men, women and
children, was 3,160,000. Such a population in a competitive state will
contain about five thousand lawyers.

We had one hundred and fifty lawyers and four thousand eight hundred and
fifty strong men in our producing ranks. The wives of these men were
also in our Industrial Army.

Such a population in competition usually supports six thousand saloon
men and bartenders. Liquors were sold in the various department stores
of the Association at that time and in the restaurants and hotels, but
there were no bars and no saloons. They were handled incidentally with
drugs, medicines or foods. In the competitive system the liquor dealers
and bartenders form a special force. The liquors in Idaho were dispensed
by the clerks and waiters who handled other goods. We could safely count
six thousand workers in our Industrial Army aiding in the production of
wealth instead of six thousand saloon men and bartenders.

Instead of eight thousand claim, commission, real estate and insurance
agents and collectors we had an equal number of men at work in our
factories, on our farms, or in the distributing departments.

The restaurant and hotel keepers, brokers, commercial travelers,
hucksters and peddlers and merchants in such a population in a
competitive state would number sixty thousand. All these, instead of
preying upon us and consuming the fruits of our labor without giving any
return for it, were now at work with us.

Body and personal servants who wait upon the rich in a state of three
million inhabitants will number in the neighborhood of ninety thousand,
and all these were in our Industrial Army helping to increase the annual
wealth of the state.

We had no gamblers, professional capitalists, speculators or leisure
classes in 1910, but we had an equal number of honest workers.

We were not compelled to waste time in searching for employment, hunting
for customers or waiting for trade.

We were not distressed by the pressure of a few overburdened and a large
number who could get neither the burden nor the reward for carrying it.

There were no overdone trades and no overstocked markets.

Wherever we found power, whether human, natural or mechanical, we sought
to employ it.

Two incentives were furnished by the Association to honest and diligent
effort on the part of the worker. The first was promotion to a higher
grade. The second was a reward in the nature of a leave of absence.
These incentives were powerful, especially as Idaho, being one of the
most beautiful and picturesque states in the Union and abounding in
game, offered an inviting field for recreation. But another force was
also at work among the men and women of the Army. Each felt that he was
a partner in this great enterprise. Each regarded the idler who “stole
time” as his foe. Each was determined that the other should do his duty,
and the laggard and loafer was regarded with such contempt by his
associates that no one cared to incur the odium of that reputation. This
had a very pronounced effect both as to the quality and quantity of the
work done.

At and before that time I had noticed that a large number of those who
entered the Army from other states were actuated by a desire to earn the
large dividends paid to members for several years, cash their checks or
orders and withdraw. In a few instances only have I noticed that these
intentions were carried out.

Such persons found that in our system they were able to obtain all the
best fruits of competition without the worry, distress and mockery of
that system. Their labor was better rewarded, their hours of toil were
shorter, they were never confronted by want, they were called upon to
divide with neither poverty nor distress; they were equal to the best as
far as material things were concerned and they were not superior to any
one in those respects. I remember that a few were, or affected to be,
distressed because they could not own any real estate. But in a few
months they realized that they would never be disturbed in the
possession of the house they occupied as long as it satisfied them, and
that, should sickness or death come, their families were safe.

When a workman was injured or fell sick his dividend was paid as fully
as if he were at work. If injured by accident or negligence he had no
remedy, although the person responsible for his injury might suffer
punishment. His assurance of receiving his membership dividends was
sufficient comfort.

If the worker urged that he should have a vested right in the
Association property, above the share of its annual earnings, it was
only necessary to remind him that in the competitive system he would
never think of demanding of his employer a similar share, and was
generally compelled to be satisfied with a pittance for wages. In the
co-operative system he received his dividend, which represented, in
1910, twelve hundred dollars per annum, purchased everything he needed
cheaper than competition ever made it for him, was insured against
accident or sickness, had his family protected against his death, was
furnished educational facilities and positions for his children, and was
more certainly a part of the governing power than he could be under any
constitution. Instead of being the hunted victim of a hundred ingenious
robbers who flattered him with the promise that he would strengthen his
individuality by permitting them to chase and starve him and his family,
he discovered that his individuality improved with prosperity and his
confidence and courage rose in an equal and healthy contest.




                             CHAPTER XXIII.
                     THE TRANSCONTINENTAL RAILROAD.


The Co-opolitan Transcontinental Railroad was completed in 1910 to
Chicago. Two years before that the last spike had been driven at
Seattle, on Puget Sound, and trains had since been running regularly on
that portion of the road. The construction of the road through
Washington, Wyoming and South Dakota was not interrupted by any
obstacles or opposition. Indeed, the people of those states offered
every inducement for us to pass through their country.

When we reached the Black Hills in South Dakota we found the route from
Silver City to Rapid City down the narrow valley of Rapid Creek occupied
by a partially completed railroad which the projector had been compelled
to abandon for lack of funds. This we purchased for a small sum. With
that exception the right of way through Washington, Wyoming and South
Dakota cost us practically nothing. Moreover, the farmers in Eastern
South Dakota aided us with their labor, accepting the produce and
merchandise which we brought with us from Idaho for pay. The labor
orders, also, were in demand along that part of our road, and we
established the department stores in the states where these orders were
soon received back for wares.

The state of Washington was at the time our road reached Seattle largely
under the control of the Washington Co-operative Association, and that
Association, being like the Co-opolitan, a creature of the National
Brotherhood of the Co-operative Commonwealth, deemed its interests
identical with ours and aided us materially in pushing our enterprise in
that direction.

In Minnesota, Wisconsin and Illinois the several legislatures had denied
to all, except domestic corporations, the right to exercise the power of
eminent domain. This law had been passed at recent sessions of their
legislatures at the instance of certain railroad companies to exclude
our line. The people of these several states had been much incensed when
the laws mentioned were enacted. Had the initiative and referendum been
in force there as in Idaho this would not have been a serious
impediment. We could then have gone among the indignant citizens and
procured a petition signed by twenty per cent of the voters of the state
asking that the obnoxious laws be submitted to the popular vote.

Such was the feeling against the corrupt corporations at the time that
people would have hastened to sign such a petition. But they had no
initiative and referendum law, and so were at the mercy of the
corruptionists.

The plain reason why the competing railroads desired to exclude our
line, and why the farmers desired to have it enter these states, was the
understanding that we would reduce all rates, both passenger and
freight, to the great advantage of the farmers.

In fact, we designed to make a reduction in these respects which would
mean ruin for all competing lines.

We were able to do this.

In the first place the road had cost us nothing but labor, except what
we paid in cash to purchase the Rapid Valley Road and the right of way
over the lands of certain hostile farmers. Even this cash represented
our labor and was valuable only as it would purchase other labor or its
products.

Then the competitive roads had been enormously expensive to build. The
projectors were compelled, when they proposed their enterprises, to
bribe a large number of so-called capitalists to advance money which had
doubtless been intrusted to them by laborers for investment. Such
capitalists, having little they could call their own, must needs obtain
it.

So these railroad builders and their financiers placed side by side with
the genuine million won from labor a false and pretended million which
had its inception in and owed its existence to fraud. Then the true and
false were made to pass together, with extended hands demanding of the
toiler a portion of his product as their lawful dues. The one was just,
the other a fiction and a sham.

False stock, which never had any basis in labor; false bonds, which had
no mission except to defraud labor of its product; false pretenses,
which made it possible for knaves to live by their wits, were the
excuses which capitalists put forth for those extortionate rates by
which the people were impoverished.

Our railroad represented no such presumptuous and dastardly pretensions.
We came as labor should come to labor, asking no more and no less than
labor’s honest dues.

No stock, no bonds, no fraudulent construction companies came with us.
We did not deal in dollars nor peddle securities.

We had naught but labor to expend, and pretended nothing more. But we
had all that labor makes and thousands of willing hands.

When we built our road we offered it for use as the creature of labor
and not the creature of capital.

To build it and equip it we began at the very foundation. The ore we
mined, and smelted it in our own furnaces. We fashioned our own plough
and with it turned the furrow. We made the harrow and followed it
afield. We planted the grain and when it ripened in the golden sun we
harvested it with blades our own hands wrought. We delved again, and
from the mines we brought the ore, and in the blazing furnaces we
moulded the steel automata which, at our bidding, amid the Shoshone’s
roar, reduced our wheat to flour, or wove the wool of our own flocks to
cloth.

Then we made rails of steel, and of the pulp of straw made paper ties,
and threw up grades, or hewed our way through rock-ribbed hills. And so
our road was built to Minnesota’s line and we proposed to build it
through that state and onward to Chicago.

It can be seen that our own road could, when completed, be operated far
cheaper than any of the competitive class. We had our coal in Idaho at
first cost; our iron at first cost; our steel rails, ties and all
necessary equipments at first cost. No brokers or speculators
intervened.

Our railroad force wore clothing which we made, and no retailer exacted
from our employe a profit. We fed him with our own home-grown and
home-made flour, sugar, beef and supplies. How could the competitors
compete with that?

We did not delay long at Minnesota’s boundary. The Brotherhood in that
state soon organized a company under the laws of the state and its stock
was nearly all conveyed to our Association, except just enough to enable
us to have nominal officers in the state as the law required. The same
course was pursued in Wisconsin and Illinois and our road was completed
in due time.

Similar consequences followed the completion of this road that followed
the establishment of our department store and hotel at Boise City.

The business of nearly all the roads to the coast came to the
Co-opolitan. The other roads could not compete with us.

We reduced our rates to one cent a mile. The other roads followed suit,
supposing it possible for them to force us to terms.

The Legislative Council thereupon placed the fare at one dollar for the
through trip from any point along the line to Seattle and one cent per
mile for any distance less than one hundred miles. This was continued
for two years without any change and the travel on the road was enormous
and profitable at that price.

Freight rates were also reduced. The result of this road as to the
manufactures of Idaho was to give them a “boom.”

Our woolen goods were especially salable. We had over four million sheep
in Idaho and our woolen mills were consuming all the wool yield and that
of Washington, Oregon and Montana. These goods were of superior quality
and we were able to sell them cheaper than English manufacturers could
without a tariff.

Two years before our road was completed to Chicago, after the last spike
was driven at Seattle, we began the construction in that city of three
large buildings costing one million dollars each.

These were of the most magnificent character and were equal to anything
which in the competitive system would have compelled us to spend four or
five million each. The reason was that we furnished the stone, slate,
marble, lime and all building material from Idaho and performed all the
work with our own Co-opolitan labor. We also transported men and
material on our railroad.

One of these buildings was a co-operative store, another a co-operative
hotel and a third a Palace of Amusements. This supplied Seattle with all
needed in the way of clothing, food, hotel entertainment or
accommodation and amusement or recreation, and constituted that
combination by which we had successfully defeated all industrial or
competitive opposition in Idaho.

The Washington Co-operative Association had arranged with us that we
should be allowed Seattle as our seaport town, and we proceeded to
establish a steamship line with China and Japan and arranged for other
lines to countries bordering on the Pacific Ocean. This we had no
difficulty in doing, as we had gold and silver in large quantities,
taken from our mines or won from competitors, with which to deal with
the barbarous people who use them.

As for Seattle, it had long been inclined to co-operation. Its business
men and citizens had been for years struggling against every conceivable
disadvantage and were completely at the mercy of trusts and combinations
of the most unconscionable character. They had been approaching closer
and closer to bankruptcy day by day until our “Three Brothers,” as they
called the hotel, department store and amusement hall, received them
into their fraternal arms.

Since Seattle became a co-operative city it has grown to be the great
Pacific seaport of the co-operative world. Its widened avenues, its
magnificent parks, its comfortable cottages, its great wharves and
piers, its forest of masts, its magnificent Industrial Army, its schools
and institutions of learning all bespeak a prosperity which is the pride
of her citizens. And this pride is all the more excusable because the
Seattle of to-day is the property of all her citizens and not the
property of a few.




                             CHAPTER XXIV.
                   CHARLIE WOODBERRY ASKS QUESTIONS.


We were seated on the veranda of my house on Salem Avenue. It was a
summer evening after tea in 1912. My wife sat by my side and her
brother, Charlie Woodberry, a young man about twenty-two, sat with us.
My little daughter and a number of children about her own age played
upon the lawn in front of the house.

The day had been an exceedingly hot one—such a day as the farmers say is
excellent for corn—but the evening was cool and delightful, as all the
evenings are in Idaho.

We were engaged in watching the children as they played and listening to
their merry laughter. As the evening wore on and the dusk deepened into
darkness, when the little girl, tired of play, came and sat in her
little chair on the veranda, our conversation took a more serious turn.

Charlie was a visitor from Fall River, Massachusetts, and in that city
was employed in the office of a large factory in the capacity of
bookkeeper. I think his salary was at that time about eighty dollars per
month. He was spending his three weeks’ vacation with us.

“Mr. Braden,” said he, “I learned to-day that your book ‘Co-operative
Economy’ is probably responsible for your being Governor of Idaho and
President of the Association. I have never read it, but my two days’
visit in Co-opolis makes me anxious to read it.”

“Yes,” I replied. “Probably the book did have more to do with my
selection than anything else. I certainly hope you will read it, because
I have endeavored in that book to explain the whole co-operative system
as industrially applied in this state, and, while you will hardly read
it for pleasure, you will understand our system better if you study it.”

The term of President Henderson of Co-opolis had expired the year before
and I had been selected to succeed him both as President of the
Association and Governor of Idaho. I had also completed the latter part
of 1910 my work referred to by Charlie Woodberry. Whatever may be said
of the book, it was a success from the outset.

It was adopted as a text-book in all the co-operative schools in Idaho,
Washington, Oregon, Utah, California, Colorado, Nebraska and the two
Dakotas, and in many other states and territories, and was read
extensively by the more intelligent of the general public. Most economic
works were, up to the time “Co-operative Economy” made its appearance,
devoted to analysis and explanation of the competitive system. My work
discussed Co-operation as it was and as it ought to be. In our schools
such a work was needed, as co-operation was the chief study pursued in
conjunction with all useful branches. I suppose it must be admitted that
this work gives me more satisfaction at this time than anything I have
ever done, because, although the Publishing department was successful
under my administration, it was not due to my sole efforts.
“Co-operative Economy” was my own thought and was produced outside of
the work which the Association assigned me.

“Mr. Braden,” said Charlie, “I would be glad to ask you a few questions
about co-operation and the Co-opolitan Association if you would kindly
answer them. I have a general idea of the system, but its features are
not clear to my mind. If I could get in a nutshell a few truths—or what
you claim to be truths—I believe I could read your books with much more
interest.”

“Ask me any question you please, Charlie. If I cannot answer them your
sister there will,” I replied.

“Charlie and I have already had some correspondence and talks on the
subject,” said Caroline. “He does not think the system attractive.”

“I will not say it is not attractive,” returned Charlie, shaking his
head. “I simply say it is not attractive as I understand it. Now, take,
for instance, the feature which makes the Association own everything.
That is very distasteful to me. Nobody can ever own his own home, even.”

“Well, Charlie,” said I, “that is the way you have been educated. If you
had been taught to believe that personal ownership of property was a
burden, and had a tendency to diminish your personal security, you would
view the case in a different light. Think a minute. Take a Mongolian
when an infant, transfer him to London, rear him as a Christian and an
Englishman and he will despise the system and religion of China. But
take an English baby and let him be reared in Pekin as a Chinaman and he
will doubtless hold London and Christianity in abhorrence.

“We talk of the peculiarities of the Chinese mind, and doubtless there
are many which have been formed by the education and environments of
centuries of time; but the Chinese education is more responsible for the
Chinese mind than nature is.

“You have been taught that it is desirable to have property stand in
your name. In the competitive system to own property makes you the
object of attack. It is dangerous. You are always fearful that somebody
will rob you. If you own none, in the competitive system, you are
despised, no matter what your personal merits may be.

“Yet you can only use what you own and you can do no more with what you
borrow.

“Why should you wish to own it, then, if you only get the use of it in
any event? In the co-operative system it has been found convenient to
have individuals own certain things. They own their own furniture, their
clothes, wall pictures and small ornaments. In short, they own whatever
in the house is severable from it, including tools which they employ for
private use and what they can lightly carry about their person.

“They do not own house or grounds. They simply have the use of them. But
they are entitled to the use of house, grounds and all the conveniences
connected with them as long as they wish. Their children after them are
entitled to that use. In the competitive system you cannot get more.
Co-operation also assumes the cares of the Co-operators as far as
material things are concerned. You do not have to worry about the
ownership of that which has no other than use value. In competition you
have to own your property, care for it personally, protect it and pay
taxes. This diverts your mind from thought and fills it with worry, and
in addition to that people overlook your merit and inquire, not what you
are, but what you have, and woe betide you, whatever your merit, if you
have nothing.”

“But does not common ownership and the inability of the occupant to own
his home render him careless and wasteful? Does he take such an interest
in his home as he would if he could call it his?”

“The ownership of the home in the competitive system does not make the
owner so careful to avoid waste as our system makes the tenant. As I
have said, the occupant, be he owner or tenant, can enjoy only the use
of his house during his life.

“In the competitive system how many owners waste their houses? Some are
drunkards and mortgage them and waste their value in drink. Some are
gamblers, and lose the value at the gaming table. Some insure them and
burn them to get the insurance money. Some go into business, mortgage
the home for money or credit, fail and lose the property. Thousands of
houses stand idle and go to waste in every competitive state, while
thousands of homeless people walk the streets in every large city or
tramp the country roads. In our system the state cares for every home
and make a home for every man. The man knows his home is permanent. It
cannot be taken from him without his consent.”

“But he cannot convey it to his children,” said Charlie.

“No. He cannot compel his children to take it whether they will or not.
But if the children desire it, when the occupant dies or departs, they
may have it on the same terms if they are members of the Industrial Army
that their parents did. Let me say, however, that when the children
marry they generally present a design of a house which suits them better
than the old homestead and the Association builds them a house to suit
them. Is not that better?”

“So much for the home,” remarked Charlie. “I am almost satisfied with
your explanation. It at least gives me the cue so that I can study the
subject fully. Now, I have long felt that you were asking a man to be a
slave and give up his personal liberty by entering the Industrial Army.
Why is not that true?”

“Charlie, are you a slave to-day?” I asked.

“No, indeed!” exclaimed Charlie, almost indignant.

“Is a government official a slave?”

“Of course not.”

“How about a soldier in the regular army?”

“Why, he is certainly not a slave.”

“How about a clerk in the postoffice department, for instance? Is he not
in the same position as a member of the Industrial Army?”

“No. It is a similar service, but he serves his government and country.”

“What is your business, Charlie?”

“Accountant for the Waumkeag Cotton Manufacturing Company.”

“What are your wages?”

“Eighty dollars per month.”

“How many hours a day do you work?”

“Ten hours.”

“Is it slavery to work ten hours a day for a private corporation, for
eighty dollars per month, and not own any interest in the corporation?
Remember that the Co-opolitan Association pays one hundred dollars per
month and requires only seven hours’ work per day at the most. Then
every minute’s work in the competitive system is for private persons,
while in the co-operative system it is for the public good.”

“Well. But suppose I should want to leave the service of the Association
after I had worked for it ten years or less. Could I withdraw my part of
the accumulated wealth and take it away?”

“You could withdraw your wages and no more. You could go where you
please with the wages.”

“But the accumulated capital. Would it not be unjust not to let me have
my part of that?”

“Charlie! I forgive you, of course, but you are brilliantly stupid. How
long have you been at work for the corporation which now employs you?”

“Three years.”

“If you should work for that corporation fifty years would you get any
more than your wages if you should withdraw?”

“No.”

“Who would get the benefit of your work?”

“Why, the stockholders.”

“Yes, or perhaps the bondholders! You could invest your wages in stock
in that corporation if you chose. You cannot invest them in the
Association. But after investing in the cotton company you are liable to
be frozen out by the big holders. Now, frankly, do you not see that you
may work forty years for your company and then in old age have not
enough to sustain life from day to day? This could not occur in our
system. We exact now twenty-five years’ work of each member and then he
is free. After he has given us twenty-five years’ work he becomes
entitled to his dividend for the rest of his life just the same as if he
worked.”

“That sounds well, Mr. Braden. But have you any such retired members
yet?”

“You must not call them retired members. We believe that those who earn
freedom by twenty-five years’ work will be among our most useful
members. They will still be interested in our work. They will still
participate in our elections. They will take a personal interest in
maintaining and guarding the Association whence they draw their income.
Our Association is now only fifteen years old. In ten years more three
hundred of us will be entitled to release from systematic labor. It is
possible that the Association will give us earlier release, as our
co-operative wealth is so great at present, and is increasing so
rapidly, that we are considering the propriety of diminishing the number
of hours of labor per day to six and the number of years to twenty. We
have many persons who have earned long furloughs. In every such instance
the member during his or her furlough is a useful member. If he travels
he brings home to us the best of information. If he seeks pleasure he
studies that very important pursuit and we learn from him how to make
life enjoyable.”

“You certainly are able to make pertinent and seemingly complete
answers, Mr. Braden. I shall ask my questions now, not to puzzle but to
elicit information. Suppose a member becomes sick. Does that stop his
income or dividend?”

“If a member becomes sick he is turned over to the Health department. As
long as he is in the charge of the Health department his income
continues.”

“Who pays for his treatment by physicians?”

“He pays for it himself out of his income from the Association.”

“Suppose he should wish to change his climate in order to recover? How
shall he make a change?”

“If the Health department reports such a remedy for any sick member of
the Industrial Army leave of absence is granted and he is permitted to
go to such climate as is recommended.”

“Suppose a man dies leaving a wife and family after five years’
employment. What does the Association do for the family?”

“The funeral expenses are paid and the family receives the deceased
member’s income until the youngest child becomes of age, provided the
child remains in the Educational department. If the widow is healthy and
able to work she is received into the Industrial Army.”

“When a man enters the Army does he become entitled to the full income
of a member in good standing at once?”

“He does not. The first year he or she receives only one-third of the
income of a member. The second year and all years after he receives as
much as anyone. Members are on probation the first year. The three years
members are entitled to promotion to higher grades and the members
during the first three years are required to do the drudgery of the
Association. We have made exceptions to this rule when we have offered
inducements to skilled laborers, but otherwise all who enlist,
especially from the Department of Education, must pass through the three
years course.”

“One more question, Mr. Braden, and I will ask no more until I have read
some chapters of ‘Co-operative Economy.’ Do not your members regard a
new volunteer as an intruder? Do they not consider that he is suddenly
admitted to share what they have produced without making an equal
contribution? You have, say, three million dollars’ worth of wealth in
Idaho. Why should one who never assisted in producing it be admitted to
participate in its benefits without paying a large membership fee?”

“He does pay a fee of one hundred dollars and he gives the first year’s
labor for one-third the income of one member for that time. If he has
not one hundred dollars we do not always exclude him. We simply take it
out of his income. But you must remember that the Association is a great
corporation, in which the shares are not transferable and one member can
only own one share. The Association keeps all the machinery and sources
of production in its exclusive control. Every person who enters to-day
agrees to furnish twenty-five years’ labor. No person can receive the
benefit of such a membership unless he so agrees. The Association,
therefore, has as many twenty-five-year contracts as there are members
of the Industrial Army. Let us suppose that one member has worked for
twenty-four years when a new member is admitted. The latter is now to
work twenty-five years and the former one. The latter is to give
twenty-five years’ work to the former, who one year later must depend
upon the labor of the latter to support him. Tell me which of these men
is getting the advantage, the man whose twenty-five years of labor in
the past has provided the machinery and improved the source of
production or the man whose twenty-five years of the future will operate
the machine and render the source of production fruitful. Is it not a
fair bargain after all? If a man forty-six retires from labor and a man
twenty-one takes his place and supports him will the former object?”

This closed the economic discussion. My wife did not take part except as
a listener, but she was deeply interested. Our little girl had fallen
asleep in her arms and she now softly arose and carried her into the
sleeping apartment. Charlie and I still continued on the veranda a
little longer enjoying the pure and cool atmosphere, and pursued our
conversation on lighter subjects.




                              CHAPTER XXV.
      THE TERM OF SERVICE—THE SURVIVORS OF TWENTY YEARS—SPREAD OF
            CO-OPERATION—SECRET OF CO-OPOLITAN SUCCESS—1917.


An important question came up before the Legislative Council at one of
its meetings in May, 1916. It was as to whether the term of service in
the Industrial Army should be reduced from twenty-five to twenty years.

After full discussion it was decided to refer the matter to popular vote
at the referendum election of October following. It was accordingly
referred, but not in the form in which it was at first considered.

The question submitted was: “Whether the term of service in the
Industrial Army shall be reduced to twenty years to all members in the
Grade of Honor at the expiration of that time.” All persons who had
performed their duties faithfully and whom their companies, by a
majority vote, recommended to advancement to the Grade of Honor were,
after serving fifteen years, so advanced.

This had the effect of rendering our workers more diligent, and it was
believed by the members of the Legislative Council that if men could
shorten their term of service five years by industry and faithfulness it
would increase the efficiency of the Industrial Army. The people of
Idaho thought so, too, and after a most thorough discussion, in which it
was made apparent that the Association could well afford to shorten the
term, the election of October resulted in a practically unanimous
decision in favor of twenty years.

The 20th of May, 1917, completed the service of thirty-six members.
Twenty years before our little company of fifty, under the leadership of
John Thompson, had entered Deer Valley and established our camp on the
present site of Co-opolis. Since then fourteen of that company had
passed to “that country from whose bourne no traveler returns.” The
thirty-six who remained were nearly all of them high in the councils of
the Association and some had achieved reputations which extended beyond
the limits of Idaho.

We who composed that little company were, on this twentieth anniversary,
released from the burdens and duties attaching to the Co-opolitan
system, and thenceforward were entitled to come and go at will.
Wheresoever we chose a habitation in the state the Association undertook
to provide us with suitable houses, and, our income continuing as large
as if we were still employed, we were expected to, and could, pay the
rental of the house and our living and other expenses without stint.

One dollar of credit, as represented by the labor-credit check, was
neither depreciable nor appreciable by the act of interested or
disinterested persons. Abundance or scarcity of any product, as measured
by the demand for it, was the determining factor of price. Our credit
dollar was invested with large purchasing power because co-operation
produced abundance and guaranteed to each of us a quantity of any needed
article, and a quality of comfort, pleasure, convenience or
accommodation equal to the fair exchange value of labor.

The thirty-six whose service ceased on this anniversary were men who
were devoted to the principle of co-operation and ready to make any
sacrifice to the success of the Co-opolitan Association. Most of them
had lived comparatively frugal lives. For fifteen years the income which
they had derived from their service had been twelve hundred dollars per
annum at least. This was allowed them on the books of the Association
and the labor-credit checks were delivered to them each month, as to all
workers. If they failed to exhaust their month’s credit during the month
the surplus remained with the Association.

We have no banks. We have no money and no department which makes a
business of handling money. We have no occasion to deposit or store
labor-credit checks.

No man has any claim with us upon anything but the fruits of labor.
These we hold until he calls for them, and we pay him no interest for
their use. In fact, we have no use for what he leaves with the
Association. We prefer to have him take it and consume it himself. The
Association, for instance, has a menagerie and circus which it sends
from city to city. We see no reason why a man who desires to see such an
exhibition should refrain from doing so from motives of frugality. The
Association prefers that the admission fee be taken out of every
labor-credit check. Of course this does not usually happen, because the
members do not always desire to witness such an exhibition when it
appears.

If a man is frugal and spends but little of his monthly credit he does
not lose it during his life. It is a matter of prudence to save
something, so that he may use it if he goes abroad, and the Association
holds itself ready to furnish him the money of any nation if he makes
the proper application for it.

But if a man dies his unexhausted credit is canceled. He cannot will it
to his wife or children. The wife is given a place in the Industrial
Army and his years of service are accredited to her, so that if he has
served ten years up to the time of his death only fifteen more are
required of her, or ten years if he or she should be a member of the
Grade of Honor.

As for children, if they are members of the Educational department and
are left orphans they are allowed the father’s portion until they arrive
at age, when they enter the Industrial Army. These provisions are
necessary to co-operative success. To permit a man to leave his
accumulations to his son or daughter takes from them the incentive to
labor. They cease to be useful or acquire a superiority which nature did
not give them.

We insist that all should be equal in the start, and that they have no
advantages which they cannot create for themselves.

The competitor claims that this removes the incentive for action. This
is not true. It removes one incentive out of many, and the worst and
most injurious one.

It is an incentive which makes robbers, thieves, murderers and tyrants
and produces a host of evils.

The competitor says it is unjust because it takes from wife and child
their support. It does not. We give the wife a chance to be useful and
an income for her use equal to the income of any.

We give the child his education and an opportunity equal to the best
when he becomes a man. We insure these things and the husband and father
is relieved from all worry on their account while he lives. Is not this
worth many times the riches of the competitor which are so ready to
vanish and leave wife and child in the ranks of abject and despised
poverty.

The twentieth year of the Co-operative Commonwealth is indeed a proud
one. The great state which we occupy is entirely under the control of
the Co-opolitan Association. It contains four million people and two and
a half million active members of the Industrial Army. Its inhabitants
are all in cities, but no city is greater than one hundred and fifty
thousand persons, except Idaho Falls and Shoshone, where the great water
power, generating electricity, gives exceptional advantages for
manufactures. Idaho Falls contains three hundred and fifty thousand
inhabitants and Shoshone two hundred and twenty-one thousand. In
Shoshone are the great flouring and woolen mills, but nearly every
needful and useful article is also produced through the medium of its
marvelous electric power. Idaho Falls is more famous for its cotton
mills, and other cities are numerous which are devoted to manufactures
of various kinds. The city of Rokybar is the Pittsburg of Idaho and the
Association steel works at that city are the largest in the world.

Laselle is the producer of beet sugar, and all the sugar used by our
department stores in Idaho is supplied from our factories there. There
is little necessity for the importation of anything into this state, so
varied and abundant are its resources and productions.

These cities of Idaho are all laid out and conducted on the plan of
Co-opolis. Each one of them covers an area nearly three times as large
as that of any competitive city. The streets are all one hundred and
fifty feet wide, consisting of two driveways fifty feet wide and a park
of equal width separating them.

Numerous parks are located at convenient distances from one another. The
buildings are all at least fifty feet apart. There is ample sunlight,
pure air and space for children to play or for older people to take
recreation.

There are flowers, fountains, artificial lakes and trees in profusion.
Monuments and statues have been erected in many localities, representing
art and history and illustrating the power and beauty of co-operation.
The streets are all paved with asphalt. Most of our buildings are
constructed of brick or stone and of the material necessary for the
purpose Idaho has inexhaustible resources.

In this twentieth year of the Co-operative Commonwealth the United
States is moving swiftly and quietly to that condition which Bellamy
beheld in “Looking Backward.” Washington was the first state to join
Idaho as a Co-operative Commonwealth, which it did in 1910. Oregon,
Utah, Colorado, Arizona, New Mexico, Kansas, Nebraska, North and South
Dakota, Wyoming, Montana and California followed in quick succession in
about the order named. Minnesota, Wisconsin, Illinois, Indiana,
Michigan, Tennessee, Arkansas, North and South Carolina and Texas are
almost ready to wheel into line.

As for the other states of the Union, the co-operative system is gaining
ground every day. In the United States Senate there are forty
Co-operative Senators. In the House of Representatives there are one
hundred and forty-three Co-operators.

Through the influence of Idaho the United States government has
purchased and now operates five transcontinental lines of railroad, and
it is probable that it will, in a few years, acquire most of the lines
which are sufficiently valuable to warrant their operation. It owns all
the telegraph lines in its territory, having purchased them as early as
1908.

Nearly all the cities of the country have become the owners of their own
public utilities, such as street-car lines, telephone, gas, electric and
water systems and plants, and from the income derived from them have
almost succeeded in relieving their citizens from the burden of
taxation.

But the private department stores, labor-saving machinery, trusts and
monopolies, which continue to exact tribute from and oppress the people
for private gain, are our unconscious and unintentional allies, and the
thousands of good citizens who yearly move westward to avail themselves
of the opportunities which exist in the Co-operative Commonwealths
called into being by the success of the Co-opolitan Association do not
fail by their correspondence to light the fires of the new and higher
civilization in every city and hamlet of the nation.

This success is one which Idaho and her people are, at this time,
disposed to credit, in a somewhat larger degree than history will or
should approve, to the immortal senior Senator from Idaho, Hon. John
Thompson, and his associates of twenty years ago. All honor, indeed, to
them!

But I maintain that conditions, circumstances and a great nation of
intelligent, honest, industrious and comparatively temperate laboring
men and women made their work possible in America when it could not have
been successful in any other country in this world.

I do not say this from motives of patriotism. I say it because it
appears to me that the reasons to support the allegation will be
recognized and approved when stated.

In the first place, there has never before been any extensive experiment
with industrial co-operation for the benefit of the workers engaged in
it, where land was the basis of all operations, except in ancient Peru.

It is unfortunate that history has been so far deprived of the records
of that wonderful country, by the destructive fanaticism of its Spanish
conquerors, that the details of its system must remain obscure.

But happily the indisputable fact remains to give courage to
co-operators who do battle in the dark corners of the world that Peru
was a co-operative or socialistic state, and that its people were happy,
prosperous and contented.

This fact suggests the very pertinent question whether the people who
boast a high state of civilization like that of modern New York and
Boston are equal to the establishment of a system as just, as fair and
as equitable in the production, distribution and protection of wealth as
the comparatively ignorant, simple-minded and uncivilized inhabitants of
ancient Peru?

The example of Idaho proves that we are. But in England, France and
Germany the co-operators have confined their undertakings almost
exclusively to manufactures and distribution. The land has rarely
entered into their calculations, or when it has been considered has
never been regarded as available. In Idaho we have made land the chief
feature of our enterprise, and I maintain and, in fact, know, that we
could never have succeeded in any marked degree if we had not done so.

A commonwealth which has not the title to its own land is like a house
suspended in the air. Even the co-operative societies engaged in
manufacture and distribution manufacture and distribute what comes,
primarily, from the land.

When they receive the raw material to manufacture or distribute it has
been handled by a number of traders, brokers and other middlemen and its
price increased oppressively. We avoided all this by owning the land.

In England and other densely populated countries the rich land has all
been taken and the owner, whether lord or peasant, will not part with it
except for a large sum of money. The co-operator is thus excluded, in
those countries, from the use of land. It costs him nearly as much in
spot cash to acquire it as the brokers and traders take from him,
through a series of years, in profits on the raw product of land.

Now in Idaho land was cheap, and cheap land is the co-operator’s
salvation.

I also believe that we were fortunate in locating our colonies in Idaho.
The reason for this is that after we had acquired the land of Deer
Valley, placed it under irrigation and rendered it highly productive, we
had the use of millions of acres of grazing lands for our herds and
flocks.

I cannot conceive that a co-operative society could begin its career
under more favorable conditions than did the Co-opolitan. It could not
have found a better location for its productive farm and city in any
other state. It had the best facilities for irrigation and controlling
all the waters necessary to render its land productive; it had the means
to attach its members to the common purpose.

It was able to avail itself of near and high-priced markets.

Better than all this, it had the open ranges embracing millions of acres
of good grazing land, which it was permitted by the laws to use without
cost. If we had not possessed this advantage, my judgment is that our
struggle would have been increased and prolonged.

I believe that cattle and sheep were the most advantageous kind of
wealth for us to handle. We allowed them to roam at will, with but few
attendants, over our ranges, and we were at little expense to care for
and feed them. Besides this it was a form of wealth which was capable of
transporting itself to some extent. Had we attempted a different
location where there were no ranges and put our capital into almost any
other form of property we would have failed.

These natural advantages and the system whose development I have
endeavored in these pages to trace are, in my judgment, responsible for
the success which the Co-opolitan Association has made in twenty years.




                                L’ENVOI.


My narrative, kind reader, is finished, but if you have followed it thus
far you will doubtless feel some interest in the present condition of
some of its chief characters and features. Of Senator Thompson I need
say only that he is one of the most honored and famous individualities
in this world.

Being a native of England, he is not eligible to the Presidency of the
republic, else I verily believe he would be chosen to usher in the
Co-operative Commonwealth which seems to be one of the probabilities in
the near future. But Senator Thompson is in the prime of manhood and you
can be sure that he will be one of the chief actors in the coming
change.

Mrs. Braden is as famous in her sphere as Senator Thompson is in his.
Having written, as the world knows, five novels of the highest merit,
all of which have been received with extraordinary favor, the
Association has rewarded her by remitting her entire term of service in
the Industrial Army. This has not had the effect of silencing her muse
by any means. She is as industrious as if both fame and fortune were
wanting. The fires of true genius do not require the inspiration of
greed to make them burn more brightly.

Mr. Edmunds is now an old man. He will accept the ease which the
expiration of his term of service enables him to enjoy. Although seventy
years of age, he is strong and hearty, and we hope may live, as he seems
likely to, for many years.

Henry B. Henderson died three years ago. A bronze statue of him stands
in the park on Commonwealth Avenue, in front of the Council Hall, and I
am told that the people of Shoshone and Idaho Falls are arranging to
have similar statues erected and paid for by subscription in their
cities.

Boise City is a beautiful city of fifty thousand inhabitants. The
municipal indebtedness of the old city was long ago purchased by the
Co-opolitan Association for a small sum and the flood of co-operative
enterprise poured over and through the old townsite at once.

The city of CO-OPOLIS is not, as I have already stated, the largest city
in Idaho. It contains a population of one hundred and fifty thousand. It
is the oldest co-operative city in the state and the most beautiful in
the world. Its buildings are substantially constructed; its parks are
well kept and better finished than are those of most other cities, and
its trees are older and more mature. It is believed that it will be the
favorite city of residence for the members whose terms of service in the
Industrial Army expire. At present it is the seat of government in the
Association domain.

Idaho is still a “Light on the Mountains,” as its ancient name implies,
and its effulgence had found a shining way into thousands of homes
throughout the world.

Truly may it be said that her mission is being grandly accomplished and
that the people that dwelt in darkness have seen a great light.

Thank God! The higher civilization is here.


                               [THE END.]

------------------------------------------------------------------------




                    THE SOCIAL DEMOCRACY OF AMERICA


has as one of its main objects the peaceable establishment, in some such
manner as outlined in this book, of the

                       CO-OPERATIVE COMMONWEALTH.

We believe in the efficacy of object lessons, and the Social Democracy
of America is working for and advocating the Co-operative Commonwealth,
where all shall receive their full share of the wealth they create and
the Brotherhood of Man shall be an actual fact. In order to do its work
in establishing this ideal state of perfect justice between man and man
the

                        COLONIZATION COMMISSION

of the Social Democracy of America has formulated plans and methods for
putting the ideas contained in this book into actual operation.

If one million working men would pay ten cents each into a fund to help
such a plan, it would mean one hundred thousand dollars a month, or one
million two hundred thousand dollars a year. If one hundred thousand
should do so, it would mean one thousand dollars a month and one hundred
and twenty thousand dollars a year. In five years, with judicious
management and cautious expenditure of such funds, the results would be
marvelous, especially as a dollar in the hands of co-operators would
prove far more efficient than a dollar employed in the extravagant and
wasteful channels of competition. Send a dollar for thirty-four sample
copies and make thirty-four converts to the cause of reform.

Six cents will pay for “Merrie England,” a book of 190 pages, which has
had a sale of 850,000 copies in England and has only begun to sell in
America. It is a popular yet scientific statement of the principles of
Socialism. It is addressed to the people who are prejudiced against
anything of the kind. Get a man to read “Merrie England” and the book
will do the rest. We mail two copies for 10 cents, twelve for 50 cents,
twenty-five for $1.00, a hundred for $3.50.

Ten cents will pay for “President John Smith,” by Frederick Upham Adams,
a book of 300 pages. It has passed through twenty-five editions in a
year. It is a success because it points out practical methods for
intelligent political action by which the people of the United States
may take possession of the government and run it in their own interest.
We mail a dozen copies for $1.00; fifty copies for $3.75.

Twenty-five cents will pay for any one of the following valuable books:

The Co-opolitan, by Zebina Forbush.

Evolutionary Politics, by Walter Thomas Mills.

Man or Dollar. Which? by a newspaper man.

From Earth’s Center, by S. Byron Welcome.

A Breed of Barren Metal, by J. W. Bennett.

Money Found, by Thomas E. Hill.

The six books, or six copies of any one of them, will be sent postpaid
on receipt of one dollar. Special terms to agents, with full list of
reform literature, will be mailed upon request.

 Address
     CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY, Publishers,
                     56 Fifth Avenue, Chicago.




                              MEN WANTED.


We firmly believe that in “The Co-opolitan” we are giving to the people
of the United States a book that will be of untold value in hastening
the progress of human brotherhood and a civilization based on justice.
We believe the people are ready for this book, and that any intelligent
man who believes in co-operation and knows how to express his ideas can
make a good living by selling copies. We want to hear from such men.

We also want to hear from those who have no time for selling books but
who believe intensely in human brotherhood and want to do their part in
making it a fact in this present life. Our object is to provide them
with literature for wide distribution, at prices that are based on the
actual cost of production.

One cent will pay for a copy of “The Ethical Aspect of the Labor
Problem,” by Rev. J. Stitt Wilson. It is addressed to Christians and
proves that the profit system under which the people are struggling is
directly opposed to the teachings of Jesus.

Two cents will pay for “The New Democracy,” by Frederick Upham Adams,
the editor of The New Time. It is a clear and forceful statement of the
ideas of Direct Legislation through the Initiative and Referendum.

Three cents will pay for a new pamphlet entitled “The Majority Rule
League of the United States,” which gives a practical plan for
organization to be put in practice at once. It gives a valuable appendix
on Direct Legislation. Fifty copies mailed for $1.00; 500 for $7.50.

Three cents will pay for a sample copy of The New Time, the greatest
reform magazine in the world, 100 large pages each month, full of timely
articles, news and pictures that no reformer will consent to do without
if he once sees it.

The three members of the commission were appointed August 1, 1897, and
their work was outlined before the publication of this book.

The manuscript was read by one of the members of the commission and
received his hearty commendation, as presenting arguments of a high
character in favor of colonization. Many ideas elucidating legal points
are also brought out in the clearest manner.

The Commission is attempting to work out practically the main idea
presented in this book. Any reader who becomes desirous of aiding in
this noble work, or who wishes information concerning it, should address
Secretary Colonization Commission, S. D. of A.,

                                                   504 Trude Bldg.,
                                                           Chicago, Ill.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

                     THE LEGAL REVOLUTION OF 1902.


                                   BY
                      A LAW-ABIDING REVOLUTIONIST.


                                CHICAGO:
                       CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY.
                                 1898.

The following specimen pages of

                     “THE LEGAL REVOLUTION OF 1902”

are published by permission of the author from advance proofs of the
book, which is now in press. Every loyal reformer will be interested in
this new work, which outlines a radical and aggressive political
programme to be carried out in the near future. The book will be
handsomely printed on heavy book paper of extra quality, and will be
sold at fifty cents in paper and one dollar in cloth, with liberal terms
to dealers, agents and newspapers.




                                PREFACE.


“The Legal Revolution of 1902” purports to be a history of social
conditions in the United States for a period of about fifteen years
following the year 1897. It attempts to picture changes and reforms
amounting to an industrial revolution—which I think should, and will, be
made—as if the country had already passed through this period. All
matters of fact recorded as having taken place before 1897, or “before
the Revolution,” are true; quotations from newspapers and other
publications, and utterances of men, prior to that year, are also true;
whatever is mentioned as occurring afterward is, of course, fiction.

Some of the characters in this narrative bear the same names as
distinguished persons of to-day, but no pretense nor claim is made that
they speak or represent in any manner the views or sentiments of those
whose names they may happen to bear. The characters have been named to
give added interest to the story, to connect it more plainly with the
evident trend of social and political conditions, and to more clearly
elucidate the opportunities which lie within the power of men.

The principal idea of the work is to show the people their power,
wherein it lies, and the methods of exercising it to right their
grievances, if they feel that such exist.

If I succeed in bringing all who read these pages to a full
understanding of the power of the people, and how to use that power, and
wherein lies the basis, the very foundation, of our institutions, I
shall be content, even though they do not agree with this story as to
the extent of existing evils, or the measures it inaugurates to
alleviate them. While endeavoring to clothe my ideas in an interesting
and readable narrative, some exaggerations have been made; yet, in
confidence to the reader, it must be said that, in the main, I believe
in every line of the work; in the principle of every reform proposed; in
every change pictured and result prophesied. Indeed, I can see no other
road for a law-abiding, intelligent and prosperous people to travel, and
no other possible destination to be reached, than the one herein
imperfectly portrayed.

                                            A LAW-ABIDING REVOLUTIONIST.




                     THE LEGAL REVOLUTION OF 1902.

                               CHAPTER I.


“Well, mother, I’ll run down and get the mail,” said John Brown to his
wife, as he started for the village postoffice. On arriving there he
found his “grist” of daily papers that regularly visited his home, and
also two letters. One was addressed “Hon. John Brown, Member of the
Illinois Legislature.” He looked at it and incidentally remarked to a
friend with whom he was conversing: “I wonder who that is from—‘Return
in five days to Mark Mishler, Attorney-at-Law, Springfield, Ill.’; I
guess it is not of much importance to me; I don’t know any such person.”
And with that he put it, unopened, into his pocket, and looked at the
other.

“Indeed, New York, from brother Benjamin! I haven’t heard from him in a
long time. Mother and I were just talking about him and wondering if he
had forgotten us. She’ll want to hear the news, and I had better go
right back to the house,” and he started, carrying the letter and papers
in his hand. It was but a few minutes’ walk, and he was soon home.

“See here, mother, a letter from Ben,” he said, starting to tear it
open.

“Is it possible!” she exclaimed, with considerable surprise; “we haven’t
heard from him since his wife died. He is no hand to write, and I’ll
warrant it is news of importance; probably sad news, or we wouldn’t hear
from him now. You remember he never wrote us that Glen (his only child)
was born until he was two years old. Of course he wrote during that
time, but never mentioned that fact, and it was so strange, since he
always writes so much about him now, when he writes at all.”

By this time the letter was opened, the spectacles adjusted to his nose,
and Mr. Brown began to read:

 “My Dear Brother and Sister—

“You know how difficult it is for me to write, and I am sure you won’t
think strange because of not having heard from me before. I often think
of you both, and have frequently resolved to write, but have neglected
it until days, weeks and months have slipped away. I am in deep trouble
now. You know that ten years ago the company set me back to flagman. The
wages for such a position are very low; I have been able only to live
and keep the family, and have found it impossible to lay by anything. A
year ago an accident, a collision, occurred in the yards between a
couple of switching freight trains. It was charged to me and I was ‘laid
off.’ Perhaps I was to blame. I worked long hours and was very tired. I
am getting old, anyway. My eyes, and faculties as well, are getting dim.
Since then I have had no work, and have employed my time about the
garden and with my poultry, out of which I have made a little.

“But Glen, though only sixteen, had completed school, and had also
learned the glassblower’s trade in the factory here, and with my pension
and what little I could earn was able to support me and keep the house
up in good shape, so I did not feel badly. In my old age I felt I had
earned a rest, and Glen, noble boy! was satisfied, and insisted that I
should have it. But now, just as he has his trade well learned, and had,
as we supposed, the means of gaining a livelihood through life for
himself and a way of supporting me in my old age, improved machines were
introduced into many of the larger factories, that almost entirely
displaced the glassblower and absolutely ruined his trade. They were not
put in the factory here, but it was seen that the factory would be
unable to compete with the machine-equipped factories, and that they
must put them in or close up.

“After the machines began to be used it was evident that half the
factories would supply the market. So the big ones all joined together
into one big company, or trust, and closed up a number of the factories.
The one here went into the big company, and the Board of Directors of
the big concern voted it to be one of the factories that would be
permanently closed. Lots of the machinery has been moved away, and there
is little probability of it ever being operated again. At any rate it
has now been closed for three months, and Glen has been unable to find a
day’s work of any kind to do, and there is little hope of any here.
Glassblowers have been laid off in all the factories that are still
running, and those now retained are taken from the force of older
employes and there is no chance whatever for a new man now. So Glen will
probably never find work again at his trade.

“And the town! You have no idea of the condition here. The glass factory
was almost the sole industry. There is not another enterprise of any
importance. Two thousand men, who fed ten thousand people, or the whole
town, are thrown out of employment at the mandate of a trust, and the
whole place is ruined. No western cyclone ever wrought worse havoc,
because after one of them has passed the people can go to work and
rebuild, but there is nothing here they can do to get even bread to eat.

“The very day it was known the factory would be permanently closed
residence property depreciated one-half, and in fact it is scarcely
worth anything now, and will not sell at any price. My place, which cost
me a lifetime of toil, and for which I paid $2,500 principal and no end
of interest, will not sell to-day for $500.

“But the question with the people here is, not how much their property
has depreciated in value, but how they are to get work by which to earn
a living.

“Glen and I think we want to go West. We would like to go out where you
are, and want to know what you think about it. Can we make a living
there? We have been thinking if we could get a little patch of ground
near some good-sized town we could, by gardening and poultry raising (at
which I am becoming expert, by the way), get along and make a living;
and Glen is a bright scholar, and I have been thinking that perhaps he
could get work of some kind out there.

“I don’t want to be a burden on you, but God knows I will be on the
state if things continue as they are. And Glen, he deserves a better
fate than the world seems to have allotted him.

“Please let me hear from you soon. With kind regards to sister Jane and
yourself,

                                       “I am, your brother,
                                                       “BENJAMIN BROWN.”

Mr. Brown was visibly affected as he slowly read the letter, and tears
filled the eyes of both himself and his wife by the time it was
completed.

“Well, mother, what had I better write him?”

To which the good woman quickly replied: “Send for them both to come at
once and make their home with us—at least for the present. You will soon
go to Springfield, and will be gone all winter attending the
Legislature. You expect to hire someone to attend the stock and the farm
while you are away, and you always hire in the summer. Perhaps they
might like farm work, and suit you better than anyone you can hire, and
so stay permanently.

“The Lord has taken all our dear children away,” she continued; “and if
Glen is the boy his father has always

------------------------------------------------------------------------

“‘Fellow reformers, would you be free? Would you see the regimen of
corporate power and class despotism at an end? Would you see the
shackles stricken forever from the limbs of humanity, and behold
emancipation—the rebirth? Do you believe that this can come through the
ballot? No! You do not.

“‘Have not the reformers spent their lives, their fortunes, and their
energies in the cause of political reform? Have they not seen the
cunning and unscrupulous always victorious, emerging from every campaign
master of the spoils? Have you any hopes that this will be changed in
the future? The past is one long protest against the ballot as an
instrument of reformation.’

“Scarcely a day passes that I do not receive one or more appeals to join
one or the other of the revolutionary orders being formed in this
country, and offers of money and arms are frequently received if I will
give my efforts to the cause of revolution. Thus far I have persistently
declined to give aid or encouragement to such movements. But if, through
the writings of such men as Private Dalzell, revolution comes, in spite
of all efforts to prevent it, I will not be found among the cowards, nor
on the side of the plutocratic classes. * * *

                                                      “J. R. SOVEREIGN.”

“Let me see your scrap-book, please,” said Glen. It was handed to him,
and he settled down to read, while the others conversed.

“That letter appeared some time ago,” said Benjamin, “and I’ll warrant
it has been read by every member of a labor union. I tell you something
is going to happen. Where, or when, or what it is going to be I don’t
know, but I do know the power of the labor unions, and doubt not they
will play an important part in the struggle. I haven’t a particle of
doubt but those societies which Mr. Sovereign mentions are being formed.
It is this great chasm between the rich and the poor that is causing the
trouble. The laboring people are piling up wealth, and it is all being
appropriated by the rich, and the poor find it harder each day to make a
living. This is especially true in the factories of the East, where
labor-saving machines are displacing thousands of laborers.”

“Don’t you think,” said Mr. Smith, “that their further introduction
should be prohibited?”

“The labor unions,” was the reply, “do now, to some extent. The shoe
manufacturers of Lynn have not dared to introduce a certain lasting
machine recently invented, because the lasters’ union has declared
against it, and yet it is claimed that that machine will revolutionize
the shoe business. You see that shows the strength of the unions, and
what they can do if they get started. Oh, there are bloody times ahead
for us. I believe one of your Western governors said lately: ‘The high
buildings and grand palaces of our big cities will be spattered with the
lungs and livers of humanity before this thing is adjusted.’ He was
called a crank, but he was not far amiss.”

“I am inclined to think,” said Mr. Smith, “that you take a too serious
view of matters. Your brother tells me the glass factory in your town
was permanently closed by a trust. Is that possible? I never heard of
such an outrage. I should think the managers of the trusts would be in
danger of their lives.”

“Now you are coming to it. See! it makes a revolutionist out of you to
even hear of such a thing,” said Benjamin; “yet you don’t see revolution
coming. Suppose you knew nothing but one trade, and you found the
factory in which you had worked all your life permanently closed by a
trust, and it was impossible to ever again work at your trade. When you
become an actor in such an affair it is worse than a picture in your
imagination. If you were placed in that position you would see what is
coming.”

“But has it really been permanently closed by the trust?” he again
asked.

“Closed! Why, certainly, and it is nothing new. Hundreds of factories
have been permanently shut down by trusts, in order to decrease
production, raise prices and throw thousands of laborers out of work.”

“Well,” said Mr. Smith, “I guess you are right, but what is it going to
be, and what are they going to do?”

“O, I don’t know. They will at least have revenge. It may be we’ll have
anarchy, and the fulfillment of the bloody scenes painted in that
wonderful book, ‘Caesar’s Column.’ Have you read it? It is fearful.
Enough to curdle a man’s blood.”

At this point Glen, who was still looking over his uncle’s scrap-book,
said: “I believe Uncle John is getting to be quite a Socialist, judging
from these clippings. Let me read some of them. They are mostly from the
metropolitan dailies”:

“WANT IN THE CITIES.

“A few days ago we quoted from an editorial in the New York Tribune to
show that there never before was such great distress in the chief city
in the country as at present, and that the victims were not merely
laboring men, unable to find employment, but professional people and
small merchants as well. The Times-Herald editorially testifies that
want is as general and intense in Chicago as in New York. It says:

“‘Perhaps since the great fire there has not been a keener occasion for
generous giving. The country is now in the fourth year of a period of
hard times. Very rich men have had their fortunes trimmed, so to speak;
moderately rich men have been reduced to a sharp counting of the cost of
casual luxuries. All classes have suffered in degree, but thousands and
thousands of those brave folks whose only hope in life is to fight for
the ship till they fall face forward fighting on the deck have been
precipitated from a hard-earned and perilous independence into a black
and hopeless poverty. * * * We do not share the opinion of the versifier
who wrote “Organized charity, cold as ice, in the name of a hard,
statistical Christ,” but we submit that the present crisis, when
ill-clad, half-famished shapes confront us on the streets; when the cold
pinches the denizens of hovels and tenements; when the children in a
thousand squalid homes cry for sustenance, when women fight for bread at
the county agent’s door, and able-bodied men swarm on the railroad
tracks, eagerly begging fragments of coal—this crisis is not to be met
with perfunctory measures.’

“In another article published in its news columns the Times-Herald
declares that:

“‘Chicago has 8,000 families actually starving to death.

“‘It has 40,000 wives, husbands and children begging for a pittance of
food to keep body and soul together—huddled into single rooms and
freezing in the blizzard that visited the city yesterday.’”

The next item reads:

“DISTRESS IN GREAT CITIES.

“The public authorities and organized charities of Chicago are having
more than they can do to care for the tens of thousands of destitute
people in the Garden City, and the New York Tribune confesses that the
want in that town is as dire as in Chicago. ‘At no moment within the
memory of the present generation,’ says the Tribune, ‘has the number of
unemployed in this city been so large as just now, and never before has
the strain on public and private charity been so severe as during this
winter season (1896–97). It is not merely the laboring classes—that is
to say, the classes who may be regarded as within facile reach of
philanthropic relief—who are the sufferers, but those who may be
described as professional men, clerks, the salesmen, the architects and
the literary men. Few, save the clergy and physicians, have any idea of
the extent to which privation and actual want prevail among these
victims of the bad times that are marking the close of the deplorable
Democratic administration, and doctor and parson alike wax eloquent
about the destitution of the families of those unfortunate men who,
while eager for work and ready to do anything for the sake of a living,
are for the first time in their lives unable to find employment of any
kind.’ After adverting to the sympathy extended to the unfortunate
inmates of Sing Sing and other prisons, who are losing their sanity
because there is no work to employ them, the Tribune adds: ‘It may be
questioned whether the first duty of the people of New York is not
toward those of their more honest and honorable fellow-citizens whose
enforced idleness, due to their inability to find any employment, is
driving them, too, to the verge of insanity—an insanity caused not so
much by the brooding over their own unhappy lot as by the spectacle of
their wives and little ones literally starving before their eyes. It is
not merely on the ground of philanthropy and charity that some means or
other should be devised for their relief, but on the score of policy and
economy. For the less enforced idleness there is outside the prison the
fewer convicts there will be within its walls.’”

The next clipping is as follows:

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                              CHAPTER II.


In November, 1897, when evil forebodings were everywhere hovering about,
Mark Mishler, a robust, big-hearted, good-natured lawyer, sat one day in
his office at Springfield, Ill. He had just been beaten in a case he had
tried before the Supreme Court because the law on which he based the
case was declared by the Court to be unconstitutional. He never was mad;
his good soul would not let him; but if ever he was perplexed it was
now. His mind reverted to the Constitution of the State. He read it
over, as he had done many times before, but now he took a special
interest in reviewing it. As he read and reread he said to himself:
“Thank God! There is one thing bigger than a Court—that is the
Constitution, and the people are above that yet. They make the
Constitution itself. It ought to have more laws embodied in it, and this
one should have been a part of it.”

And as he thought on, his mind reverted to the Constitution of the
United States. He turned to it and scanned it over for the first time in
many years, perhaps since he was a law student. He had little practice
in the United States Courts, and had had no occasion to read it. After
he had finished he leaned back in his chair in a meditative mood, saying
to himself: “There is the foundation of all our institutions, State and
National. That was the beginning. It was the corner-stone of the
Republic, and on it all that is good in this country is based.”

He thought on, and added to himself: “And all that is evil, then, must
likewise find its basis there.”

The very thought surprised him. In deep meditation, and with strange,
unaccountable feelings, he continued until he read the article
recognizing human slavery, and declaring the slave trade should not be
prohibited before the year 1808. He always knew that, yet he could
hardly believe his eyes. He read on till he came to the amendment
freeing the slaves, adopted nearly three-quarters of a century
afterward.

“Well,” he gasped, almost aloud, “I knew that; I helped pass that very
amendment freeing the slaves and, as we were charged at the time,
‘confiscating millions of dollars’ worth of property.’ But lawyer as I
am, with twenty-five years of practice, I never thought but Lincoln’s
proclamation freed the slaves.”

He dropped back in his chair, lost for half an hour in silent study. As
he sat, entirely consumed in his own thought, his very countenance
unconsciously brightened. His heart grew light. His eyes beamed within
him. He felt a sort of inspiration. A new idea, and a happy one indeed,
sprang like an angel of light into his mind.

He well knew, and had studied much, of the rise and fall of the grand
ancient civilizations, and with evil forebodings hovering like a dark,
dreary, dangerous cloud over our land, he had often pondered long as to
what would be the outcome with this one. As he went to and from his
office and his home, and each day met men strong, hearty, but
pale-faced, asking, not for bread, but in the name of God for work, he
could not well prevent the question recurring to his mind. He had often
thought the last star of hope for our civilization had almost set, but
as he sat there that moment, in all-absorbing thought, behind a suddenly
beaming countenance, all those evil forecasts left him. Our civilization
would live! The sad pictures of strikes, riots, war, famine, and
pestilence, and a constantly decaying civilization, were no longer stern
realities. It was like being awakened from an ugly nightmare by the
sweet chipper of the birds on a bright spring morning, with the
beautiful rays of the rising sun streaming through his windows.

He had seen, as by a flashlight, the people’s great highway to peace, to
prosperity, and to happiness. He saw wherein lay the power, the
strength, of the people. The ballot was indeed all-powerful. When
properly applied it was above and beyond Congress and Courts. It was the
Legislature that made laws for legislatures. It was the Court of Courts,
and from its decision there was no appeal. He had read again, for the
first time in years, the article (No. V.) in the United States
Constitution providing for its amendment, and for a Constitutional
convention. Through the United States Constitutional convention the
people’s will was law, upon which no court could pass judgment, even if
their law provided that the Court itself be abolished and the judges
retired to private life without salary or with the additional penalty
that they be transported. Anything the people wanted they might have.
What more could they ask or hope for by resorting to riot and war? How
many of the people knew this? Practically none of them.

Mark Mishler then and there declared to himself that

------------------------------------------------------------------------




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  An invaluable help to every reader and thinker.—=EX-GOV. JOHN P.
    ALTGELD.=


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                          TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES


 1. P. 88, changed “employed against the co-operator” to “employed
      against the competitor”.
 2. Please note that the sample sections beginning with THE LEGAL
      REVOLUTION OF 1902 are part of the advertisements. The sample is
      intentionally incomplete.
 3. Silently corrected obvious typographical errors and variations in
      spelling.
 4. Retained archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings as printed.
 5. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
 6. Enclosed bold font in =equals=.

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 67321 ***