[ii]

From M. Bayle.

That he was born in Flanders, educated at Paris, Lorrain, Venice, Bologna, and Padua; made great Progress in his Studies, having acquir’d a Knowledge in near Ten different Languages; was sometime in London, with the Emperor Ferdinand’s Ambassador; returned to Flanders, and from thence to Vienna, where he was appointed Ambassador to Solyman the Great, and soon set out for Constantinople; but not finding him there, was obliged to go to Amasia, &c.[iv] and during his long Stay in that Country, having a strong Propensity to Learning, collected many valuable Manuscripts, Coins, &c. Took great Delight in procuring rare Plants, and studying the Nature of Animals; made himself perfect Master of the Turkish State, Policy, &c. That the Account he composed of his Journey, is a very good Work, and deserves the Approbation of all good Judges; the Learned Sadelerius, in his Edition of it, Printed at Mons, asserts it deserves a Thousand Impressions. The Celebrated Thuanus owns he transcribed many Things out of it to insert in his History, and likewise gives a great Character of the Author and his Work. In short, as we have no good Account of that Country and People, an English Version, ’tis presum’d, will be agreeable to the Public.

N. B. Those who are inclin’d, may see a much larger Account of the Author in Bayle’s Dictionary, Vol. II.

As I promised you, at parting, to give you a full Account of my Journey to Constantinople, so, I shall now make good my Word; and I hope, with Advantage too. For, I shall also acquaint you with my Adventures in my Travel to Amasia, as well as That to Constantinople, the former being less used, and consequently far less known, than the latter. My Design herein, is, to allow you a Part of the Solace, of what happened pleasurable to me; for so the ancient Friendship betwixt us obliges me, to appropriate no Joy to myself, without communicating the same to you; but, as for what happened incommodious to me, (as, in so long and tedious a Journey, some Things must needs do) those I take to my self; neither would I have you concerned in them at all; for, the Danger being now past, the more grievous they were to suffer, the more pleasant will they be, even to myself, to remember and commit to Writing.

[6]

Upon the Receipt of his Letter, Ferdinand was at a stand; he did not fully believe, nor yet altogether disbelieve him; he was inclined to suspect, that the Memory of his former Sufferings, and the Fear of future ones, did deter him from that Employment, rather than the Danger of his Disease; and yet, on the other side, he did not think it creditable for himself to employ a Man that had so well deserved of him and of the Commonwealth, in any Service against his Will. But the Death of Malvezius, which followed a few Months after, did sufficiently convince him, that his Disease was not pretended, to decline the Employment, but was really a Mortal one.

Upon this, I was substituted in the Place of Malvezius: But, being unexperienced (as I said before) in the Affairs and Manners of the Turks, King Ferdinand thought it adviseable for me to bestow a Visit upon Malvezius in his Sickness, that so, by his Directions and Advice, I might be better cautioned and armed against any Impositions of the captious Turks. Two Days I staid with him, which was as much as the straitness of my Time would permit; and I husbanded them so well, as to be informed by him, what I was to act, and what to avoid, in my daily Convention with the Turks.

Whereupon, I posted back to Vienna, and began, with great Application and Diligence, to prepare Necessaries for my Journey. But such was the Flush of Business, and so little the Time allowed to dispatch it, that, when the Day fixt for my Departure came, though the King did earnestly press me forward, and I had been extremely Busy all the Day in equipping myself, and in causing Bag and Baggage to be pack’d up, even from the fourth Watch; yet it was the first Watch of the[7] following Night, before I could be quite ready; but then the Gates of Vienna, which at that time of Night us’d always to be shut, were opened on purpose for me. The Emperor went abroad a Hunting that Day, but he told his Followers, That he did not doubt but that I would be upon my Way, before he returned from his Sport in the Evening, and it fell out accordingly; yet so, that I was but just gone before he came Home.

At eleven o’Clock at Night, we came to Ficiminum, a Town in Hungary, four Miles from Vienna; there we Supp’d, for our haste was so great that we came Supperless out of Town; from thence we travelled towards Comora. The Emperor, among the rest of his Commands, had enjoin’d me to take along with me to Buda, one Paul Palinai from Comora, a Man well acquainted with the Rapins and Depredations of the Turks, and so was best able to assist me in my Expostulations with the Bashaw of Buda, and in my Demands for satisfaction of Injuries received. But he, not in the least suspecting that my departure would have been so punctual at the Day appointed, had not yet stirred from his own House, and there was no Body could tell when he would come; which uncertainty troubled me very much. I acquainted King Ferdinand therewith by Letter, and all the next Day stayed at Comora expecting his coming.

But the third Day, I passed over the River Vaga, and prosecuted my Journey towards Gran, the first Garrison of the Turks I came to in Hungary. Col. John Pax, Governor of Comora had sent sixteen Horse with me (of those that the Hungarians call Hussars) to be my Guard; and he had given them a Charge not to leave me, till they came in sight of the Turkish Convoy; for the Governor of Gran had signified to me, that his Soldiers should meet[8] me half way. We travelled about three Hours through a vast Plain, when, behold! there appeared afar off four Turkish Horse; and yet, notwithstanding, my Hungarian Guard accompanied me still, till I desired them to retire; for I was afraid that if they should come up to the Turks, some troublesome Bickering would have intervened betwixt them.

As soon as the Turks saw me to draw near, they rode up to me, and saluted me by my Coach side: thus we passed on a while together, discoursing interchangeably one with another, (for I had a little Youth for my Interpreter.) I expected no other Convoy, but when we descended into a low Valley, I saw my self on a sudden, surrounded with a Party of about a hundred and fifty Horse. It was a very pleasant Spectacle to a Man, unaccustomed to see such Sights, for their Bucklers and Spears were curiously Painted, their Sword-handles bedeck’d with Jewels, their Plumes of Feathers party-coloured, and the Coverings of their Heads were twisted with round Windings as white as Snow; their Apparel was Purple-coloured, or at least a dark Blue; they rode upon stately Praunsers, adorn’d with most beautiful Trappings. Their Commanders came up to me, and after friendly Salutation they bid me Welcome; and asked me, How I had fared on my Journey? I answer’d them as I thought fit; and thus they led me to Gran, for so the Castle is called, situate on an Hill, whose Foot is washed by the Danow, with a Town adjoining, built in a Plain. I retired into the Town, the Arch-bishop whereof is Primate of Hungary, and for Dignity, Authority and Opulency, is inferior to no Nobleman of that Kingdom.

Here I was entertained, not after a Courtly, but after a Military manner; for instead of Beds, they spread abroad course shaggy Rugs of Tapestry upon hard Boards; there were no Bed-ticks nor[9] Sheets: Here my Family had the first taste of Turkish Delights (forsooth;) as for my self, I fared better, for my Bed was carried along with me wheresoever I went.

The Day after my Arrival, the Sanziac of the Place (for so the Turks call a Governor, because a Sanziac (i. e.) a gilded brass Ball, is carried before him on the top of a Spear, as a Cornet to a Troop of Horse) was very earnest to speak with me; and tho’ I had no Letter, nor any other Command to deliver to him, yet such was his importunity, that go I must. And when I came, I found he had no Business with me, but only to see and salute me, and to ask me something of my Errand; and thus, exhorting me to promote a Peace, he wish’d me a happy Journey. In my Passage, I admir’d to hear the croaking of Frogs in such a cold Season of the Year as the Month of December; the cause was, the Waters stagnant in those Places are made warm by sulphureous Exhalations.

Leaving Gran, I went towards Buda; but to be sure, I took my Breakfast before-hand, which was likely to be my Dinner also; for there was no Place to bait at before I came to Buda. The Sanziac, or Governor of the Place, with all his Family, together with the Horse which he Commanded, came out of the Town with me, to bring me on my Way: I could by no means persuade him to omit this Office of Respect. The Horse, as soon as they came out of the Gates, began to shew me some sport, curvetting and discharging one against another; they threw their Bonnets on the Ground, and Galloping their Horses with full speed, by them, they took them up by the Points of their Spears; and many such Ludicrous Pranks did they perform. Amongst the rest of them, there was a Tartar, who had thick Bushy Hair hanging down over his[10] Shoulders; they told me, that he always went bare Headed, and would never have any other Fence for his Head, either against the Violence of the Weather, or the Hazard of a Battle, but his own Hair. The Sanziac, after he had accompanied me as far as he pleased, returned Home, but not before we had taken our Leaves of one another, and he had left some Guides for my Journey, in my Retinue.

When I drew near to Buda, a few Turkish Chiaux’s met me on the Way, (they are in the Nature of Pursuivants, or Serjeants at Arms, to carry about the Commands of the Grand Seignior, or his Bashaw’s, and are Officers of great Esteem in that Nation) by them, I was brought to lodge in the House of a Citizen, who was an Hungarian, where my Baggage, Coach and Horses, was better provided for, than myself; for the Turks take special Care that Horses, with their Equipage, be well accommodated; as for the Men, if they have but an House over their Heads to shelter them from the Weather, they think they may shift well enough for themselves. The Bashaw of Buda sent one to visit me, and bid me welcome, his Name was Tuigon, (which in Turkish, signifies a Stork) by him he excused himself to me, that he could not admit me into his Presence for some Days, because of a grievous Disease he laboured under; but as soon as ever he recovered a little Strength, he said, he would wait upon me. This Delay was the Occasion, that the aforementioned Absence of Palinai was less prejudicial to me, than otherwise it would have been, (to say no more) for he used great Diligence to Post after, lest he might come too late, and accordingly he overtook me a little while after.

I was detained at Buda a long Time, by reason of the Sickness of the Bashaw; ’twas thought his[11] Disease was Grief, which he had conceived for the Loss of a great Sum of Money, which was stolen from the Place in which he had hid it, for he was commonly reported to be a Penurious and Sordid-spirited Man. When he heard, that I had brought the Heer William Quacquelben with me, a great Philosopher, and an excellent Physician too, he earnestly intreated me, that he might give him a Visit to administer some Physick to him, in order to his Cure. I easily granted his Request, but soon after, was almost ready to repent of my Facility: For the Bashaw grew worse and worse, and, ’twas thought, he would not have recovered; so that I was afraid, if he had died, the Turks would say, my Physician had kill’d him, and by that means, the good Man might have run a great Hazard, and I myself also might have born Part of the Infamy, as being accessary thereunto; but it pleased God to free me from this Anxiety, by restoring the Bashaw to his Health.

’Twas at Buda I got the first Sight of the Janizaries, so the Turks call the Prætorian Foot; their Number, when it is fullest, is twelve Thousand, and their Prince disperses them all over his Dominions, either to Garrison his Forts against an Enemy, or to be a Safeguard to Christians and Jews, against the injurious Rage of the Multitude; for there is no well Inhabited Village, Town, or City, wherein there are not some or other of these Janizarias, to protect Christians, Jews, and other helpless Persons, from the Fury of the Rabble. The Castle of Buda is always Garrison’d by them; their Habit is a long Garment down to their Ankles, upon their Heads they wear the Sleeve of a Coat, or Cloak (for from thence, as they say, the Pattern was drawn) their Head is put into part of it, and part of it hangs down behind, flapping upon their[12] Shoulders; in the Front, or Fore-part of it, there ariseth a Silver-Cone, somewhat long, gilt over with Gold, and wrought with Jewels, but they were of an ordinary Sort. These Janizaries usually came to me by Couples; when they were admitted into my Dining-Room, they bowed down their Heads and made Obeisance, and presently they ran hastily to me, and touched either my Garment, or my Hand, as if they would have kissed it; and then forced upon me a Bundle, or Nosegay of Hyacinths or Narcissus’s, and presently they retired backward, with equal Speed, to the Door, that so they might not turn their Backs upon me, (for that is accounted undecent, by the Rules of their Order) when they came to the Door, there they stood, with a great deal of Modesty and Silence, with their Hands upon their Breasts, and fixing their Eyes upon the Ground, so that they seemed more like our Monks, than their Soldiers. But when I had given them some Cash (which was the only Thing they aimed at) they bowed their Heads again, and giving me Thanks with a loud Voice, they wished me all happiness, and departed. The Truth is, unless I had been told before, they were Janizaries, I should have thought them to have been a kind of Turkish Monks, or Fellows of some College or other amongst them. Yet these are the Janizaries that carry such a Terror with them wheresoever they come.

Some Turks supp’d with me often at Buda, and were mightily taken with the delicious sweetness of my Wine: It is a Liquor that they have but little of in Turkey, and therefore, they more greedily desire it, and drink it more profusely, when once they come where it is. They continued Carousing till late at Night, but afterwards I grew weary of the Sport, and therefore rose from[13] Table, and went to my Chamber; but as for Them, they went away sad, because they had not their full Swing at the Goblet, but were able to stand upon their Feet. As soon as I was gone, they sent a Youth after me, desiring me to let them have their Fill of Wine, and that I would lend them my Silver Cups to drink it in; for they were willing, by my Leave, to sit at it all Night in some Corner or other of the House. I granted their Request, and ordered so much Wine to be given them, as they desired, with Bowls to drink it in. Being thus accommodated, they tippled it out so long, till they were even Dead-drunk, and tumbling down, lay fast asleep upon the Ground. You must know, that it is a great Crime in Turkey to drink Wine, especially for those who are well stricken in Years; as for the Younger Sort, they think the Offence to be more Venial, and therefore more excusable in them. But seeing they expect no less Punishment, after Death, for drinking a little Wine, than if they drank ever so much, when once they have tasted of that Liquor, they go on to drink more and more; for having once incurr’d the Penalty of their Law, now, they think, they may Sin gratis, and account Drunkenness as a Matter of Gain. This Opinion, and others more absurd than This, do the Turks hold concerning Wine, of which, I will give you a remarkable Instance: I saw an Old Man at Constantinople, who, after he had taken a Cup of Wine in his Hand to Drink, us’d first to make a hideous Noise; I asked his Friends, Why he did so? They answered me, that, by this Outcry, he did, as it were, warn his Soul to retire into some secret Corner of his Body, or else, wholly to Emigrate, and pass out of it, that she might not be guilty of that Sin[14] which he was about to commit, nor be defiled with the Wine that he was to guzzle down.

But to return to Buda.

’Twould be too tedious for me to give you a large Description of this Place, and it were a Task fitter for one that writes a Book, than a Letter; yet not to be wholly silent, Buda lies in a pleasant Place, and in a very fruitful Country, it is extended all along the Brow of an Hill, so that on one Side it borders on a rising Ground, abounding with choice Vineyards, and on the other Side, it is water’d by the River Danow, running by it, and beyond the Danow, there is the Town of Pest, and a large Campain adjoining, both which Prospects are in View of Buda, so that this Place seems naturally designed for the Metropolis of Hungary. It was antiently adorned with many stately Palaces, belonging to the Nobles of Hungary; but those goodly Piles are now either quite fallen to the Ground, or else have many Props to support them from tumbling down; they are Inhabited mostly by the Turkish Soldiers, whose daily Pay being but enough to support them, they have no over-plus to lay out in Tyling, or Repairing, such large Structures; and therefore they do not much regard, whether it Rains through the Roof, or whether the Walls be full of Clefts, provided they have a dry Place to set their Horses, and their own Beds in; the upper Part they think concerns them not, so that they make a great Part of the upper Stories to be Inhabited by Weazels and Mice.

Besides, ’tis a Piece of Religion in Turkey, not to covet magnificent Buildings; for (say they) ’tis a Sign of a Proud, Lofty, and aspiring Mind, to covet Sumptuous Houses, as if so frail a Creature as Man, did promise a kind of Immortality, and an everlasting Habitation to himself in this Life;[15] when alas! we are but Pilgrims here, and therefore, ought to use our Dwellings, as Travellers do their Inns, wherein if they are secured from Thieves, Cold, Heat, and Rain, they seek not for any other Conveniences. So that all over Turkey you will hardly find a stately House, tho’ the Owner of it be never so Great, or Rich a Man; the Commonalty of them live in Huts and Cottages; the Nobles are for handsome Orchards, Gardens and Baths; but as for their Houses, tho’ the numerousness of their Families require large Ones, yet they have no handsome Gate-houses, or Porches belonging to them; nor Court-yards, nor any thing else Magnificent, or worthy of any Admiration. Herein they resemble the Hungarians, for except Buda, and (perhaps) Presburgh, there is scarce any City in Hungary, that you can call well Built. This Custom I suppose, they derived from their Ancestors, for they being a People given to Camp-discipline and therein trained, did not care a rush for Building great Houses, but looked upon their Towns only as temporary Habitations, which they were about to leave.

Moreover, whilst I was at Buda, I was very much taken with the sight of a strange kind of Fountain that is without the Gate of the Town, in the way leading to Constantinople, the Water whereof at top was boiling hot, and yet in the bottom there were Fishes playing up and down; so that you would think, they must needs be throughly boiled, before you could take them out.

’Twas the 7th, of December, before the Bashaw was so well recovered as to admit me to his Presence; and then, after I had sweetned him with some Presents, I made my Complaint to him of the Insolency and Ravagings of the Turkish Soldiers; and demanded Restitution of what they had wrongfully[16] taken away, contrary to the express of the Truce made, and which he himself, in his Letter to Ferdinand, had promised him satisfaction for, if he pleased to send an Envoy to Buda. But he, like a cunning Gamester, made as many Complaints of the Injuries and Losses They had sustained by Our Soldiers: And as for his Promise to restore the Places they had wrongfully seized and taken away from the Emperor; he eluded it, by sheltring himself under this Dilemma: Either I made a Promise, or I did not; if I made no Promise, then you can demand nothing of me: If I did make a Promise, I know Sir, you are a Person of that Understanding as not to conceive, that I can, or will perform it; for I am sent hither by my Master to Enlarge, not to diminish the Bounds of his Empire; so that I must by no means make his Condition worse than it was: ’tis my Master’s Business (Sir) not Mine; what you have to say on this Head, pray propound it to him when you come to Constantinople. To be short Sir, you know I am but newly Recovered, and therefore am not in a Condition to maintain any further Discourse. When this course Compliment was put upon me, I thought ’twas time to be gone, neither could I get any thing else from him, only a Truce, till the Grand Seignior’s Mind was known.

I observed, that when I was introduced to the Bashaw, they observed the old Roman Custom of crying aloud, Welcome, Welcome: and so wishing an happy Issue to my Negotiation. I observed also, that the Turks count the left Hand to be most Honourable in some particular Cases; the Reason they give is, because the Sword is worn on that side, and he that is on the right Hand has, as it were, the Command of the Sword of him that is at his Left, whereas his Own is free.

[17]

Matters being thus composed at Buda, as well as we could, my Companion Paliani returned to the Emperor; but I for my part, shipp’d my Horses, Coaches, and all my Family on some Vessels, prepared for me on the Danow, and so passed down the Stream to Belgrade; this was a shorter cut, and also more secure; for my Journey by Land to Belgrade, would at that Time have cost me at least twelve Days, especially, having such a deal of heavy Baggage with me; and besides, we had been in danger to be Robb’d by the Heyduc’s, so the Hungarians call a sort of plundering Thieves and Robbers; but upon the Water there was no fear at all of them; and besides, we compassed our Journey in five Days. The Vessel in which I was, was drawn along by a lesser Pinnace, in which there were twenty-four Oars; the other Vessels had but two large Oars a-piece. The Mariners rowed Night and Day without any Intermission, excepting only a few Hours that the poor Souls borrow’d to Sleep and Eat in. In my Passage down the River, I could not but observe the venturousness, not to say temerity of the Turks, who were not afraid to Sail on in the mistiest Weather and darkest Night, and when the Wind blew very hard too; and besides, there were many Water-mills, with several Trunks and Boughs of Trees hanging over the Banks, which made our Passage very Dangerous; so that some times our Vessel, by the boisterousness of the Wind, was driven to the Bank, and there dash’d against old stumps of Trees hanging over, so that it was like to split; this is certain, that she lost some Planks out of her Hulk, which made a terrible crack and noise when they were loosed therefrom. This noise awak’d me; leaping out of my Bed, I advis’d the Mariners to be more cautious: they lift up their Voices, and gave me no other Answer[18] than Alaure, i. e. God will help, and so I might go to Bed again, if I would.

Tho’ we speed pretty well, yet I am apt to believe, that at one Time or other, such Dangerous Sailing will be fatal to some Passengers. In our Passage, I saw Tolna, a handsome Town in Hungary; I cannot forbear to mention it, because there we had very good White-wine, and, besides the Inhabitants were very Courteous to us. Moreover, we passed in sight of the Castle of Walpot, seated on an Hill, and of other Castles and Towns besides; we saw also, where the River Drave, on the one side, and the Tibiscus, or Taise, on the other, made their Influx into the Danow. As for Belgrade itself, it is seated at the confluence of the Save and the Danow; the old City is built in the extreme Angel of the Promontory, the Building is old, it is fortified with many Towers, and a double Wall: Two parts of it are wash’d by the Save, and the Danow, but on that part where it is joined to the Land, it hath a very strong Castle on high Ground, consisting of many loftly Turrets made of square Stone; before you come into the City, there is a vast Number of Buildings, and very large Suburbs, wherein several Nations inhabit, viz. Turks, Greeks, Jews, Hungarians, Dalmatians, and many others. For you must know that ordinarily over all the Turkish Dominions, the Suburbs are larger than the Towns, but take them both together, they give the resemblance of large Cities: ’Twas at this Town, that I first met with some ancient Coins, wherein, as you know, I take a great delight, and my Physician aforesaid, Dr. Quackquelben, fitted me to an Hair, as we say, for he was as much addicted to those Studies as myself. I found a great many Pieces, which on one side represented a Roman Soldier, placed between a Bull and a Horse,[19] (for ’tis known, that the Legions of upper Mæsia did anciently encamp hereabouts) with this Inscription, Taurunum. This City, in the memory of our Grandfathers, was twice violently assaulted by the Turks, first, under Almurath; next under Mahomet, who took Constantinople; but the Hungarians, under the Banner of the Cross, made such a vigorous Defence, that the Barbarians were beaten off with a great deal of Loss. But at last, in the Year 1520. Solomon, in the beginning of his Reign, came before it with a vast Army, and finding it, either by the neglect of young King Ludovicus, or by the Discords of the factious Hungarian Nobles, destitute of a Garrison able to defend it, he took that opportunity to assault it, and so easily became Master thereof. And that Door being once opened, an Iliad of Miseries broke in upon poor Hungary, of which she is sadly Sensible to this Day; for this Pass being gained, there followed the Slaughter of King Lewis Ludovicus, the taking of Buda, the inslaving of Transilvania, and a flourishing Kingdom, hereby brought under the Yoke, not without a Terror struck into the Neighbouring Nations, least they also should partake of the same Calamities; by which Example, Christian Princes may take warning, never to think their Frontier Towns and Castles to be strong enough, nor sufficiently provided against so potent an Enemy as the Turk. For the Truth is, the Ottomans are herein not unlike to great Rivers, whose Swelling Waves, if they break down any part of the Bank or Jitty, that keeps them in, spread far and near, and do abundance of Mischief; so the Turks, but far more perniciously, having once broke through the Obstacles that stopt them, make a vast spoil where-ever they come. But to return to Belgrade, that I may prosecute the rest of my Journey to Constantinople.

[20]

After I had provided myself in that City of all Things necessary for a Land Journey, I left Semandria, heretofore a Town or Castle, of the despots of Servia, on the left side of the Danow; from whence we Journied towards Nissa. In our way thither, the Turks shewed us, from the higher Grounds, the Mountains of Transilvania, with Snowey Tops, but at a great Distance from us, and moreover, they pointed with their Fingers, were the Ruins of Trajans Bridge were: After we had past the River called Morava, we came to a Town of the Servians, named Jagodna; there I observed the Funeral Rites of that Country, which differ very much from ours, as you may find by this Relation following.

The dead Body was placed in a Temple, with the Face uncovered; near it were laid Victuals, as Bread, Flesh, and a Flagon of Wine: The Wife and Daughter of the Deceased stood by, in their best Apparel; the Daughter’s Hat was made of Peacocks Feathers. The last Boon that the Wife bestowed on her dead Husband, was a Purple Bonnet, such as noble Virgins us’d to wear in that Country. Then we heard their Funeral Plaints, Mourning and Lamentations, wherein, they asked the dead Corps, How they came to deserve so ill at his Hands? Wherein had they been wanting in their Duty and Observance, that he had left them in such a lonesome and disconsolate Condition? And such like Stuff. The Priests that ministred in this Service, were of the Greek Church. In the Church-Yard, there were erected on Poles, or long Staves, several Pictures of Stags, Hinds, and such Kind of Creatures, cut in Wood; when I asked them the Reason of this strange Custom, they told us, That their Husbands, or Fathers, did thereby signify the Celerity and Diligence of their Wives or Daughters,[21] in managing their Houshold Affairs. Moreover, by some Sepulchres, there hung Bushes of Hair, which Women, or Maidens, had placed in Testimony of their Grief for the Loss of their Relations. We were also informed, that it was the Custom of that Country, after Friends on both Sides had accorded about the Marriage of a young Couple, for the Bridegroom to snatch away his Bride, as it were by Force; for they do not think it handsome, that a Maid should consent to her own Devirgination, or first Nights Lodging with her Husband.

At a small Distance from Jagodna, we met with a little River which the Neighbouring Inhabitants called Nissus, and we kept it on our right Hand almost all the Way till we came to Nissa; yea, and beyond the Town, upon the Bank thereof (were there were some Remains of an old Roman Way) we saw a small Marble Pillar, yet standing, wherein there were some Latin Letters inscribed; but they were so defaced, that they could not be read: As for the Town of Nissa, for that Country, it is a decent one, and full of Inhabitants.

’Tis Time now to acquaint you with the Entertainment we met with at our Inns, for I believe you long to know. When I came to Nissa, I lodged in a public Inn; the Turks call them Caravarsarai, of which there are a great many in that Country; the Form of them is thus, it is a large Edifice, that has more of Length than Breadth; in the midst of it, there is a kind of Yard for the placing of Carriages, Camels, Mules and Waggons. This Yard is compassed about with a Wall about three Foot high, which joins, and is, as it were, built in the outward Wall that incloses the whole Building; the Top of this inner Wall is plain and level, and is about four Foot broad. Here the Turks[22] lodge, here they sup, and here is all the Kitchen which they have (for in the ambient Wall before spoken of, there are ever and anon some Hearths built) and here are no Partitions between Camels, Horses, with other Cattel, and Men, but the Space of that inner Wall; and yet at the Foot of that Wall, they so tye their Horses, that their Heads and Necks are above it, or at least may lean over it; and thus, when their Masters are warming themselves at the Fire, or else are at Supper, they stand near them as Servants us’d to do; and sometimes they will take a Piece of Bread or Apple, or whatsoever else is offered them, out of their Masters Hand. Upon the same Wall, the Turks make their Beds, after this Manner, first of all they spread a broad Piece of Tapestry, which is fitted as a Saddle-cloth by Day, for their Horses; upon that they put their Cloaks, their Saddles serve for a Pillow, and with the long Vests they wear at Day, they cover themselves at Night. And thus they take their rest, never provoking Sleep by any other Allurement. There is nothing done in secret, there all is open, and every Body may see what another does, unless the Darkness of the Night hinder him. For my Part, I greatly abhored this Sort of Lodging, because the Eyes of all the Turks were continually upon us, staring and wondering at our Carriage, according to the Customs of our Country. And therefore, I always endeavoured to lodge at the mean House of some poor Christian! but alas! their Cottages were so small, that many Times I had not room enough in them for placing my Bed; so that sometimes I slept in my Tent, sometimes in my Coach, and sometimes again I turned into the Turkish Hospitals; which, to give them their due, are very convenient, and not unhandsomely built, for they have several distinct[23] Apartments for Lodgings in them. There is no Man forbid the Use of them, either Christian or Jew, Rich or Poor, they are open equally to all. Even the Bashaw’s and Sanziacs, when they travel, make use of them. In these I thought myself lodg’d as well as in the Palace of a Prince.

The Custom of these Inns, like Hospitals, is this: They allow Victuals to every particular Man, that comes in as a Guest: So that when Supper-time came, there was a Servant that brought in a great wooden Dish almost as big as a Table; in the middle of it was a Platter full of Barley boiled to a Jelley, with a little Piece of Flesh, and about the Platter were some small Loaves, and here and there a Piece of an Honey-comb. When I saw this, at first, out of Modesty, I refused it, saying, that my Servants were preparing my own Supper for me, and therefore, advised them to give it to the Poor: He took it amiss, and prest it upon me, and alledging, that I should not scorn their slender Provision, that the Bashaw’s themselves us’d to eat it; it was the Custom of their Country so to do; they had enough left to give to the Poor, and if I would not eat it my self, I should give it my Servants; hereupon, I was enforced to take it, that I might not be counted uncivil by them; and after I had tasted a little of it, I gave him Thanks. The Relish of it pleased me well, for that kind of Gruel, as it is commended by Galen, so it is very wholesome, and not unpleasing to the Taste. Travellers may be entertained with that kind of Diet for three Days; but when that Time is expired, they must pack up and be gone. Here (as I told you) I was well entertained; but I met not always with such good Quarters. Sometimes, when I could not light upon an House, I lodged in a Stable; my People enquired after a large and capacious[24] one, in one part whereof was an Hearth and a Chimney, and the other part was design’d for the Herds of Cattle; for that is the Make of the Turkish Stables, that the Herd and the Herdsman lodge under the same Roof. I divided that part where the Fire was from the rest, by the sides of my Tent, and then I put my Table and my Bed by the Fire-side, and liv’d like an Emperor: As for my Family, they wallowed in a great deal of clean Straw, in the other part of the Stable: But some of them fell a Sleep by the Fire-side in the adjoining Orchard or Meadow where a Supper was preparing; the heat of the Fire was their guard against the coldness of the Night, and they had as great a care not to let it go out, as the Vestal Virgins had of old at Rome.

I suppose, you will ask me, how my Family relieved themselves against the inconvenience of their bad Lodging; especially seeing they could have little Wine in the middle of Turkey, which might have been some Remedy for their ill Lodging at Night. For the truth is, there is little Wine to be had in several of their Villages, especially, if no Christians dwell among them: For I must tell you, that the Christians being wearied out with the Pride and Insolency of the Turks, do many times withdraw themselves from the common Road into desert Places; which tho’ they are less fruitful, yet are more secure; and so leave their better Possessions to the domineering Turks. And whenever we drew near to any such Places, where there was no Wine, the Turks would very fairly tell us of it before-hand; so that I sent my Steward the Day before, with a Turk to guide him, to procure some from the next Villages of the Christians. And by this means it was, that the Distresses of my Family were something alleviated; ’tis true, I could not[25] get any soft Feather-beds or Pillows for them, or other Blandishments for Sleep; the Wine was instead of all: As for myself, I had some Flagons of choice Wine in my Chariot, so that I wanted none; thus I and my Family were provided for, as to Wine.

But, there was one Inconvenience, which troubled us more than the Scarcity of Wine, and that was, our Sleep was miserably interrupted; for we being to rise betimes in the Morning, and sometimes before Day, that we might come the sooner to our Inns at Night; our Turkish Guides being deceived by the Light of the Moon, would sometimes call us up at, or about Midnight, with a great deal of Noise and Clamour. For the Turks have no Clocks to distinguish Hours, nor Miles to shew the Distance of Places: Only they have a sort of Ecclesiasticks, which they call Talismans; this sort of People use a kind of Admeasurement by Water, and when they perceive thereby, that ’tis Morning, then they cry aloud from an high Tower, built on purpose, exhorting them to arise and worship God. They make the same Noise in the middle between Sun-rise and Noon, and likewise, between Noon and Sun-set; and, last of all, when the Sun is set, they cry out with a very shrill Voice, which hath no unpleasant Modulation, and which is heard farther than any Body would think. Thus the Turks divide the Day into four Spaces, longer or shorter, according to the Season of the Year: But for the Night-time, they have no certain Rule at all.

So our Turkish Guides being deceived by the exceeding Brightness of the Night they called us up before Sun-rising, and we started out of our Beds in great Haste, that so they might not impute any unlucky Accident, upon the Way, to[26] our Slothfulness; in the Morning, we pack’d up our Baggage, and put my Bed and Tent in our Waggons, harnessed our Horses, and were ready for our Journey, only expected the Word of Command. But our Turks, when they found their Mistake, fairly went into their Nests again, and after we had waited for them a great while, I sent to them, to tell them, we were all ready; and now the Delay was on their Side, my Messengers brought me Word, from them, that the Moon-light had deceived them, and therefore, they were gone to sleep again, for it would be a great while before it would be Time to go; and they persuaded us to try to sleep again too. And thus, we must either unpack all our Things again, to our no small Trouble, or else, we must endure a great Part of the Coldness of the Night in the open Air.

To prevent this Inconvenience for the future, I charged the Turks not to be so troublesome any more, as to rouze me out of my Sleep, for if they would but tell me over Night, at what Time they would rise in the Morning, I would be sure to be ready at the Time appointed; for I had Watches by me, that I intended to make Use of, which would not fail to acquaint me with the precise Hour of the Morning; and if they over-slept themselves, they should lay it to my Charge, so that they need not scruple to trust me with the Hour of their rising. They seemed to be somewhat satisfied herewith, and yet did not lay aside all their Solicitude neither; for in the Morning betimes, they awakened my Valet de Chambre, desiring him to go to me, and to see how the Index of my Watches did pointed; he so, and returned Answer to them, as well as he could, That ’twas very near Sun-rising, according as he found it. When they had thus tried him once or twice,[27] and found that he hit the Time right, they trusted me for the future, and admired the Structure of our Watches, that could so faithfully declare the Time; so that ever after, we slept out our Sleep, without any Disturbances from them.

From Nissa we came to S. Sophia; the Journey thither, and the Weather, for that Time of the Year, was very tolerable. Sophia is a Town big enough, and well inhabited both by Citizens and Strangers: It was heretofore the Royal Seat of the King of Bulgaria; and afterwards, if I mistake not, of the Despots of Servia, whilst that House stood, before it was overthrown by the Turkish Arms.

Afterwards, we continued our Journey, for many Days, through the pleasant, and not unfruitful, Valley of Bulgaria; all the Time we were in that Country, we had little other Bread, but only Cakes bak’d under Ashes upon the Hearth, which they call Togatch. The Women and Maids sell them, for they have no Bakers in those Parts; and when they perceive any Guests a-coming, that are likely to pay for what they have, presently they knead a little Dough, with Water, without any Leaven, and lay it upon Tiles, under the Ashes, and so bring it out piping hot, and sell them for a very small Matter; other Victuals is also very cheap there, a good Weather-sheep may be bought for thirty-five Aspers; a Chicken and a Hen for an Asper, a sort of Coin with them, of which fifty make but a Crown.

I must not omit to acquaint you with the Habit of these Bulgarian Women. They commonly wear nothing but a Smock or Shift, made of no finer Linnen-thread, than that we make Sacks of. And yet, these course Garments are wrought by them, with several sorts of strip’d Needle-work,[28] after a homely Fashion: With this lose party-coloured Habit they mightily pleased themselves, so that when they saw our Shifts, made of the finest Linnen, yet they wondered at our Modesty, that we could be contented to wear them without various Works of divers Colours wrought in them.

But that which I most of all admired in them, was the Tower, which they wore on their Heads, for such was the Form of their Hats. They were made of Straw, braided with Webs over them. The Figure of them differs from the Hats Women wear in our Country, for ours hang down on the Shoulders, and the lowest Part of it is the broadest, and so it rises as it were into a Pyramid at top; but theirs is narrowest below, and so rises up like a top, almost nine Inches above the Head; but that Part of it that looks upwards, towards the Sky, is both very capacious, and also very open, so that it seems made to take in Rain, as ours are to shelter us against them; but in that Space, interjacent between their upper and lower Part, their hang Pieces of Coin, little Pictures or Images, small Parcels of painted Glass, or whatever is resplendent, though never so mean, which are accounted very ornamental among them.

Those kind of Hats makes them look taller, and also more Matron-like, though they are easily blown off their Heads, by a blast of Wind, or by any light Motion they fall off themselves.

When they appeared to us in this Dress, I thought they resembled Clytemnestra, or some Hecuba or other, in the flourishing Time of Troy, coming upon the Stage. This Sight suggested to me some pious Meditations, viz. How frail and mutable a Thing that which is called Nobleness of Birth, is; for when I asked of some[29] of these Lasses, they that seemed to be the handsomest among them, concerning their Stock and Lineage, they told me, They were descended from the Chief Nobles of that Country; and some of them were of a Royal Progeny, though now it was their Fate, to marry Herdsmen or Shepherds: For Nobility is very little esteemed in the Turkish Dominions. For, I my self did afterwards see at Constantinople, and other Places, some Descendants from the Imperial Families of the Catacuzeni, and the Palæologi, living more contemptuously among the Turks, than ever Dionysius did of old at Corinth; nay, the Turks esteem no Men for their Birth, but only for their own perform’d Accomplishments, excepting only the Ottoman Family; for that they have a high Veneration, upon Account of its Original.

It is thought that these Bulgarians had their Original from Seythia, near the River Volga, and that they changed their Habitations and came into these Parts, when other Nations, either compelled by Force, or prompted by Choice, changed theirs; and that they were called Bulgarians, i. e. Volgarians, from the River Volga, aforesaid. Upon this Transmigration, they fix’d their Habitation upon those Parts of Mount Hæmus, that lie between Sophia and Philippopolis, which are Places naturally strong; where they, for a long Time, baffled all the Power of the Grecian Emperors, and killed Baldwin the Elder, Earl of Flanders, then Emperor of Constantinople, after they had taken him in an hot Skirmish. Yet, for all this, they were not able to resist the Power of the Turks, but were overcome and miserably enslaved by them. They use the Illyrian, or Slavonian Tongue, as the Servians and Rascians also do.

[30]

Before a Man descends into that Plain that lies over against Philippopolis, he must go through a Forest and a craggy Mountain, which the Turks call Carpi Dervent, i. e. The Gate of the strait or narrow Passage; but in the Plain before-mentioned, we met with the River Hebrus, having its Original from the adjoining Mountain Rhodope. Before we could pass the said Straits, we saw the Top of Mount Rhodope all cover’d over with deep Snow. The Inhabitants, as I remember, call it Rulla. From hence flows the River Hebrus, as Pliny says, and Ovid also affirms the same in this Distick.

In which Verses, the Poet seems to intimate the Shallowness of that River for want of Water. For though it is a great and famous River, yet, in most Places it is fordable: For, I remember, in my return from Constantinople, we forded over it near Philippopolis, to an Island on the other Side, where we lay in Tents all Night; but it happened, that the Waters swelled that Night by reason of Rain, that next Morning we could not repass the River, to come into the Road, without a great deal of Trouble.

The City of Philippopolis is situate on one of the three little Hills, disjoyned, and, as it were, rent from the rest of the Mountains, and is, as the Grace of those little Hillocks. While we were at Philippopolis, we saw Rice growing like Wheat, in the watry and marshy Grounds. The whole Plain, about the Town, is full of little round Hills of Earth,[31] which the Turks say, were raised on Purpose, as Monuments of the frequent Battles fought in those Fields, and the Graves such as were slain there. From hence, leaving the River Hebrus something on the Right, and Mount Hæmus, which runs forth into Pontus, on the left, at last we passed over the Hebrus on a famous Bridge, made by Mustapha, and so came to Hadrianople, which the Turks call Endrene.

This City was formerly called Orestia, before the Emperor Hadrian inlarged it, and called it by his own Name. It is seated at the confluence of the River Mariza or Hebrus, and the two small Currents of Thinsa and Harda, which there meeting in a joint Stream run into the Egean Sea. This City is not very large within the Walls; but, if you take in the Suburbs, and the Buildings which the Turks have added without, it is very capacious.

We staid but one Day at Hadrianople, and then went forward on the last Stage of our Journey towards Constantinople. In my Way thither there grew abundance of Narcissus’s Hyacinth’s, and (as the Turks call them) Tulips, which we beheld, not without Admiration, that in the midst of Winter, which is not favourable to such Flowers in other Countries, the Ground should be so garnished by them. As for Narcissus’s, and Hyacinths, all Greece abound with them; and they are so odoriferous, that, by reason of their Multitude, they are offensive to those Heads that are unaccustomed to such Kind of Smells. But the Tulip, hath little or no Smell, but its gaudiness and party-colouredness is its greatest Commendation. The Turks are great Admirers of Flowers, so that, though they are Parsimonious enough in other Cases, yet for a stately Flower,[32] they will not scruple to give some Aspers. And the Truth is, these kind of Flowers, though they were presented to me as a Gift, yet they cost me a great deal of Money; for some Aspers were always expelled in requital. Neither is there any other way of treating with a Turk, but by opening the Purse-strings, as soon as any Christian comes among them; neither must he think to shut them again, till he go out of their Country: While he is there, he must scatter his Coin, and if he get no other Advantage by it, yet it makes them more tractable. For the Turks are so ill-natured, and such under-valuers of all Nations but their own, that without this Open-handedness, there were no more living among them, for Strangers, than in the most desolate and uninhabited Places, by reason of the excessiveness either of Cold or Heat; but with the Bait of Liberality, you may catch a Turk at any Time.

About the mid-way between Hadrianople and Constantinople, there is a little Town, called Chiurli, memorable for the Overthrow which Selimus received in a Battle against his Father Bajazet, out of which he escaped by the Swiftness of his Horse, called Carabonluch, i. e. a Black Cloud, and so fled to the Cham, or the Precopeian Tartar, who was his Father-in-Law.

Before we came to Selimbria, which is a Town standing on the Sea-side in our Way, we saw the Ruins of an old Wall and Ditch, which were made by the later Emperors of Greece, which reached from that Sea to the Danow, to secure all that was contained within that Fortification to the Constantinopolitans, against the Incursions of the Barbarians; and there goes a Story, that when that Wall was a Building, a certain old Man delivered his Opinion to his Wife, viz. That that[33] Wall would not so much secure what was within it, from the Hands of the Infidels, as it would expose and subject it to their Rage and Fury, in regard it would add Courage to the Barbarians to assault it, and weaken the Courage of the Grecians to defend it.

At Selimbria we had a most pleasant Prospect of a calm Sea; and ’twas very pleasant to us to behold the smooth Water, and to gather Cockles on the Shore; yea, to behold Sholes of Dolphins sporting in the Water, which, with the Warmness of the Air, was exceeding delightful. It can hardly be imagined, how mild the Weather was in those Parts, though sometimes it be a little more boisterous at Chiurli; but here there is, as I may call it, a Thracian Gale, and an incredible Sweetness of Air.

When we came near to Constantinople, we passed over two pleasant Arms of the Sea, upon a Bridge built over them. I may safely say, That if those Places were cultivated by Art, as they are naturally pleasant, the Sun never shone on a better Country; but, alas! they seem to mourn for the Neglect put upon them by the insulting Barbarian. Here we had our Fill of choice Sea-fishes, which were even taken in our Sight.

When I lodged in those Inns the Turks call Imaret, I usually observed, that the Cracks of the Walls were all full of Pieces of Paper; and thinking something was the Matter, but not knowing what, I took out some of them, and finding nothing writ therein of any Consequence, I was more earnest to know of the Turks the Reason of their so doing; especially as I had observed the same Thing in other Places of Turkey before. At first they scrupled to tell me, as thinking perhaps that I would not believe them; or else, not being willing[34] to impart so great a Mystery of Things to such an Alien as myself. This made me the more inquisitive, till at last some of them, with whom I became more familiar, told me, That the Turks gave a great deal of Difference to Paper, because the Name of God may be written in it: And, therefore, they will not suffer the least Bit of Paper to lie upon the Ground, but presently they take it up, and thrust it into some Chink or Hole or other, that so it may not be trampled under Foot; and hitherto, perhaps, their Superstition may be tollerable, but mark what follows.

In the Day of Judgment, say they, when Mahomet shall call up his Followers from their Purgatory, (to which they were condemned for their Sins) to Heaven, to be there made Partakers of Eternal Blessedness; there will no Way be left for them to come to their Prophet, but over an huge red-hot Iron Grate, which they must run over bare-foot, (how painfully, you may guess, when you imagine a Cock to skip thro’ hot-burning Coals.) But at that Instant, (believe it if you can!) all those Bundles of Papers, which they have preserved from being trod upon, will immediately appear, and put themselves under their Feet; by which Means they will pass the red-hot Iron-Grate with less Damage; so necessary do they count the Work of saving a little Paper. And, to add to the Story, I remember that my Turkish Guides were once very angry with my Servants, for making use of Paper to cleanse their Posteriors, and thereupon made a grievous Complaint to me of their horrid Offence therein: I had no Way to put them off, but by telling them, ’twas no Wonder my Servants did such strange Things, seeing they also used to eat Swines Flesh, which the Turks abhor. Thus I have given you a Taste of the[35] Turkish Superstition; I shall add, That they account it a damnable Sin, if any of their own People chance (though unwillingly) to sit upon the Alcoran, (which is a Book containing the Rites of their Religion) and, if a Christian do it, ’tis Death by their Law. Moreover, they will not suffer Rose-Leaves to lie upon the Ground, because, as the Ancients did fable, the Roses spring out of the Blood of Venus; so the Turks hold, That it had its Rise from the Sweat of Mahomet.

I came to Constantinople on the 20th Day of January, and there found my Collegues above-mentioned, Anthony Wrantzius and Francis Zay; as for the Grand Seignior himself, he was, at that Time, at the Head of his Army in Asia, and had only left at Constantinople, Ebrahim Bashaw, an Eunuch, as Governor of the City, and Rustan, but deprived of his Vizier-ship; however I gave him a Visit and made him Presents, as being mindful of his former Dignity, and of the fair Prospect there was of his speedy Restitution thereunto.

It may, perhaps, divert you, and besides it is not wholly foreign to my Design, to acquaint you how this Rustan came to be strip’d of all his former Honours. Know then, That Solyman had a Son, called Mustapha, on a Concubine of his, born by the Bosphorus, (if I mistake not.) This Youth was in the prime of his Age, and in great Favour among the Soldiers. But the same Solyman had several other Children by Roxolana, whom he doated on so much, that he made her his Wife, by appointing her a Dowry; for that’s the Way of making and confirming a Marriage among the Turks. This Solyman did, contrary to the Custom of former Emperors, none of which had ever[36] married a Wife, since the Days of Bajazet the Elder; the Reason was, because the said Bajazet, being overthrown by Tamerlane, was, with his Wife, taken Prisoner by him, where he suffered many Indignities, but none affected him more, than the Uncivilities and Reproaches which he saw offered to his Sultaness, before his Face. The Memory of which Affronts made such a deep Impression on all those that succeeded Bajazet in the Empire, that, to this very Day, none of them will marry a Wife, that so, whatever Chance should happen, they might never fall into the like Indignity; so that, ever since, they beget Children on Women of a servile Condition, in whose Misfortunes they may be less concerned, than if they were their lawful Wives. And yet the Children begot on such Concubines, are as much esteemed by the Turks, as if they were born in lawful Wedlock, and they have as much right to their Fathers Estates.

So then, Mustapha, being of a promising Ingenuity, and in the Flower of his Age; and besides, being the Darling of the Soldiers, and the common People too, having so many favourable Circumstances attending him, he, after his Father’s Death, was by the Votes of all designed for his Successor in the Empire.

On the other Side, his Stepmother, Roxalana, with Might and Main, laboured to prevent it, and to secure the Empire for the Children begotten on her own Body, and thereupon presuming on her Marriage-Relation, she ceased not to disparage Mustapha, and to prefer a younger Son of her own before him. In this Design Rustan was both her Counsellor, and Assistant; they drew both in one Yoke, for Rustan having married a Daughter[37] of Solyman’s, by Roxalana, their Interests thereupon were reciprocal.

This Rustan was the Chief of the Bashaw’s, and Solyman’s Prime Vizier, having the chief Power and Authority with him: He was a Man of a sharp and very capacious Wit, and a great Grace to Solyman’s Government. As for his Original, he was the Son but of a Shepherd, and yet he seemed worthy of that Dignity to which he was advanced, if his sordid Avarice had not been a Blot in his Escutcheon. And to speak truly, Solyman himself observed this Vice in him, though upon all other Accounts, he was his choice and only Favourite: And yet this Crime of his turned to his Master’s Advantage; for being appointed by Solyman to preside over his Treasury, or Exchequer, which sometimes was very low, he was so thrifty in the Management of that Office, that he did not spare to raise Money, even by the meanest and most contemptible Ways. For he laid a Tax on Herbs, Roses, and Violets, which grew in great Men’s Gardens; he caused the Armour, Coats of Mail, Warrior’s Horses, of such as were taken Prisoners in War, to be sold, and by such Ways as those he got together such a Mass of Money, that Solyman was very secure on that Part; upon this Occasion, I remember, that a great Man among the Turks, who are usually vindictive enough, that was a great Enemy to Rustan, yet (to my Surprize) told me, That he would do Rustan no hurt, tho’ it were never so much in his Power, because his Care and Industry had advanced his Master’s Treasury to so prodigious a Sum. There is a Chamber in the Seraglio, at Constantinople, over which there is this Inscription, Here is the Cash obtained by the Diligence of Rustan.

[38]

When Rustan was Grand Vizier, and had the intire Administration of all Things in his Hands, he was able to turn his Master’s Mind, as he pleased, so that ’twas commonly reported among the Turks, That partly by the Accusation of Rustan, and partly by the Witchcraft of his Wife Roxolana, (for she was accounted little better than a Sorceress) Solyman was so alienated from his Son Mustapha, that he took Counsel to put him to Death. As to what some alledge, that Mustapha being sensible of the Designs of Rustan and his Step-Mother Roxolana, against his Life, did labour to preserve them, by taking off his Father, and so seizing the Empire by force; very few do believe that Story, but look upon it as a Fiction.

On this Occasion, let me tell you, that the Sons of the Turkish Emperors are the miserablest Creatures in the World; for if any one of them succeed his father in the Empire, the rest are inevitably put to Death by him. For the Turks cannot endure any Corrival in Government; and besides they are egged on to this severity by their Prætorian Bands, (Janizaries and Spahies) who, as long as there is any one of the Grand Seigniors Brothers alive, never cease craving of Largesses and Boons, and if the present Emperor refuses to grant them, they presently cry out, God save your Brother, God send your Brother a long Life; by which Words, they more than intimate their Wishes, that he were on the Throne. So that the Turkish Emperors are in a manner compelled to put their Brethren to Death, and so begin their Reign with Blood. But Mustapha was afraid of such a fatal end; or else Roxolana was willing to translate the said Destiny from her own Children upon Mustapha: Upon one or other of these Grounds, it was, that Solymon entertain’d[39] the thought of putting his Son Mustapha to Death. And the occasion fell out opportunely, for he had War at that Time, with Sagthama King of the Persians, thither Rustan was sent with a vast Army. When he drew near to the Borders of Persia, upon a sudden he made a stop, and wrote back fearful Missives to Solyman, telling him, That the whole Empire was in great hazard, there was nothing but Treason studied in the Army, they all cry’d out A Mustapha! A Mustapha! yea, the Disease was grown to such a height, that ’twas past his skill to cure it; and therefore the Emperor himself must come immediately, if he would have the Crown sit safe on his Head.

Solyman was mightily disturb’d at the News, and therefore posted away for the Army, and sends Letters to Mustapha to come to him, to purge himself from those Crimes, whereof he was formerly suspected, but now openly accused; if he could do it, he told him, he need not fear to approach his Presence. Upon the Receipt of this Letter, Mustapha was in a great Streight, if he should go to his Father, in such an angry Mood, he ran upon his Death; if he refused, that would be interpreted, as a plain Confession of the objected Crimes. Under this Dilemma, he resolved upon that course, which as it had more of Resolution in it, so it was fullest of Danger. Away goes he from Amasia, of which he was Governor, to his Father’s Camp, which was pitch’d not far from the place. This he did either out of confidence of his own Innocency, or else presuming on the Assistance of the Army, if any Severity were meditated against him; whatever was the Motive of his Journey, this is certain, that he run unavoidably upon his own Destruction; For Solyman ever since he was at Constantinople, had resolved[40] to put his Son to Death; and to make the Matter more plausable, he consulted the Mufty, (so the Turks call the chief of their Priests, as Romanists call theirs the Pope,) and that he might not speak to him in favour of Mustapha, he propounded to him a feign’d Case, thus, ‘There was a Wealthy Merchant at Constantinople, who having occasion to Travel a long Journey from Home, left the care of his Family, his Wife and Children, and all his Affairs to a Slave of his, in whose Fidelity he put a great deal of Confidence; now this Slave, immediately after his departure, designed to destroy his Masters Wife and Children, committed to his Care, and Embezil his Estate, and to work against his Masters own Life, in case he should ever get him into his Power; What may be Lawfully done, said he, to the Mufty, with such a Slave.’ He deserves says the Mufty to be Rack’d to Death. Whether he spoke really as he thought, or whither he did not do it to curry favour with Rustan and Roxolana; This is certain, that the Resolution of the Grand Seignior was greatly confirmed thereby to put his Son to Death, for he was of Opinion, Mustapha’s Offence against him, was as great, as that supposed Slaves against his Master. However it were, Mustapha came into his Fathers Camp, the whole Army being very sollicitous about the event of their Congress.

Soon after he was brought into his Fathers Tent, where all things were hush; not a Soldier of the Guards to be seen, no Serjeant, no Executioner in view, nor nothing of Treachery that was visible; but when he was come into an inner Tent, Lo! upon a sudden, there started up four Mutes, strong and lusty Fellows to be his Executioners; they set upon him with all their strength and might,[41] and endeavoured to cast a Cord about his Neck; he defended himself stoutly for a while, (for he was a Robust young Man,) as if he had contended not only for Life, but for the Empire. For without Question, if he had escaped that danger, and had come in among the Janizaries, they either out of Affection to him, whom they dearly Loved; or else moved with the Indignity of the Thing, would not only have saved his Life, but have gone near to have Proclaimed him Emperor: And that was the very thing, which Solyman fear’d of all things in the World; and therefore perceiving, as he stood behind a Linnen Vail in the Tent to behold the Tragedy, that unexpected stop was put to his Bloody Design; he peep’d out his Head, and gave the Mutes such a sour and minacious Look, in reproach of their remisness; thereupon they assaulted him with renew’d Force, and then threw poor Mustapha down on the Ground, and Strangled him; and after they had done, they carried his Corps out of the Tent, and laid it on a piece of Tapestry, that so the Janizaries might behold their design’d Emperor.

As soon as the Matter was divulged, Commiseration and Grief seized on the whole Camp, and there was scarce a Man of any Consideration in the whole Army, that did not approach to behold so sad a Spectacle, especially the Janizaries, whose Confirmation and Rage was such, that they would have ventured to attempt any Manner of Mischief whatsoever, if they had had a Leader. As for him whom they hoped to be their Conductor, he lay dead on the Ground, and therefore now there was no Way but one, to take that patiently which was past all Remedy.

Thus they silently departed with blubber’d Eyes, and sad Hearts, to their Tents, where they both[42] lamented and pitied the woful Fate of unhappy Mustapha, sometimes inveighing against the Madness and Rage of his old doating Father, at other Times exclaiming at the Fraud and Cruelty of his Step-Mother, and anon cursing the Wickedness of Rustan, with direful Imprecations for extinguishing so great a Light of the Ottoman Family, so that all that Day was a Fasting-day to them, they did not sip so much as a drop of Water; yea, some of them continued their Abstinence for many Days after. In short, there was such a Face of Mourning over the whole Army, which was not like to cease in many Days, that Solyman in Policy, and in a seeming Compliance with the Sentiments of his People, deprived Rustan of his Office (it being thought by his own Consent) and Banished him, as a private Person to Constantinople, substituting Achmat Bashaw to the Grand-Vizier-ship in his Room, a Man of more Courage than Conduct.

Upon this Alteration, the public Grief was somewhat abated, and the Soldiers Rage pacified; for the Commonalty was made to believe, That Solyman at last had found out the Wickedness of Rustan, and the Inchantments of his Wife; and that now he repented, though it were late, first of his Cruelty to Mustapha. and thereupon had banished Rustan from his Presence, and that he would not spare his Wife neither, as soon as he came to Constantinople. As for Rustan, he pretended great Sorrow, and departed to Constantinople, without seeming to have the least hope, ever to be restored to his former Dignity.

But alas! Roxolana was not content with the Destruction of Mustapha, as long as he had an only Son, who was yet in his Minority, alive; for she did not think her own, or her Childrens Security,[43] to be sufficiently provided for, as long as any of Mustapha’s Race were alive; but she wanted a fair pretence to accomplish her Design, nor was it long before she found One. She represented to Solyman, that as often as his Grand-child, Mustapha’s Son went abroad at Prusa, where he was brought up, the Youth of that City were wont to flock about him, to wish him all Happiness, and particularly to pray, That he might long survive his Father. And whither (said she) can this tend, but to prompt him to mount the Throne, and revenge his Father’s Death? And to be sure, the Janizaries will take his Part, (added She;) and thus the Death of Mustapha alone, will add little Security to the public Peace and Tranquility. Religion (proceeded she) is to be preferred before even the Lives of our own Children; and seeing that of the Musselmans, (for so they call their Religion, as counting it the best) stands and falls with the Ottoman Family; if that House fail, farewel Religion also. And how can that House stand, if Domestic Discord undermine it? And therefore Sir, if you prevent the Ruin of your House, your Empire and your Religion, you must use all manner of means; nay, you must not stick at Parricide itself; if homebred Disagreement and Feud may be thereby prevented; for the safety of Religion will over-ballance the Loss, even of a Man’s own Children. As for Mustapha’s Son, you have the less Reason to spare him, because his Father’s Crime hath already infected him, and there is do doubt, but, if he be suffered to Live, he will soon endeavour to Head a Party, to revenge his Father’s Death.

By these Reasons Solyman was induced to yield to the Murder of his Grandchild, and thereupon sent Ebrahim Bashaw to Prusa, to destroy the innocent[44] Youth. As soon as the Bashaw came thither, he made it his great Business to conceal his intended Design from the Child’s Mother; for, he thought, it would be look’d upon as an inhuman Thing in him, to cut off a Youth, with the Privity of his Mother, and, as it were, before her Eyes. And, besides, he was afraid the People would rise in Arms upon the Perpetration of so cruel a Fact; and therefore at first, Fox like, he sets his Wits at work to deceive the Mother. He pretended that he was sent by Solyman, out of Respect to her and her Son, to visit them; that his Master saw his Error in putting his Son to Death, which he now, too late repented of; but that the crueller he had been to the Father, the more indulgent he would be to his Son; and many such colloguing Words he used, whereby he imposed upon the too credulous Mother, who was the rather induced to believe him, because of Rustan’s Disgrace and Fall; and to crown his Flattery, he presented them with many Gifts. This past on for a Day or two, and then some Discourse was administred concerning their going abroad, out of the City, to enjoy the fresh Air. And the Bashaw, being an Eunuch, persuaded her the next Day to take a Turn in the Suburbs, she in her Coach, and himself, with her Son, would ride afore on Horseback. The Matter seemed not to afford any Suspicion, and therefore she consented, and a Chariot is prepared for her; but (mark the Fraud!) the Axle-Tree of the Coach was so made, on Purpose, that it must needs break, when it came to be jogged in any rough Way. Thus she, in an unlucky Time, began her Journey out of the City. The Eunuch and the Child rode a pretty Way before, as if they had Occasion for some private Discourse, and the Mother speeded[45] after as fast as she was able; but when the Coach came to the designed craggy Place, the Wheel violently hit against the Rocks, and so the Axle-Tree broke. This the Mother looked upon as an unlucky Omen, and therefore, in a great Fright, she could not long be restrained from leaving her Coach, and with a few of her Maids, from following her Son on Foot. But, alas! ’twas too late; for the Eunuch being come to the House designed for the Slaughter, without any more ado, shewed the Child the Emperor’s Mandate for his Death. He answered, according to the Principles of their Religion, That he looked upon that Command as proceeding not from the Emperor, but from God, which must necessarily be obeyed, and so he yielded his Neck to the Bow-String.

Thus died this innocent and hopeful Youth. When the Eunuch had perpetrated this wicked Fact, he stole out at a Back-door, and fled as fast as he could. The Mother, soon after, beginning to smell out the Fraud, knocks at the Door; when they thought fit they opened it, and there she saw her Son sprawling on the Ground, his Breath being yet hardly out of his Body. Here let me draw a Vail; for a Mother’s Affection to a Son in such a lamentable Juncture, may be better conceived than expressed. Upon this dismal Sight she was hurried back to Prusa, where she tore her Hair, rent her Garments, filled the whole Town with Howlings, Moans, &c. The Prusian Ladies, with their Daughters and Waiting-Maids, came in Multitudes to her, and were stark Mad to hear of so great a Butchery; and running in that raving Manner out of the Gates, all the Cry was, Where’s the Eunuch? Where’s the Eunuch? Let’s have him to tear him to pieces: But he foreseeing[46] what would happen, and fearing, like another Orpheus, to be torn Peace-meal by those raging Furies, had cunningly withdrawn himself.

But to return to my Purpose. As soon as I came to Constantinople, Letters were sent to Solyman, then at Amasia, to acquaint him with my Arrival; and, till his Answer was return’d, I had Leisure to take a View of the City of Constantinople; and first, I had a Mind to visit the Temple of St. Sophia, which I was not admitted to do, but by special Favour; for the Turks think that their Temples are prophaned, if a Christian do but put his Foot within them.

That Church is a magnificent Pile, and a worthy Structure to behold. It hath a great Arch or Hemisphere in the Middle, which hath no Light but only from the Sky: All the Turkish Mosks are built after the Form of this. Some say, that heretofore it was much larger, and contained many Apartments, which were all destroyed by the Turks, and only the Quire and Nave, in the Middle of it, standing.

As for the Situation of the City itself, it seemed to me, to be naturally placed as fit to be the Mistress of the World; it stands in Europe, and hath Asia in view, and on its right, hath Egypt and Africa; which, though Countries not adjacent to it, yet by reason of frequent Intercourse and Naval Commerce, they seem as it were, contiguous. On its left Hand is the Euxin Sea, and the Palus Mætis, whose Banks are inhabited round about by many Nations, and so many navigable Rivers have their Influx into them, that there is nothing grows in any of the Countries thereabout, fit for Man’s Use; but there is a great Conveniency of transporting it by Sea to Constantinople.

[47]

On the one Side, it is wash’d with the Propontis; on the other, the River makes an Haven, which Strabo calls, The Golden Horn, from the Similitude it hath to an Horn; on the other Side, it is joined to the rest of the Continent, so that it almost resembles a Peninsule; and with the continued back of a Promontory, it runs out into the Sea and a Bay, which is made there by the River and the Sea. So that from the middle of Constantinople, there is a most pleasant Prospect into the Sea, and even to the Mount Olympus, in Asia, which bears a snowy Head all the Year long. The Sea there, is wonderful full of Fish, which sometimes swim down from the Mæotis and the Euxine, through the Bosphorus and Propontis, into the Ægæan and Mediterranean Seas, and sometimes they swim from thence into the Euxin, according to the Nature of the Fish; and that in Shoals so thick and numerous, that you may catch them with your Hands. So that here is excellent fishing for Mackrel, Tunny, Cod, Porpois and Sword-Fish. But the Greeks fish more than the Turks, though these latter love Fish well enough; provided, they be of the Number of those, which they count clean; as for others, they had rather eat Poison than taste them, for a Turk had rather his Tongue or his Teeth were pluck’d out of his Head, than taste of any Thing they think to be unclean, as a Frog, a Snail, or a Tortoise. And herein, the Greeks are every jot as Superstitious as they; of which I will give you the Instance following.

I entertain’d in my Family, a Youth of the Greek Religion; I employed him as my Steward. The rest of my Servants could never persuade him to eat any Periwinkles or Cockles; but at last, they put a Trick upon him; they caused them to be so high-season’d and disguis’d, that he, mistaking[48] them for another sort of Fish, fed upon them most heartily. Whereupon, my People set up a Laughter, and threw down the Shells before him, where by he perceiv’d himself to be cozen’d: Whereupon, ’tis incredible to relate how much he was troubled. He went presently to his Chamber, and there fell a Vomiting, Weeping, and Afflicting himself most grievously, without any Intermission; insomuch, that two Months Sallary was not sufficient to expiate this Offence; for that’s the Guise of Greek Priests, according to the kind and greatness of the Offence, they lay a pecuniary Mulct upon those who come to Confess, and they never Absolve them till they pay it down to a Penny.

In the furthest Point of that Promontory which I mentioned before, stands the Palace, or Seraglio, of the Turkish Emperors: To me, it did not seem very magnificent, either for Work or Workmanship (for you must know, that as yet, I had not made an Entrance into it.) Under the Palace, in a low Ground, and as it were, upon the Sea-shore, are the Gardens of the Grand Seignior, where the greatest Part of Old Bysantium is thought to have stood.

I hope you do not expect to be informed by me, why the Chalcedonians, who built a City over-against Byzantium (the Ruins whereof are yet to be seen) were Sirnam’d The Blind; nor shall I tell you the Nature of that Sea, which always runs downward with a vast Stream, but never recoils with any Tide; nor will I spend Time to speak of those Hautgis which were brought to Constantinople from the Palus Mæotis, such as the Italians call Moronella’s Botargues and Caviare; the Description of all these Particulars would swell my Epistle to too great a Bulk, and besides, it would be needless; for both the Antients, and also Modern[49] Writers, have given Information of those Particulars at large.

To return then to the Site of Constantinople. There is no Place in the World more pleasantly seated to the Eye, nor more convenient for Trade. But, let me tell you, the Buildings therein (as in all other Turkish Cities) are not magnificent, nor are their Streets stately or large; nay, in Constantinople, they are so narrow, that they much eclipse the Beauty of the Place. Yet there are in it some valuable Relicks of old Monuments to be seen; but not so many as a Man would imagine, considering how many Constantine brought thither from Rome. It is not my Purpose to insist upon each of these Particulars; yet, a Word or two of the principal ones.

In the Area of the old Hippodrome, there are two Serpents cut in Brass; as also, a mighty Obelisk. Moreover, Constantinople doth gratifie us with the Sight of two memorable Pillars; One over-against the Caravaserai, where I lodged, and the Other in the Forum, called by the Turks, Aurat-basar, i. e. The Womens Court, wherein, from Bottom to Top, is engraven the History of a certain Expedition of one Arcadius, who built it, and whose Statue, for a long time, stood on the Top of it. And yet it may rather be called a Stair-Case, than a Pillar, because it goes winding up like a Pair of Stairs. I caused the Shape of this Pillar to be drawn, which I have by me. But the other Pillar, over-against the House the German Ambassadors used to lodge in, the whole Structure, besides the Basis and the Chapiter, consists of eight solid Marble or Red Porphyry Stones, so curiously joined together, that they seem but one continued Stone. For, where the Stones are jointed one into another, upon that Commissure, there is wrought a circular Garland[50] of Lawrels round about the Pillar, which hides the jointing, so that they which look upon it from the Ground, perceive no jointing at all. That Pillar hath been so often shaken by Earthquakes, and so battered by Fires happening near it, that it is cleft in many Places, and they are forced to bind it about with Iron Hoops, that it may not fall to pieces.

They say, That the Statue of Apollo once stood upon that Pillar, and that afterwards the Statues of Constantine, and of Theodosius the Elder, were erected there; but they are all thrown down, either by the Force of the Winds, or by Earthquakes.

The Greeks tell this Story concerning the Obelisk, in the Hippodrome, which I mentioned before, viz.

That it fell from its Basis, and lay for many Ages upon the Ground; but in the Time of the later Emperors, there was an Architect found, who undertook to raise it up to its Place; but he demanded a vast Reward for his Pains. After the Price was agreed on, he prepared abundance of Ropes, Pullies, and other Instruments, and by those means, he lifted up that vast Stone, within one Inch of the Place where it was to stand; but his present Apparatus being able to raise it no higher, the People, who in great Numbers were his Spectators, were of Opinion, that all his former Cost and Pains were lost, and he must begin anew to try to do the Feat some other way, to his vast Expence and Charge. The Artist himself was not discouraged; but being skilful in Mechanick Philosophy, he caused abundance of Water to be brought up to him, which, for many Hours, he cast upon the Ropes, to which the Obelisk hung; and those Ropes, being often wet and dry, shrunk a little, and by that means, lifted up[51] the Weight to its designed Station, to the great Admiration and Applause of the Vulgar.

At Constantinople I saw several Sorts of wild Beasts, such as Lynxes, Cat-a-Mountains, Panthers, Leopards, and Lyons; but they were so gentle and tame, that I saw one of the Keepers pull a Sheep out of a Lyon’s Mouth, so that he only moistened his Jaws with the Blood, without devouring it. I saw also a young Elephant, so wanton, that he would dance, and play at Ball. Sure you cannot chuse but laugh, when I tell you of an Elephant’s dancing and playing at Ball; but if I should say no more, why may you not believe me as well as Seneca, who tells us of one that could dance upon the Rope? Or as Pliny, who speaks of another that understood Greek? But that you may not think me an egregious Forger, give me leave to explain myself: When this Elephant was bid to dance, he did so caper or quaver with his whole Body, and interchangeably move his Feet, that he seemed to represent a kind of a Jig; and as for playing at Ball, he very prettily took up the Ball in his Trunk, and sent it packing therewith, as we do with the Palm of the Hand.

Among those wild Beasts, there had been a Camelopardalis, but she died a little before I came to Constantinople; however, I caused her Bones, which had been buried in the Earth, to be digged up, that I might inspect the Make of this Creature. It is an Animal a great deal taller in the Forepart than in the Hinder; and, for that Reason, it is unfit to carry a Man, or any other Burden. It hath an Head and a Neck like a Camel, but a spotted Skin like a Leopard, and therefore it is called by a Name derived from both, (i. e.) Camelopardalis.

[52]

It might have been imputed as a Piece of great Neglect in me, not to have visited the Euxine, especially as I had an Opportunity of sailing thither; seeing the Ancients used to account it as great a Piece of Curiosity to see Pontus, as to visit Corinth. Thither, therefore, I sailed with a prosperous Gale, and had the Privilege to be admitted into some of the Pleasure-Houses of the Grand Seignior.

In the Valves of one of them, I beheld the famous Fight of Selimus with Ishmael King of the Persians, excellently described in Checker-Work. I had also the View of many of the Orchards and Groves of the Turkish Emperor, which were seated in most pleasant Vallies. This I may say of them, That they ow’d little to Art, but almost all to Nature; so that I could not chuse but entertain such Epiphonema’s as these in my Thoughts, O most pleasant Houses for Nymphs! O choise Seats for the Muses! O Retirements fit for the Learned! To deal plainly with you (as I told you before) they seemed to me, as it were, sensibly to bewail their present Posture, and to cry aloud to Christians for their better Cultivation; and not they only, but much more Constantinople itself, yea, and all Greece too; which being, heretofore, the most flourishing Country in the World, is now wofully enslaved by Barbarians. Formerly it was the Mother and Nurse of all good Arts and liberal Sciences, but now, alas! it seems to call for that Culture and Humanity which once it delivered down to us; and, by Way of Requital, claims the Redemption of our common Religion from that Scythian Barbarism under which it groans; and call it may long enough, for (with Grief may we speak it) Christian Princes, now a-days, are otherwise employed; so that the Turks do not more domineer[53] over the poor Greeks, than Vices, such as Luxury, Gluttony, Sloth, Lust, Pride, &c. do over Christians, which so clog, enervate, and depress our Minds, that we can hardly look Heaven-ward, or aspire to any Thing that is truly Great and Excellent.

Methinks, Duty and Piety should have been sufficient Motives to us to help our afflicted Brethren; but if we had been proof against those Incentives, so that neither brave nor praise-worthy Actions could unthaw our frozen Courage; yet Profit and Advantage, which are now the great Bias of the World, might have stirred us up to recover such opulent and commodious Countries from Infidels, and to possess them ourselves: But, on the contrary, we plow the Ocean, even as far as the Indies, and the very Antipodes, because there we get rich Prey and Spoil at a cheap Rate, even without Bloodshed, by imposing on the simple and uncrafty Indians. ’Tis true, we pretend the Conversion of the Heathens, but, if we go to the Root of the Matter, (to our Shame be it spoken) ’tis their Gold, not their Godliness, is the Gain we seek for. Our Ancestors carried it at quite another Rate, who did not, like trading Merchants, seek after those Places where there was most Wealth, but where there was greater Opportunity for noble and virtuous Atchievements; so that it was not Profit, but Honour, which put them upon hazardous and remote Expeditions: And when they came home, they were more laden with Glory than with Plunder. I speak this in your Ear; for others, perhaps, may think it a peculiar thing in me, to detract from the Manners of the present Age. But, let them think what they will, I see that the Arrow is drawn to the Head to destroy us; and I am afraid, that we, who would not fight for[54] Glory, shall be forced to do it to save our Lives. But to return to Pontus.

The Turks call the Euxine, Caradenis, (i. e.) The Black Sea. It falls down thro’ narrow Streights into the Thracian Bosphorus, where its Waters are tossed up and down by many Vortices, Turnings, and Windings, occasioned by several Promontories jutting out into it; and thus, in one Day’s Passage, it descends to Constantinople, and from thence, almost by the like strait Passage, it breaks out into the Propontis. In the Middle of the Bay, where it makes its Influx into the Bosphorus, there is a Rock with an erected Pillar, in the Basis whereof is writ the Name of a certain Roman, called Octavian, (if my Memory fail not) in Latin Letters.

On the European Shore there is a Tower, called Pharos, where they hang out Lights in the Night, to guide Sailors by. Not far from this Place, a River falls into the Sea, in the Channel whereof there are found Stones, little inferior to Onyxes or Sardonyxes, and, if they be polished, are as shining as they. A few Miles from that Bay, which I lately spoke of, we may see those Streights over which Darius wasted his Army against the European Scythians: And about the Middle, between the two Mouths of the Bosphorus, there are two Castles, one of which is in Europe, and the other on the opposite Shore, in Asia. This latter was possessed by the Turks long before Mahomet took Constantinople. The other was built by him some few Years after he became Master of that City. The Turks make use of it, at this Day, as a Prison for the nobler Sort of their Captives. Lazarus, a Commander, or Prince of the Epitots not long ago was taken Prisoner by the Turks, together with some Spaniards at Castlenovo,[55] and committed to this Tower; from whence making his Escape, and being retaken, he was impal’d, (i. e.) put to a most cruel Death, by having a Pole thrust thro’ his Body, from his Fundament to his very Neck; yet he indured it with incredible Patience.

Perhaps you expect that I should here give you an Account of those floating Islands, called Cyaneæ or Symplegades. But, to deal freely with you, those few Hours that I spent on the Pontus, I saw no such Islands at all; whether they had been carried to any other Place, I know not: If you desire to have a more particular Information concerning them, you may consult Peter Gyllius, who was an exact Enquirer into such Curiosities; for my Part, I shall record only what I saw, or know to be true. Yet I think it is not fit for me to conceal a Mistake that Polybius is guilty of; for he proposes many Arguments, to prove that, in Tract of Time, the Euxine will be choaked up with Sand and other Trash, brought in by the Danow, the Borysthenes, and other great Rivers falling into it, that it would be made unfit for Navigation; whereas, the contrary appeared to me; for that Sea is every jot as navigable, at this Day, as it was of old in the Days of Polybius. And though he seemed to have some Grounds for his Opinion, that to him were irrefragable, yet Time hath shewed them to be weak. The like Observation holds in other Cases; for, of old, who would not believe the Ancients, who affirmed, upon seemingly imaginable Grounds, That the Torrid Zone was inhabitable? whereas, later Discoveries have fully convinced us, That those hot Countries are as well inhabited as any other Part of the Terrestial Globe; nay, when the Sun is at the highest with them, and darts down its Rays perpendicularly[56] upon them; even at that very Time the Ardency of the Heat is so tempered and cooled by continued Rains, that those Countries are rendered very fit for human Habitations. But to return.

After the Grand Seignior was informed, by Letters, of my Arrival (as I said before) he sent to the Governor of Constantinople, intimating his Pleasure, that he should send us to him into Asia, as far as the City of Amasia, or (as it is writ on ancient Coins) Amazeia, where he then was. Upon this Advice we prepared all Things for our Journey; and, with our Guides, on the 9th of March we were wafted over into Natolia, (for so the Turks call Asia at this Day.) That Day we went no farther than Scutari, a Town on the Asiatick Shore, opposite to Old Byzantium; where, or very little above it, the noble City of Chalcedon was formerly thought to stand. The Turks were of Opinion, That when our Horses, Coaches, Baggage, and Train, together with ourselves, were all got over the Hellespont, ’twas enough for one Day’s Journey; especially considering, that if we had forgot any of the necessary Accoutrements for our Journey, or had left them behind at Constantinople, (as it sometimes happened) we might bethink ourselves before we went any farther, and fetch them over. The next Day we continued our Journey from Scutari, over fragrant Fields, full of odoriferous Plants, and especially Stæchas’s, a sweet smelling Spike. There we saw a vast Number of Tortoises, stalking over all the Field, without any Fear at all. We had certainly seized upon a great many of them, as a Prey grateful to our Palates, had it not been for our Turkish Guides, whom we were afraid to disoblige; for if they had seen any of them brought to our Table, much[57] more, if they had touched them, they would have thought themselves so defiled, that I know not how many Washings would not have cleansed their imagined Pollution. For, as I told you before, the Turks, and the Greeks too, are so superstitious, that they abhor ever to touch of that Animal; so that, it being no hurtful Creature, and no body endeavouring to catch them, the whole Country abounds with Tortoises. I kept one of them by me a great while, which had two Heads, and it would have lived much longer, if I had been as careful of it as I might. That Day’s Journey brought us to a Village, called Cartaly, which I mention, because I shall, for the future, gratify you with the Knowledge of the several Stages of this Voyage. For tho’ the Journey from Vienna to Constantinople hath been performed by many, yet this from Constantinople to Amasia, hath, as yet, been undergone by no Christian that I know of. From Cartaly we came to Gabise, a Town of Bithynia, which some think was anciently called Libyssa, and is famous for the Sepulchre of Hannibal, who was there interred. From thence there is a most pleasant Prospect into the Sea, and into the Bay of Nicomedia; here also grow Cyprus Trees of a wonderful Bulk and Tallness.

Our fourth Day’s Journey from Constantinople brought us to Nicomedia, a City, anciently of great Note; but we saw nothing remarkable in it, but the Ruins and Rubbish of old Walls, with some broken Pieces of Pillars with their Chapiters, which were all the Remainders of its ancient Splendor, except one Castle on an Hill, which was somewhat more entire. A little before we came to this Place, some Workmen, that were digging under Ground, discovered a long Wall made with Marble,[58] which (it may be) was part of the ancient Palace of the Kings of Bithynia.

From Nicomedia, we passed over a Cliff or Ridge of Mount Olympus, and came to a Village called Kasockly, and from thence to Nice; but it was so late before we came thither, that the first Watch was set. Not far from that Place, I heard a mighty Noise, as if it had been of Men that jeer’d and mock’d us. I asked what was the Matter? Whether any of the Mariners, rowing on the Lake Ascanius, (which was not far off) did deride us, for travelling at that unusual Time of Night? I was answered, No, but it was only the howling of certain Beasts, which the Turks call Ciacals, or Jacals. They are a Sort of Wolves, somewhat bigger than Foxes, but less than common Wolves; yet as greedy and devouring as the most ravenous Wolves or Foxes of all. They go in Flocks, and seldom or never hurt either Man or Beast, but get their Food by Craft and Stealth, more than by open Force. Thence it is, that the Turks call subtle and crafty Persons, especially the Asiaticks, by the Metaphorical Name of Ciacals. Their Manner is to enter into the Tents or Houses of the Turks, in the Night-Time, and what they can catch that is eatable, that they eat; and if they find nothing else to devour, then they fall a gnawing of all Kinds of Leather Things, as Shoes, Boots, Girdles, Scabbards of Swords, and the like; and they are as cunning as they are thievish; but in this they are very ridiculous, that they discover themselves by the Noise they make. For whilst they are most busy in a House, devouring their Prey, if any one of their Herd, that stays without Doors, chance to howl, they all set up a howling likewise; and thus, forgetting where they are, they raise up the People of the House,[59] who leap out of their Beds, and cudgel them soundly.

All the next Day we staid at Nice; I believe my Lodging was in the same House where the Council of Nice was heretofore celebrated. As for the Town itself, it is seated on the Bank of the Lake Ascanius. The Walls of it are almost entire, so are the Gates, which are but four, and may all may be seen from the Middle of the Market-Place; in each of them there were old Inscriptions in Latin, which shew that the Town was repaired by Antoninus: which of them I do not well remember; but sure it must be by Antoninus the Emperor. There are also some Remainders of his Baths, and whilst the Turks were digging out Stones from thence to build Houses at Constantinople, they found the Statue of a Soldier in his Armour, curiously wrought, and almost entire; but they quickly battered it with their Hammers, even in our View; and when we shewed ourselves displeased at their rude Violence, they paid us with a Jeer, What, said the Labourers, will you bow down to worship this Statue, as you Christians used to do to yours?

From Nice we continued our Journey to a Place called Jenysar. From Jenysar to Ackbyuck, from Ackbyuck to Bazargyck, from Bazargyck to Bosowick, otherwise called Cassumbasa, seated in the narrowest Streights of Mount Olympus; for almost all our Way from Nice thither, lay through the Cliff of that Mountain. At Nice we lodged in a Turkish Inn, or Hospital, and just against it was a Rock, standing on high Ground, wherein there was a square deep Trench cut, and from the Bottom thereof there issued out a Canal, that reached to the Highway. That Trench or Ditch, the ancient Inhabitants of that Place used, in the[60] Winter Time, to fill with Snow; that so the melted Snow-Water gently dropping down into the Road, by the fore-mentioned Canal, might quench the Thirst of parched Travellers. Such Works as these the Turks count Eleemosynary ones; because they are for the publick Benefit and Advantage of Mankind.

Not far from this Place, on the Right Hand, we saw a Town, called Otmanlick, borrowing its Name, (as I conceive) from Ottoman, the Founder of the Ottoman Family, who lived there.

From those Streights we descended into an open Campaign; and when we came thither, we lay the first Night in our Tents, whereby the Heat did not so much incommode us, as otherwise it would have done; the Place was called Chiausada. The most remarkable Things we saw here, was a subterraneous House, that had no Light, but only what stole in at the Roof: We saw also that Sort of Goats, of whose Hair, (or Fleece, if you had rather call it so) they make the Shagreen or watered Stuff, called Camlet. If you would know the Nature of that Creature, I shall not entertain you with a Flam, but give you the true Description of it.

The Hair of this Creature is very fine, and extreamly white, and it hangs down from their Bodies to the Ground. The Goat-herds do not sheer, but kemb it off, and it is almost as fine as Silk. These Goats are often washed in the neighbouring Rivers, and feed upon the Grass growing there, which is very tender and dry, and that certainly contributes much to the Fineness of their Wool; for if they are removed to another Place, their Fleece changes with their Pasture, and their Kids do so degenerate, that one would hardly think[61] them of the same Breed. The Thread that is spun of that Hair or Wool, is carried, by the Women of that Country, to Ancyra, a City of Galatia, where it is woven into Cloth and dy’d, as I shall tell you anon.

Moreover the Sheep of those Countries have very fat and weighty Tails, (their Sheep-Flocks consist hardly of any other.) The Tail of any one of them weighs sometimes three or four Pound, and sometimes eight or ten; yea, they grow so big in some old Sheep, that they are forc’d to lay them upon a Plank, running on two little Wheels, that so they may draw them after them, not being otherwise able to trail them along.

Perhaps you will think I tell you a Romance; but, take it on my Word, it is a certain Truth. I grant, such bulky Tails may be of some Advantage, because they are full of Fat; but the Flesh of the Sheep seemed more harsh and rank to me, than our own Mutton. The Shepherds that tend them lie Day and Night in the Fields, and carry their Wives and Children about with them, in Waggons, which serve them instead of Houses; only sometimes they erect small Tents to lie under. They wander far and near, sometimes in the open Campaign, sometimes over Hills, sometimes over Dales, as the Season of the Year, and the Necessity of Pasturage, doth require.

I saw also in those Countries, some Sort of Birds, unknown to us, and such as I never saw before. Among the rest, there is a Kind of Ducks, which gives a Sound like Trumpeters, or such as blow the Cornet; the Noise they make is almost like the Sound of a Post-Boy’s Horn. It is a Bird, which though it hath nothing wherewith to defend itself, yet is very strong and daring.

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The Turks are verily persuaded, that the Devils are afraid of these Birds. This is certain, they are so tenaciously sensible of their Liberty, that tho’ they have been kept up tame in a Coop, for three Years together, yet if they can but get an Opportunity to escape away, they fly to their wonted Haunts, as preferring their natural Seats before their confined Prisons, though they be cramm’d and fatten’d there.

We passed on from Chiousada to Karali; from Karali to Hazdengri; from thence to Mazotthoy; from Mazotthoy we passed over the River Sangar, which runs into Pontus out of Phrygia, and came to Mahathli, from thence to Zugli, thence to Chilancyck; from Chilancyck to Ialancich; from thence to Portughin; and from Portughin we reached to Ancyra, called by the Turks, Angur. We staid one whole Day at Ancyra, partly because the Turks did not hasten us; for, in regard the Persian Embassador made an Halt, we were desired to do so too, that we might make our Entrances, both at one Time, into Amasia. I saw nothing remarkable in all the Villages aforementioned, save that sometimes, among the Turkish Sepulchres, we happened to see some Pillars, or ancient Stones of curious Marble, wherein there were several Remains of Latin or Greek Inscriptions, but so defaced, that they could not be read; which Disappointment I very much resented, for all my Delight was, as soon as I came to my Inn at Night, to enquire after old Inscriptions, together with Latin and Greek Coins; and sometimes for rare Kinds of Plants.

As for the Sepulchres, or Graves of the Turks, their Custom is, not to fill them with Earth, but throw great Stones upon them for a Covering. Would you know the Reason? ’tis Superstitious[63] enough. The Turks believe, that whenever the Devil accuses the Deceased, and calls upon him to give an Account how he spent his Life; then his good Genius will defend him, and this Stone is the Place upon which the Ghost must sit, that he may plead his Cause with more Care; and it is so huge and bulky, that Dogs, Wolves, or other ravenous Beasts, especially the Hyænæ, may not injure his Corps as it lies in the Earth.

The Hyæna is a Beast common in these Countries; she uses to dig up Graves, and taking out the dead Bodies from thence, carries them to her Den, near which you shall see a great Heap of Bones of Men, Horses, and other Creatures. She is a little lower than a Wolf, and quite as long; she hath a Skin like a Wolf, only her Hair is rougher and full of great black Spots; her Head is contiguous to her Spina dorsi, without any vertebræ at all; so that, when she looks backward, she must of necessity turn her whole Body: Instead of a Row of Teeth, she hath but one continued Bone. The Turks do ascribe great Vertue to this Beast, in Philtres, as did the Antients: there were two of them at Constantinople, when I was there; I cheapned them, but their Owners were unwilling to sell them, because they kept them for the Sultaness, who was thought, by Love-Portions, and Magic Art, to have engaged her Husband’s Love to her. Here I cannot chuse but take Notice of a Mistake in Bellonius, who thinks the Hyæna to be the same Creature with that we call the Zibeth or Musk-Cat.

The Turks have a Tradition, that the Hyæna, which they call Zirtlan, understands what Men say one to another. The Antients affirm’d, that they could also imitate Man’s Voice, and thereupon Hunters catch them by this Wile. They find out[64] her Den, which they may easily do by the heap of Bones lying by it; and then one of them goes in with a Rope, leaving the other End of the Rope in the Hands of his Fellows without; and when he is creeping in, he cries with a loud Voice, Joctur, Joctur, Ucala! i. e. She is not here, She is not here! or, I cannot find her! whereupon, the Hyæna, thinking she is not discovered, lies close, and he ties one end of the Rope about her Leg; and then he goes forth, still crying, I cannot find her! but when he is escaped quite out of the Hole, he cries out aloud, She is within, She is within! which the Hyæna hearing, and understanding the meaning of it, leaps out, thinking to escape; but then they hold her back by the Rope, tied to her Leg, and either kill her, or, if they use Care and Diligence, lake her alive, for she is a fierce Creature, and defends herself desperately.

I found abundance of Old Coins all up and down this Country, especially of the later Emperors, viz. the Constantines, the Constantius’s, the Justin’s, the Valens’s, the Valentine’s, the Numerian’s, the Probus’s, the Tacitus’s, and such like. In many Places the Turks use them for Weight, viz. of a Drachm, or half a Drachm; and they call it Giaur Manguri, i. e. the Money of the Pagans or Infidels. The like Coins I found in the neighbouring Cities of Asia, as at Amysus, at Synopis, at Cumana, at Amastris, and Amasia itself, whither we were going. There was a Brasier of that City which grieved me very much; for demanding of him, whether he had any Old Coins to sell? He answered me, That a few Days ago, he had a large Room full of them, but had melted them down to make Brass Kettles, as thinking them of little Value, and fit for no other Use. When I heard this Story, it troubled me much to lose so many choice Monuments of Antiquity;[65] but I paid him back in his own Coin, by telling; him, That I would have given him a hundred Guilders for them; so that my Revenge was suited to his Injury; for I sent him away as sorrowful, as he did me for losing the Coins.

As for Plants, I saw very few in my Journey in those Parts, which were unknown to us in Europe. They were almost all of the same Kind; only they were more or less flourishing, according to the Richness or Poverty of the Soil. The Amomum, which, Dioscorides says, grows near Pontus, I very diligently sought for, but in vain; so that I knew not whether that Plant did not fail in that Country, or else was transplanted into another.

This Town of Ancyra, was our 9th Stage from Constantinople. It is a Town of Galatia, sometimes the Seat of the Gauls, called by Pliny, Tectosagum; nor was it unknown to Strabo: Though perhaps the present Town is but part of the old Town, called in the Canons, Anguira. Here we saw a stately Superscription, and a Sampler of those Tables, wherein the Atchievments of Augustus were summarily comprehended. I caused as much of it, as we could read, to be transcribed. It is cut in the Marble Walls of that Structure, which heretofore was the Town-hall; but is now demolished, so that one part of it is visible to those that enter on the right Hand, and the other to those that enter upon the left. The top Chapiters are almost entire; the Middle is full of Clefts, and the lowermost Part of it is so battered with Clubs and Hatchets, that it cannot be read; which Loss cannot be sufficiently lamented by all Lovers of Learning; and so much the more, because the Commons of Asia, dedicated this City to Augustus. Here also, we were Eye-witnesses of the dying of that Cloth, I spake of before, made of Goats-wool, and how[66] they Camlet it, or give it its Water-colour; ’tis done thus. They pour Water upon it, and by means of a Cloth-press, cause it to receive that Colour. That is counted the best, which is most variegated in every part; and if, in any Piece, the Water-colours do not deeply and uniformly appear, that Piece, though of the same Colour, and made of the same Wool, is valued at some Gilders less than another, because it is not so deeply tinctured. The better sort of Turks, in their old Age, are usually clothed with this Sort of Cloth, and Solyman himself used to wear Vests of it; but Green is a Colour disused much by Christians; and the rather, because the Turks commend it upon a Superstituous Account, as being worn by their Prophet Mahomet in his older Days.

A black Colour is counted unfortunate, and is disliked by them; and, when they see any Man so clad, they look on it as an ill Omen; so that when any of ours did approach the Bashaw’s, in a black Habit, they look’d a-squint on us, and made sad Complaints; and the Truth is, none of their own appear in black, but either one that is desperately poor, or else so overwhelm’d with some great Calamity, that he regards not what Cloaths he wears. A Purple Colour is a creditable Colour with them; only it is an Omen of much Bloodshed in Time of War: But the ordinary approved Colours among them, are the White, the Yellow, the Sea-Green, the Violet-Colour, and Mouse-Colour, &c.

The Turks ascribe very much to Augury, and Omens, Good or Bad, so that it hath been known, that some Bashaws have been removed from their Places and Offices, by reason of a Fall from their Horse; as if that were an Omen of some ill Luck, which is averted from the Publick, by falling on[67] the Head of that private and particular Person; who is thereupon degraded.

From Ancyra, we came to a Village called Balygazar, and from thence to Zarekuct; from Zarekuct to Zermeczii, and to the Bank of the River Halys: As we past through a Village called Algii, we saw, at some Distance, the neighbouring Mountains of Synopi, which were red, like Vermillion; and from which Red Lead is called Synopi.

This Halys is the famous River which was heretofore the Boundary of the two Kingdoms of the Medes and Lydians; concerning which, there was an ancient Oracle, That when Crœsus pass’d it to make War on the Persians, he should overthrow a great Empire, which fell out to be his Own; whereas he thought it would have been the Persians. Near the Bank of this River, there was a Wood, which seemed to us, to bear an unknown Shrub; but when we drew near, we found it to be Liquorice, and with the Juice of its Root, we refreshed our selves abundantly.

Near that River, we met with a Countryman, and asking him, by an Interpreter, Whether that River did abound with Fish? And how they used to catch them? He answered, That there were Fishes enough; but no Body could catch them. When he saw we wondred at his Answer, he proceeded: For, says he, if a Man strive to take them up in his Hands, away presently they swim, and will not stay to be catched. This Answer was the less surprizing to me, because, when we had lighted upon some unknown Birds, and demanded of the Country-men, how we might take them? One or other of them told us, That they could not be taken; for if any Body endeavoured to lay Hands on them, they would fly away.

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But one of my Collegues, Francis Hay, having some Nets with him, caused them to be cast for the catching of Fish; we took a great Draught of them, and especially the Silurus, or Sheathfish, which are common in the Danow. Besides, there is in that River, good Store of Sea-Crabs, or else, a Sort of Fish very like them. Whereupon, the Turks, who saw our Fishing, wondered at the Industry and Ingenuity of Christians, who would catch Fish at that Rate. Hereupon, perhaps, you will say, What, are there no Fishermen in Turkey? I grant there are; but very few of them live in those Parts. And, I remember, in another Place, when the Turks saw us turn the Stream out of its Course to catch Gudgeons at the Bottom, they laughed much at us. What, said they, do you catch such small guddling Fish? what are they good for? This Ninny-Hammer did not understand, that a great many of those Fishes would make a dainty Dish, enough to suffice many Guests. But the Turks are so parsimonious, that they don’t study their Bellies at all; give them but Bread and Garlic, or an Onion, with a Sort of Bonniclabber, or sour Milk, known in Galen’s Time, by the Name of Syllabub, but called by them, Ingurthe; they feed like Farmers, and desire nothing more.

They make this Drink thus; they dilute this Milk with cold Water, and then cram Bread into it. This they use in the hottest Weather, and when they are more athirst; and we our selves found great Benefit by it, in our greatest Droughts. It is a Repast very grateful to the Palate and Stomach, and of admirable Vertue in quenching the most vehement Thirst: There is abundance of it ready made for Sale in all the Turkish Inns, or Caravasera’s, as well as all other Sorts of Soop. As for hot Meat, or Flesh, the Turks don’t much use[69] them in their Travels; their usual Dyet, on the Road, are Syllabubs, Cheese, dry’d Plumbs, Pears, Peaches, Quinces, Figs, Raisins, and Cornel-berries; all these are exposed to sale in great earthen Platters boiled in clean Water; every one takes what he likes best. Those Fruits, with Bread, is his Food; and the Water which remains, serves for Drink. Thus their Meat and Drink stand them in very little; so that I dare say, one Christian spends more Money, on his Belly, in one Day, than a Turk doth in twelve; yea, their most solemn Feasts consist of Wafers, Cakes, and such-like Junkets, together with several Dishes of Rice, with some Mutton, and Pullet; for Capons are not yet known in Turkey; but as for Pheasants, Thrushes, and Birds called Figeaters, they never so much as heard of their Names. But, if Honey and Sugar be mix’d with the Water, the Drink is like Jove’s Nectar to them. One Sort of their Liquors I had almost forgot, ’tis this. They take Raisins of the Sun, and bruise, or grind them in a Mill, and then put them into a wooden Vessel, pouring a certain Proportion of hot Water upon them. This Mixture they stir about a little, and then cover the Vessel close, and suffer it to ferment a Day or two; if it works well, then they add Lees of Wine to quicken the Operation. When it first begins to ferment, if you taste it, ’tis over-sweet, and that makes it more unpalatable; but afterwards it acquires something of an Acid Taste, which, mix’d with the Sweet, is very grateful to the Palate for about three or four Days; especially if it be mixed with Snow, of which there is plenty at Constantinople at all times. This Drink they call Arabsorbet, i. e. the Arabian Potion. It will not keep long, but grows sour in a very little Time. ’Twill fly up in your Head, and make you reel as bad as any Wine, if you[70] drink too much of it; and therefore, the Turks, by the rules of their Religion, are forbidden to drink it. For my Part, I liked it very well; yea, that sort of Grapes was very acceptable and refreshing; in many Places they keep them all Summer long. The way of preserving them, they told me, was this: They take large Bunches of Grapes ston’d (as the hot Sun quickly ripens them in those Countries); these they put into a Wooden or Earthen Vessel, in the Bottom whereof, they first lay a Line of groun’d Mustard-Seed; then they spread a Line of Grapes upon it; thus with a Lay of Grapes, and a Lay of grinded Mustard-Seed, they fill it up to the Top; and, when the Vessel is full, then they pour in new Must, as much as will fill all the Interstice; then they shut it close, and so let it stand till the hot Time of the next Year, when Men stand most in need of Drink. Then these Vessels are broach’d, and the Grapes, with its Liquor, are set to sale. The Turks like the Liquor as well as the Grapes; but I did not so well like the Taste of the Mustard-Seed, and, therefore, I caused the Grapes to be washed, and then, when I was most thirsty, they gave me great Relief. I hope you will give me leave to commend a Food to you, that did me so much good, seeing the Egyptians esteemed their Herbs and Plants, which were contributory to their Health, as so many Deities. But ’tis Time for a Wanderer to return back into the Way.

From the Bank of the River Halys, which the Turks call Aitoczu, we came to Gonkurthoy; from thence to Choron, and from thence to Theke Thioi, where the Turks have a stately Monastry for their Priests and Monks, called Dervises. Those Dervises told us a great Story of a certain Man, called Chederles, of an huge Stature, and graveness of[71] Mind answerable thereto. They suppose it was the same with our St. George, and ascribe the same Exploits to him; as the saving of a Virgin by the Slaughter of a huge and terrible Dragon. To which they add many Fables and Imaginations of idle Brains; as that he travelled over several Countries far and near, and at last came to a River, whose Waters made those that drank them immortal; but in what Part of the World this River is, they cannot tell us; they say, moreover, that it lies somewhere in a great Cloud, or Mist of Darkness, and that never a Man saw it since Chederles. As for Chederles himself, he was made Immortal, and so was his Horse, by drinking the same Water, who now, both do invisibly travel over the World, delighting in Wars, and appearing therein to the most Valiant, or to those who implore his Aid, of what Religion soever they be: Such ridiculous Fancies do they please themselves with! To which we may add, other Things as absurd as those before-mentioned, That he was one of the Friends and Companions of Alexander the Great. For, the Truth is, the Turks keep no just Account either of Times or Ages, but makes a confused Hodge-podge of all History. When they have a Mind to it, they scruple not to say, That Job was Master of the Horse to King Solomon, and that Alexander the Great was General of his Army; with such-like Stuff.

In that Monastry, or Mosque, there is a Fountain that bubbles forth very clear and limpid Water; it is built about and cover’d with most excellent Marble, and they ridiculously would have People believe, that it had its Original from Chederles’s Horses, which he pissed in great Plenty in that Place. They also told us many Rodomontado’s concerning the Companions of Chederles, concerning his chief[72] Groom, and also concerning his Nephew by his Sister, all which were buried near at hand, and their Sepulchres there to be seen; and when any Suppliants come to pay their Devotions to them, they would have persuaded us, that they receive great Relief thereby; yea, they superstitiously affirm, That the Fragments of the Stones, and the very Earth itself, on which Chederles’s Feet stood, when he staid for the Dragon, if drank in any Liquor, are very good against Fevers, the Head-Ach, and the Diseases of the Eyes. All the Country thereabout, is full of Dragons and Vipers, so that, in the hot Season of the Year, they are so thick, basking themselves in the Sun, that the Ways are almost unpassable for Travellers.

I had almost forgot to tell you, that, whereas, the Greeks do usually paint St. George on Horseback in their Temples, with his Squire behind him, holding out to him a Cup of Wine as to his Master, he being (as they believe) their Chederles; they laugh heartily at that Spectacle.

At this Place, we were near our Journey’s End, for now we had but one Stage more to Amasia; and that was Baglison; from thence we reached Amasia, April 7, and thirty Days after, we left Constantinople. As we were coming, some Turks met us, to gratulate our Arrival, and to introduce us with Honour.

Amasia is, in a manner, the chief City of Cappadocia, where the Turkish Governor of that Province usually had his Residence, for the Administration of Justice, and where he usually forms his Camp. But that Town, ever since Bajazet’s Time, seemed to be very unlucky, and of late, the miserable Case of Mustapha hath confirmed it to be an unfortunate Seat. Strabo writes, that he was born there. It lies on the Side of two opposite[73] Hills, the River Iris dividing the City of the midst, running between them; so that from each Part you may look down upon the River, as from the Seats or Stairs of a Theatre; and one Side of it is conspicuous and open to the view of the other. It is so encompassed with Hills, that there is but one way to it, either for Coach or Waggon.

The same Night we came thither, there happened a great Fire, which the Janizaries quenched, as their manner is, by plucking down the Houses adjoining. Upon occasion of this Accident, give me leave to inform you, that the Turkish Soldiers are well-pleased when a Fire happens; for, whereas they must be employed to quench it, and usually do it by ruining the contiguous Houses, they have thereby an opportunity to rifle and plunder both; so that they themselves do oftentimes privily set Houses on Fire, that so they may filch and steal what they can out of them; as I remember once, when I was at Constantinople, there were frequent Conflagrations of Houses. ’Twas plain, they could not happen casually, but must be set on Fire a purpose, and yet the Authors could not be found; but the Fault was commonly cast on some Persian Spies that were in Town: At last, upon a diligent Search, ’twas found that the Soldiers had stirr’d up their Fellows, that were a Ship-board, to do the Feat; that so, during the Fire, they might enrich themselves with the Spoils.

Upon an high Hill, that hangs over and commands Amasia, there is a strong Castle, wherein the Turks have a continual Garrison, either to curb the Asiaticks, who are not very well pleased with the Ottoman Yoke (as I shall shew anon) or else to bridle the Persian, who many times make large Excursions even as far as this Town, though at such a vast distance from them. In this Hill there are[74] some ancient Monuments, which, perhaps, were the Sepulchres of the Cappadocian Kings.

As for the Houses and Streets of Amasia, there is little or no Beauty in them. Their Houses are built of Loom, as they are in Spain, plain at top without any Roof, and what covering they have is of Loom or Clay too. They have some old piece of a Pillar, Cylinder or Roller, which they turn up and down to stop any Chink or Crevice, made either by Rain or Wind. The Inhabitants, in former Times, lay down to sleep in the open Air. As for Rains, they are not great, nor frequent in those Parts; but if at any time a Shower falls, the Loomy Droppings from the Eaves, do wofully dirty the Cloths of those that pass under them. I saw there a certain young noble Person, living not far from me, at his Supper, after the old Roman fashion, lying on a Bed. As soon as I came to Amasia, we were introduced to compliment the supreme Vizier Achmet, and the rest of the Bashaw’s, for their Emperor was then gone abroad; we treated with them a while concerning the Contents of our Embassy; and because they would not seem to prejudice us, they lent us a favourable Ear; referring all, however, to the Will and Pleasure of their Emperor. When he came home, we were led into his Presence, for Audience; but he entertain’d us (and the Reasons we alledg’d in the Speech we made him, according to the Command of my Master) with a sour and frowning Look. He sate upon a low Throne, not above a Foot from the Ground, but it was all covered over with rich Tapestry, and with Cushions exquisitely wrought. His Bow and Arrows lay by his side, he himself (as I said) looked sternly upon us; and yet there was a certain Majesty, mix’d with Severity, in his Countenance. Each of us, as we entred the Room, was led up towards[75] him by some of his Bed-chamber Officers, who held us by the Arm, (for so they use to introduce Ambassadors, ever since a certain Croatian, desiring to speak with Amurath, and drawing near to him so to do, slew him in revenge of the death of his Master, Mark the Despot of Servia, who was killed by the said Amurath): and afterwards, as if we had kiss’d his Hand, we were led backward to the opposite part of the Room; for the Turks count it an unmannerly thing to turn any of their Back-parts to their Prince. From thence I had liberty to declare our Master’s Commands; but they suited not with his lofty, imperious Spirit, who thought that nothing ought to be denied him, for they were daring and high; so that he, as disdaining them, said nothing but Giusel, Giusel! (i. e.) Well, Well! And so we were dismissed to our Lodgings.

At our Audience there was a very full Court, for a great many Governors of Provinces were there with their Presents; and, besides the Imperial Horse, Spahi’s, Janipagits and Ululags, there were also a great number of Janizaries. But, among this vast number of Courtiers, there was not so much as one more eminent for Birth and Parentage; each one, by his Valour and adventurous Atchievements, was the Carver out of his own Fortune. Their Honour ariseth from their Preferments; so that there is no dispute about Precedency, but every Man’s Pre-eminces is according to the Office which he bears. And those Offices are distributed at the meer Will and Pleasure of the Prince, who does not regard the empty Name of Nobility, nor value a Rush the Favour of the Multitude, or of any other particular Man; but, considering only the Merits and Disposition of the Man, he rewards him accordingly. And, by that means, Employments[76] are bestowed upon such Persons as are best able to manage them; and every Man hath an opportunity to be the Hammerer out of his own Honour and Preferment. Those which at present are the greatest Officers under their Emperor, were mostly the Sons of Shepherds or Neatherds; and they are so far from being ashamed of the Meanness of their Original, that they glory therein among one another; and account it more Praise-worthy to be the Advancers of themselves, than if they had Honour transmitted down to them from their Ancestors.

For thus they argue, Virtue is not propagated from our Parents, but is partly the Gift of God, and partly acquired by good Discipline, and by our own Labour and Industry; so that, as no Son hath his Father’s Skill in Music, Arithmetic or Geometry, derived to him from his Birth, so neither can Fathers bequeath Virtue as an Inheritance to their Children; for the Soul, say they, is not communicated with the Father’s Seed (so that a Son must necessarily be born alike qualified as his Father was) but it is infus’d into his Body from the God of Heaven. Thus in that Nation, Dignities, Honours, Offices, &c. are the Rewards of Virtue and Merit; as on the other side, Dishonesty, Sloth, and Idleness, are among them the most despicable things in the whole World. And by this means they flourish, bear sway, and enlarge the Bounds of their Empire every day more and more. But we, Christians, to our shame be it spoken, live at another manner of rate; Virtue is little esteemed among us, but Nobleness of Birth (forsooth) carries away all the Honour and Preferment. But enough of this at present: More may be spoken on this Argument hereafter; and what I have now said about it, pray keep it to your self, for other Men may not be able to bear my Freedom herein.

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To return, then, to my Subject; I shall now present you with a surprizing Spectacle, even a multitude of Persons with picket Turbants on their Heads, made of pure white Linnen folded together in Plates; their other Apparel was very costly, of several Sorts and Colours, all most radiantly shining with Gold, Silver, Purple, Silk, Velvet, &c. I am not able to describe the Gaudiness of the Show; in one Word, ’twas the most glorious one I ever saw in all my Life. And yet, in all this Splendor, there was a great deal of Simplicity and Parsimony too. Those who were of one Order had Cloathing all of one sort; there were no foolish Hems, Lacings, Fringes or Borders, as among us, which cost a great deal of Money, and yet wear out in a day or two. The Silk and Velvet Suits, which many of them wore, though mightily embroidered, yet cost not above a Ducat the making and embroidering. They did as much admire to see the Fashion of our Cloaths, as we did that of theirs. Their Vests are very long, almost down to their Heels, which is more graceful, and makes them seem taller than they are; but our Apparel (forsooth) is so curtail’d and short, that it hardly covers the Parts which Nature would have to be concealed; on which Account it is less decent. Besides, it seems to take away some Inches from the Tallness of our Stature, and look more Dwarf-like. And yet, among so great a Multitude, I took notice of this most laudable Circumstance; ’twas all hush; not so much as a word spoken among them all, nor no humming Noise, as among a tumultuous Multitude; no justling one of another, but every particular Man quietly kept his own Station. The Heads of them, which they call Aga’s, had Seats to sit upon, such as their Serasquiers, or Generals, their Brigadiers, Colonels and Captains; but the Commonalty stood on their Feet. Among the rest, I[78] most admir’d the Janizaries; though there were some Thousands of them, yet they stood at a distance one from another; Stock-still, (as we say) as if they had been Statues: So that I, who was at some distance from them, thought verily they had been so, till being advised to salute them, as the manner is, I saw them all bow their Heads, by way of Resalutation, unto me. When we passed from this Shew, behold there was another pleasurable one, which entertain’d us; and that was their Horse-Guards, in their March to their Quarters. They rode upon gallant stately Prancers, excellently well trapped, equipped, and Shod. Thus we were dismissed, but with little hopes of obtaining what we came for.

On the 10th of May, the Persian Ambassador came to Amasia, and brought with him rich and gallant Presents, as many choice sorts of Hangings, Babylonian Tents, curiously wrought within with many sorts of Needle-work, gallant Horse-Trappings, and Saddles, Scymiters made at Damascus, whose Handles were studded with Jewels, and Shields of curious Workmanship; but that which exceeded them all, was the Alcoran, so they call the Book containing the Rites and Ceremonies of their Religion, which they fancy Mahomet compos’d by Divine Inspiration, and which is accounted the most noble Present of all. They quickly accorded with him on Terms of Peace, so that it concern’d us to be cautious, who were to find greater obstruction in our Negotiations with them. And, to assure us that the Peace was confirm’d betwixt them, they omitted no manner of extraordinary Respect to their Ambassador. For the manner of the Turks is, (as I told you before,) to be excessive on both Sides, either in bestowing Honour on their Friends, or in heaping Reproaches on their[79] Enemies. Haly Basha, Deputy to the Grand Vizier, treated the Persian with a sumptuous Dinner, which he made in his Garden, a Place far distant from us, and separated also by the interposal of the River, yet we could see the Manner of it well enough; for, I told you, the Place was seated so high on both sides of the Hill, that the Eye might easily discover what was done on each side. This Haly is a Dalmatian by Birth, a Man of much Wit, and, which is strange in Turkey, very courteous to Strangers. The Table, at which the Bashaw and the Persian Embassador sate, was covered over with a Canopy, and the Dishes were served up after this manner. There were one hundred Youths, which attended, like Waiters, all of them alike habited. First of all, they entered one by one, at a small distance from each other, till the Train of them reached up to the Table where the Guests were sitting. They had nothing at all in their Hands, that so they might not be hindered in saluting the Guests, which was done in this manner; they laid their Hands on their Thighs, and bowed their Heads downwards to the Ground; when this Ceremony was perform’d, then he that stood next the Kitchen, took a Dish and gave it to the next Page immediately before him; he handed it to a Third, and he to a Fourth, and so from one to another till it came to him who stood next the Table, and he delivered it to the Hands of the Gentleman-Sewer, who plac’d it on the Table. And thus one hundred Dishes, or more, were serv’d up to the Table in excellent Order, without any Noise at all; and, when that was done, those Waiters, or Pages, saluted the Guests a second time, and so returned in the same Order they came in; only, of course, those that were last before went out first, and those which were nearest[80] the Table brought up the Rear. Thus the second Course was also serv’d up; so that the Turks are great Admirers of Orders, even in the smallest matters, which we Christians are apt to neglect, even in things of greatest Moment. At some distant from the Ambassador sate his Attendants with some Turks of Quality with them.

Peace being thus made with the Persians, as I told you before, yet we could get no good Terms of them at all, only we obtain’d an half year’s Truce, till I could send to my Master, and know his Answer. I was sent to be Leiger Ambassador there; but, in regard there was no Peace settl’d betwixt both Empires, the Bashaws thought it adviseable for me to return to my Master with Letters from Solyman their Emperor; and I was to return with an Answer from his Imperial Majesty, if he thought fit. Hereupon I was again introduced into Solyman’s Presence, and had two large embroider’d Veils, reaching down to my Ancles, clap’d upon me; they were so heavy, that I could hardly stand under them. My Family also, that attended me, were all clad with silk Garments of divers Colours; in this Posture I stalked along, like Agamemnon, or some such piece of Gravity, in a Tragedy; and so I took my leave of their Emperor, having first receiv’d Letters from him to my Master, seal’d and wrap’d up in Cloth of Gold, and the chief of my Attendants were also admitted to take their Leaves; and thus, after we had taken our leaves of the Bashaws, I and my Collegues departed from Amasia, June the 2d. The Custom is, that Ambassadors at their Departure, have a Dinner provided for them in the Divan, (so they call the place where the Bashaws sit to administer Justice,) but this is done only to their Friends; that Compliment[81] was omitted to me, because Affairs were not yet in an amicable Posture between them and us.

If you ask me, what manner of Man Solyman was, I’ll tell you. He was an ancient Man, his Countenance, and the Mien of his Body, were very majestick, well becoming the Dignity which he bore; he was frugal and temperate, even from his Youth, though he might have taken a greater Liberty to himself by the Rules of their own Religion. In his younger Days he was not given to Wine, nor to masculine Venery, which the Turks much delight in; to that his very Enemies could object nothing against him on those Accounts, but that he was too uxurious, and his over-indulgence to his Wife made him give way to the Death of his Son Mustapha: Yet that Crime was vulgarly imputed to an Ascendent she had over him, by reason of her Inchantments and Love-Portions. This is certain, that, after he once took her for his lawful Wife, he never had carnal Knowledge of any other Woman, though their Laws did not forbid him. He is a very strict Observer of the Mahumetan Religion, and is as desirous to propagate that, as to enlarge the Bounds of his Empire.

He is now sixty years of Age; and, for a Man of his Years, he enjoys a moderate proportion of Health, and yet his Countenance doth discover, that he carries about him some hidden Disease, ’tis thought a Gangrene, or Ulcer, in the Thigh; yet at solemn Audiences of Ambassadors, he hath a Fucus to paint his Cheeks with, that he may appear sound and healthy to them, and thereupon be more dreaded by foreign Princes, their Masters. Methought, I discovered some such thing at my Dismission; for his Countenance was as sour when I left him, as it was at my first Audience.

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Having thus taken my leave, I began my Journey in the Month of June, and the Heat thereof was so excessive, that it cast me into a Fever. ’Tis true, it was a remiss and gentle one, yet it came every Day; to which was added an Hoarseness, and Defluction of Rheum from the Head, and it held me till I came to Constantinople.

The Persian Embassador left Amasia the self-same Day that I did, and we went both out of the City the same way; for, (as I told you before) there is but one Passage into, or out of, that Town, it is so shut in by the circumjacent and unpassable Hills: But the Way quickly doth divide into two, one to the East, which the Persians took; and another to the West. which was our Road. In the open Fields about the Town, we saw the Turkish Camp pitch’d, with abundance of Tents. I shall not entertain you with the Stages of my Return, they being the same with those of my Journey thither, only we made a little more Speed, and sometimes rode two Day’s Journey in one. In fine, we came to Constantinople, June the 2d. You must needs think I had a troublesome Journey of it, having such a Companion with me, as a Quotidian Ague, all the way; so that, when I came thither, I was almost nothing but Skin and Bone: Yet, lean as I was, when I came to rest, and by the advice of Quaquelben, my Physician, used warm Baths, I quickly recovered. One thing I observed in the method of my Cure, that, when I came out of the warm Bath, he would sprinkle me over with cold Water, which, though it were troublesome to me at the present, yet I found that it did me much good.

Whilst I staid at Constantinople, there was a certain Person, that came from the Turkish Camp in Asia, who told me a Story, which I shall acquaint you with, because it shows that the Asiaticks are[83] not very well pleased, either with the Religion, or the Government of the Turks. ’Twas this: Solyman, says he, as he was returning home, was forc’d to lodge one Night in the House of a certain Asiatick, and when he went away in the Morning, his Host brought a great deal of Perfume, and us’d a great many Ceremonies, to cleanse and purge his House, as if it had been polluted by such a Guest as Solyman; when Solyman heard of it, he caused the Man to be slain, and his House to be levelled with the Ground. This Punishment the poor Man underwent for his Aversion to the Turks, and his Propensity to favour the Persians.

I staid about fourteen Days at Constantinople to refresh my self, and then I entred on my Journey back again to Vienna: But I was entertain’d with an inauspicious Omen, even a very sad Spectacle; just as I was gone out of the Gates of Constantinople, I met whole Waggon-Loads of Boys and Girls, which were brought out of Hungary to Constantinople to be sold; no Merchandize is more frequent amongst them than that. For, as when we leave Antwerp, we meet with all sorts of merchantable Commodities importing into the Town, so here, ever now and then, there passed by us abundance of poor miserable Christian Slaves, which were going to be sold in the Markets to a perpetual Bondage. There was no distinction of Age; Old and Young were driven in Herds, or Companies, or else were tied in a long Chain, as we use to tail Horses when we carry them to Fairs. When I beheld this woful sight, I could not forbear weeping and bemoaning the unhappy State of poor Christendom. And if that miserable Spectacle were not afflicting enough to a new Traveller, take another bad and mortifying Occurrence: My Collegues[84] had recommended some of their Retinue to me, which were weary of living in Turkey, that they might be of my Train, in returning to their own Country. I granted their Request, and having travelled two Day’s Journey, I perceiv’d one that was Chief among them, (called a Vaivode, from his Office,) was carried sick in a Coach; one of his Feet being bare, without any Stockings, he would not suffer it to be covered, for he had in it a Plague-sore, which he found more easy to keep open. We were much troubled at this sight, as fearing that infectious Disease would spread farther; but the poor Man liv’d till we came to Adrianople, and there departed this Life. Upon his Death another Mischief did succeed; as soon as the Breath was out of his Body, the rest of the Hungarians ran in greedily to the Prey, one caught up his Stockings, another his Doublet, a third his Shirt, a fourth his other Linnen; thus casting themselves, and us too, into a great deal of Danger. Nor was there any way in the World to hinder them.

’Tis true, my Physician, like an honest Man, ran in amongst them, and intreated them, for God’s sake, to throw the Things away, because they would infect us all; but they were deaf to his Advice. The Day after we left Adrianople, those very Persons came to him, and complain’d of a Pain in their Heads, with a dejection of their Spirits, and a Listlessness both of Body and Mind, and desired his Advice; he, suspecting the Symptoms of the Plague in the case, told them, they were well enough serv’d, for not harkening to his Counsel; yet he would do them what good he could, only, being on his Journey, he was unprovided of proper Medicines. The same Day I walked abroad into the Field, as I us’d to do, as soon as ever I came to my Inn, to see if I could find any thing[85] worthy of my Notice in those Countries, where I met with an unknown Herb in the Meadow, which smelt like Garlick. After I had pluck’d some Leaves of it, I gave them to my Physician to know his Judgment; he looked wistly upon it, and told me, ’twas Scordium, and lifting up his Hands to Heaven, he gave God thanks for sending us so opportune a Remedy against the Plague; hereupon he gathers a great quantity of it, and putting it into a large Pot, boiled it over the Fire. Then he bid the Hungarians take heart, and parted the Decoction amongst them, prescribing the taking of it very hot, as they were going to Bed, mix’d with some Lemnian Earth, and Diascordium, and that they should not sleep till they had fallen into a great Sweat. Observing his Directions, the next Day after they were much better, and desired the same Portion again, and when they had drunk it, they grew perfectly well. And thus, by God’s Blessing, we avoided that Infection.

And yet, the residue of our Journey was not without Peril. After we had passed the Country of the Thracians and Bulgarians, which reaches as far as Nissa, and came into the Servians Country, reaching from Nissa to Simandria, where the Rascians Country begins; we came at last to Belgrade, the Weather being excessively hot and parching, for ’twas the hottest time of the Dog-days.

At Belgrade, upon one of our Fish-days, we were presented with abundance of choice Fish, and amongst the rest, with large full-bodied Carps, taken in the Danube, whose Carps are very much commended: My People did eat very greedily of them, and that was either the cause, or the occasion, which cast many of them into a Fever; yet all that quantity of Fish, which was enough to satisfy forty[86] Men, cost but half a Dollar; and the Truth is, other Things are as cheap. As for Hay, ’tis little or nothing worth; the Meadows are so laden with it, that every Man may take what he will, provided he pay for the Mowing and Carriage; which made us admire the Wisdom of the old Hungarians, after they had passed the Save, who chose so fertile a Country, as Hungary, to dwell in; where there were all manner of Conveniences for Human Life. We passed over a great Tract of Land, both beyond and on this side the Save, and we found the Grass, Barley, Oats and Wheat, almost parch’d and withered with Drought; but as soon as we entred Hungary, the Grass was so tall, that a Coach, that went before, could hardly be seen by another that came after; which is a great Argument of the goodness of the Soil.

The Rascians, as I told you before, begin at Simandria, and reach as far as the River Drave; they are reputed to be a fudling sort of People, and not very faithful to Strangers. Whence they had their Name and Original, I do not certainly know; but truly they were kind enough to us; we passed through some Villages of theirs of less Note, and at last arrived at Esseck, which is almost inclosed with muddy Marshes, and is famous for the slaughter of Catzianerus, and the overthrow of the Christians. Here I was taken with a Tertian Ague, I was so parch’d with Heat, in travelling the open Fields of Hungary; and at Esseck we passed the Drave, and came to Lasque, where being weary with the Heat of my Journey, and my Ague, I laid me down to Rest. There the chiefest of the Place came to me to bid me welcome; and presented me with large Melons, Pears, and Plumbs of several Sorts, besides Wine, and other Provisions, all of them very good; the noted Country of Campania[87] in Italy hardly bears better. In the Room where I lodged, there was a long Table all furnished with these Viands: My Servants desired the Hungarians to stay to Supper, excusing my Absence, because of my Sickness. As soon as I awoke, and saw such a full-spread Table before my Eyes, I thought verily I had been in a Dream, and ask’d my Physician, how that came about? He told me plainly, that he himself had caused the Table to be furnished, that so the very Sight of it might refresh me. But must I not taste of it, said I? Yes, said he, but you must only taste; and so I eat a little of it, and seem’d to be much the better for it. The Day after the Hungarians came to me again to present their Service, desiring me to represent their Condition to the Emperor, in regard of the Wrongs they received from some of their Neighbours. From thence we came to Mohatz, noted for the Overthrow and Death of Lewis King of Hungary; not far from that Town, I saw a River whose Water was deep, and its Banks very steep; here that unhappy Prince leapt in with his Horse, and was drown’d, being for his Fall as much to be lamented, as for his Imprudence, in venturing with a small and newly rais’d Army of his Country-Men, to cope with the more numerous, veteran, and well-disciplin’d Forces of Solyman.

From Mohatz, we travelled on to Tulna, and from thence to Felduar. There I passed over the Danube, into an Island, pretty large, called Cophis, inhabited by Rascians; and so repassing the Danube, I arrived at Buda twelve Days after I left Belgrade, August the 4th, having lost many of my Horses by the way, who were choaked with eating new Barley, and drinking over-cold Water. Besides, I narrowly escaped Robbers, which these Countries are much infested with, especially by[88] those they call Heydukes, some of which were afterwards taken, and put to death at Buda, where they confessed to the Bashaw thereof, that they lay in wait for me and my Train, under a broken Bridge we were to pass, that so they might assault us unawares. The Truth is, a few may very easily circumvent and destroy a great many Passengers on such Bridges; for the Bridges are ill-built, and the Planks are set so wide, and gaping one from another, that you can scarce go over them safe on Horseback, without danger of falling, if you are never so careful; and if some meet you before, others will fall on your Rear, and others start out from the Reeds and Sedges below, where they hide themselves, and so accost you in the Flank, and you can hardly manage your Horse for Self-defence, by reason of the badness of the Bridge: No doubt you may be treated as the Romans were in the Caudine Streights; be either taken, or killed, at Pleasure. I know not what it was that deterred them from assaulting us; whether it were our Numbers, or the Sight of the Hungarians with us; or because we were in a long Train, and all were not on the Bridge at once; or whatever else it was that withheld them, by God’s Blessing, we got safe to Buda. The Bashaw of the Town was not then at home; he was gone to Pest, on the other side of the River, where they had a Council of War, after the manner of the Hungarians, they call them Rachi. Many Sanziacks were already come thither, but more were expected; for which Cause, when I desired Audience, ’twas put off for three Days, that the Janizaries and military Persons might make a greater Show. Then I was sent for over, and conveyed to his Tent, where he made Complaints to me of the Injuries that some Hungarians had done him. It is usual, in those frontier Garrisons,[89] both for Hungarians and Turks, mutually to complain of one another; yea, sometimes they, that are most in Fault, begin to complain first. The Turkish Bashaw also added some threatning Expressions of Revenge. It may be, he thought that the Sight of his Army would terrify me; but he was mistaken. I answered him roundly, that the Hungarians might rather find Fault with the Turks, than on the contrary; for I my self, in my Travels, had seen some of his Soldiers plunder some Hungarians, Subjects of his Imperial Majesty, and carry away their Goods. He answered me, he had indeed put some contumacious Christians under military Execution; but they were such as were under his Master, not the Emperor. Thus, after a mutual Altercation, I was dismissed, being in very bad plight, for my Ague-Fit was strong upon me all that Day.

The Day after, I went to Gran, having a Turkish Guard of Horse along with me. I had a mind to be wafted over the Danube, and for one Night to lodge in a Village over against the Castle of Gran, that the Day after I might come the sooner to Commara, and be better able to endure my Ague-Fit, which I expected that Day; and therefore I entreated that Favour of my Guide, that he would send some body over, to bring the Ferry-Boat, that was on the other Side, that so our Passage might be the easier. I found some Difficulty in having my Request granted; yet, partly to gratify me, and partly to acquaint the Sanziacks with my Arrival there, he sent over two Persons. When they were gone an Hour before, they spied four Horsemen standing under a Tree, a little from the High-way-side. They judged them, by their Habits, to be Turks, and therefore turned aside to accost them; and, as they drew near, they ask’d[90] them, What News? They answered not a Word; but made at them with their drawn Swords, and gave one of them such a Blow, athwart his Face, that he made the greatest Part of his Nose to hang down over his Chin; and then catching at his Horse, which he held by the Bridle, he left his own Beast, and mounting it, set Spurs, and away. The Turks presently came back to us, especially he with the maim’d Face, and, with a woful Lamentation, bid us prepare for the Combat, for we were Way-laid. I, to encourage my Men, got presently on Horse-back; but we came too late, when the Scuffle was over; for they had more mind to preserve the Prey they had got, than to fight; and thereupon fled speedily to Javarin, a Garrison of ours, to which they did belong: The Turks shewed them to us, as they were scouring over the neighbouring Hills that led to Javarin. Thus we came to Gran; the Sanziack very friendly gave me a Visit, and, among other Discourse, he put me in mind of the Insolency of the Hungarian Soldiers, who could not be kept from Thieving (said he) though you, the Emperor’s Ambassador, were in company of those they robbed; and therefore he desired of me, that the Horse they took away yesterday might be restored. In the mean Time, the Turk, that was wounded the Day before, stood without in the Entry, with his Nose sewed together, through which he made a lamentable Moan, desiring me to pity his Condition. I told him, I would give him what was enough for his Cure, and so I bestowed two Duckets upon him. He would have had more; but the Sanziack told him, ’twas enough; his Misfortune was not to be charged upon me.

Being thus dismissed by the Sanziack, I came the same Day to Commara, where I expected my[91] Ague-Fit; but when the usual Period of it drew near, I found it had left me, as if a Fever, got in Turkey, durst not accompany me into the Christian Territories. Hereupon I gave God thanks, who had both freed me of my Ague, and had also brought me safe to the end of my long and tedious Journey.

Two Days after, I came to Vienna, where the Emperor Ferdinand, my most gracious Master, was not at present, only I found Maximilian, King of Bohemia, there in his Room; whole courteous Reception of me made me almost forget the Toil of my Journey. But I must tell you, I was so emaciated with my Sickness, and the Inconveniences of my Journey together, that many thought the Turks had given me a poisonous Dose; for, truly, when I went lately to pay my Duty to the Arch-Duke Ferdinand, he asked one of his Domesticks, who I was? who answered, I was one that came lately from Turkey, and that it was no wonder I looked so ill, for they, who returned from those Parts, usually did so.

Perhaps he was willing to have it believed, that I had taken the Emperor Claudius’s Dose; but, for my part, I know of no such thing; neither do I question, but after resting a while, to recover the tediousness of my Journey, I shall look as well as ever I did: I find my self something mended already.

In the mean time, I acquainted the Emperor with my Return, by Letter, and of the half Year’s Truce I had obtained; and the sum of my whole Negotiation; and that, when he came home from the Diet, I would inform him of all Particulars more punctually and distinctly.

One thing more I shall acquaint you with. There were many Persons who refused to accompany me[92] to Constantinople, either for Fear, or I know not what other Motive, who wished they had given me any Money to go along with me, now they saw me return in safety. But what says he in Plautus? If you will eat the Kernel, you must take the Pains to break the Nut: He does himself Wrong, that thinks to reap part of the Fruit, who took no part of the Pains.

Thus, Sir, I have given you an account of my Journey, both to Constantinople, and also to Amasia. I have not dress’d up my Narrative with Flowers of Rhetoric, but have presented you with it, just as I would have related it to you by Word of Mouth. I know you will bear with the Coarseness of my Style, it being occasioned by my over-eager Desire to gratify you; nor can you well expect Elegancy from me now in my Heat and Throng of Business, which I was never Master of in my greatest Retirements. This I assure you, both for your Information and my own Content, that I am not conscious to myself of any Falshood in the whole Narration, which is the principal Ornament of such Relations as these. Thus I bid you Farewell.

Vienna, September 1st.

I received your Letter, wherein you acquaint me, that you have heard of my second Voyage into Turkey; on which Account you express your Wonderment, that I would venture to visit that uncouth and barbarous Country, once more. And withal, you desire to know the Issue of my Journey: How I found Matters at my Return to Constantinople; what Entertainment I met with there; what proportion of Health I enjoy; whether my Life be pleasant to me, or not; and, in fine, what Hopes there may be of my speedy return to Germany. To all which you oblige me, upon the score of our ancient Friendship, to give particular and express Answers; which, to gratify you, I shall accordingly do.

Know then, in the first Place, that you were not mis-informed as to my Return into Turkey; the thing is most true: Neither could I avoid the Journey, as being oblig’d thereunto by Promise; and you know every honest Man is as good as his Word. My Case was this: The Emperor Ferdinand, my most gracious Lord and Master, designed me as his Lieger Ambassador to Constantinople; but his Design was grounded on this Supposition, that a Peace would be first settled betwixt the two Empires. Articles of Agreement, however, being not[94] yet fully accorded to, nor wholly rejected, there was no reason I should slip my Neck out of the Collar, till the Matter was brought to some certain Issue; either a firm Peace, or a perfect Rupture. And therefore, when I foresaw what a Bushel of Troubles I should run my self into, by my Return, I had much rather a fitter Person had been substituted for the Employment; but no body being willing to accept the Charge, I was, in a manner, forced into the Service; it being my Duty to comply with, and obey, the Will and Pleasure of my gracious Master: For as soon as ever he return’d from the Imperial Diet to Vienna, and was informed by me of my Transactions with Solyman, the Ottoman Emperor, he immediately laid his Commands upon me to prepare my self to return, and to carry back his Answer to Solyman’s Letters. ’Tis true, it was the depth of Winter, when I was commanded to return to Constantinople; and, besides, ’twas a very rainy, cold and tempestuous Season; and my Message too was so severe, that I was like to have no Thanks for my Labour. Here, perhaps, you may twit me in the Teeth, what! Twice to the same Place? To which I answer, twice, and oftner, if there be need; for commendable Enterprizes, the mere hazardous, the more Praise-worthy.

’Twas in November when I left Vienna, to undertake my second Voyage to unhospitable Pontus. I will not grate your Ears with the Relation of the Enterprizes of my second Journey: I was too vexatious, I fear, in giving you an Account of my first.

It may suffice to tell you, that I went the same Stages, in a manner, that I did at first. So then, to Constantinople I came, in the beginning of January, having lost one of my Retinue, who died of a Fever in the way. There I found my Collegues[95] in good Health; but a mighty Change was made in the Turkish Affairs: Bajazet, Solyman’s youngest Son, had escap’d a great Danger, and was reconciled to his Father: Achmet Bassa, the Grand Vizier, had been strangled, and Rustan, his Predecessor, was restored to his Place of Grand Viziership, of whom more hereafter. But, at present, I shall acquaint you what coarse Entertainment I met with from their Emperor, his Bashaws, and other great Men among them. For their Bashaws (as the manner is, before they introduce an Ambassador to their Prince) being desirous to hear of me, in general, the purport of my Message; as soon as they understood, that my Master Cæsar would not recede a jot from his Right, but did punctually insist upon it, as just and equal, that the Transactions with the Widow of John late Vaivode of Transylvania and her Son (being made without Fraud, Force or Covin,) should be strictly observed, they were in a mighty Chafe: For you must know, that a long Series of happy Success, hath so elevated the Minds of this People, that they make their own Wills, forsooth, the sole Rule of all Reason, Right or Wrong. On which presumptuous Principle, they carried it very haughtily towards us; and told us the extream Danger we should run into, if we offer’d to appear before that Prince with such an imperious Message. When such menacing Words could not deter us from demanding Audience, they gave us to understand, that they would have no hand in our Admittance; for do ye think, (said they) that we are such brazen-fac’d Fellows as to bring you, with such sawcy Answers, to our King? No, said they; it will be a plain Mockery to him, which he will never take well at your Hands. Do you not know, proceeded they, that he is come back from Persia with a victorious Army; where, his Successes have so[96] exalted him, that he hath put his own Son to death, as emulous of the Empire? Whereby you may guess at the severity of his Passion. He longs for, and courts, a fair Occasion to send his hardy and well-disciplin’d Army into Hungary, to enrich them with the Spoils of that Country, and to add the residue thereof to his Empire. And therefore, if you be wife, don’t rouze a sleeping Lyon; for thereby you will but hasten your own Miseries, which are coming on fast enough of themselves. Such were the Harangues of the Bashaws to us; and the rest of the Turks were of the same Mind. The mildest Punishment they denounced against us, was, that two of us would be cast into a nasty Dungeon; and the third (which was to be my share) would have his Nose and Ears cut off, and so sent back to his Master.

And, to strike the greater Terror into us, the Turks, who passed by our Lodgings, gave us many a sour Look; which was an Argument, that they intended some cruel Deportment towards us. And the truth is, from that Day forward, they used us more coarsely than ever; they kept us up close as Prisoners rather than Ambassadors: They suffer’d no body to come to us, nor permitted any of us to go forth, and the rest of their Carriage was as intolerable. Thus have they treated us these six Months past; and I know not how long they will continue these Severities; but, come what will, we submit to the Will of God, our Cause is just and honourable, and that gives us Relief against their vigorous Extremities. But leaving the Narration of our own Misfortunes, I shall answer your Desire, in giving you an Account of the Story of Bajazet. For the clearer Explication thereof, I must acquaint you, that Solyman had five Sons; the Eldest, begot by him on a Concubine, near[97] the Bosphorus, was called Mustapha, of whose unhappy End you have heard before; but by another Wife, named Roxolana, he had four, Mahomet, Selimus, Bajazet and Giangir. Mahomet liv’d till he was married, (for the Turks call their Concubines, Wives) but died soon after; so that Selimus and Bajazet of this latter Venter only remain’d alive. As for Giangir, he came thus to his end: When News was brought to Constantinople, that his Half-brother Mustapha was put to death, the Youth, being of a timorous Mind and infirm Body (for he was crook-back’d) fell into a grievous Passion, upon the Imagination that the like Fate did hang over his own Head; for he could promise safety to himself no longer than his Father liv’d. If his Head were once laid, he that was his Successor, would certainly kill all his Brethren, as emulous of the Kingdom; not one of them would be excepted, and himself, being among the Number, must look for the same Fate. This Thought struck him into a Disease, even as if the Bow-string had been already about his Neck, which cost him his Life; so that now only Selimus and Bajazet remained. Selimus was the Elder, and ’twas known to all, that his Father design’d him for the Empire; but Bajazet was most favoured and doted upon by his Mother. Whether it were out of Commiseration to prevent his inevitable Ruin, or else out of motherly Indulgence, or whatever else the Reason was; this is certain, if her Vote could have carried it, Bajazet had certainly succeeded in the Empire after his Father’s Death. But she must give way to his Father’s Will, who was fully resolv’d, come what would, that Selimus, and none else, should succeed him. Bajazet was not ignorant thereof, and therefore he turned every Stone to stave off his impending Fate, and, if possible,[98] to prevent his Ruin by grasping at the Throne. And his Hopes were encreased by the favour of his Mother, and of Rustan the Grand Vizier, who was thought to have espoused his Interests. Having two such Pillars to support him, he thought with himself, ’twas far more glorious to hazard his Life in contending with his Brother for the Empire, than to die obscurely by the Bow-string, as a Victim to his Cruelty.

Bajazet having this Project in his Head, began to pick Quarrels with his Brother, and to maintain a Faction against him; neither was it long before a proper Occasion offered itself for him to begin his design’d Enterprize, of rising in Arms upon the account of Mustapha’s Death, and the Disgust of many thereupon. For the Truth is, Mustapha was so well belov’d in his Life-time, and so much lamented at his Death, that those who had placed all their Hopes of Advancement in him alone, were almost unwilling to live after him; so that they did but wait for an Opportunity to revenge his Death, or to die as he did. Others, who were conscious to themselves that they had favoured his Party, and therefore were obnoxious to the present Power, did not care what Hurley-burlies they made; ready they were for any Innovation, only they wanted a Leader. In this case, they did not well know what to do. As for Mustapha himself, they knew he could not be recalled from the Dead; yet it was in their power to suborn and set up a feigned Mustapha in his head, as if the true one had been yet alive. This Design pleased Bajazet (who was the contriver of the Plot) best of all, as most conducing to the accomplishment of his Purpose. Hereupon, by his Emissaries, he procures a mean Fellow, but bold and ready witted, to counterfeit himself to be Mustapha; and his Pretence[99] was the more plausible, because his Stature, Physiognomy and Meen of his Body did somewhat resemble Mustapha’s. This Man began first, to shew himself in that part of Thrace which was above Constantinople, towards the Danube, Moldavia, and Valachia. This Place he thought the most opportune to raise a Party, because it was full of Horse; and that part of the Turkish Militia did most favour Mustapha. Here he starts up, as if he had fled in Post-haste from some remote Place, with a few in his Company; which he pretended were for his own Security. His Followers being asked by the Country, who he was? They answered, at first, whisperingly, that he was Mustapha. Hereupon they were more desirous to know the Truth; and then he was forced to declare himself, that he was Mustapha, indeed. Having made this prosperous Beginning, he goes on to congratulate his Safety among them, and to give God thanks. First, he told them, That, when he was sent for by his angry Father, he durst not trust himself to come into his Presence; but, by his Friend’s Advice, suborned one, somewhat like him, to represent his Person, that, by another Man’s Hazard rather than his own, he might make Trial of his incensed Father’s Inclination towards him. This Man he hired with great Promises of Reward; but as soon as he came to his Father, he was strangled at his Tent-door, before he had any opportunity to make his Defence; and his dead Body was exposed to the View of the Soldiery. At which time, said he, there were some few that smelt out the Project; but most part was deceived by the disguised Lineaments of the deceased Body, and thought it was he himself that was slain. As soon as I heard of this, said he, I saw there was no Stay for me, but I must consult my Safety by a speedy Flight.[100] I took but few in my Company, that I might be the less taken notice of and thus passing over Pontus and the Bosphoran Country, I am, said he, come hither; where I promise my self much Aid from your Fidelity, and, therefore, I beseech you lend me your helping Hand; and, seeing I am oppress’d by a wretched Step-mother, be you as forward to help me in my Affliction, as you were all ready to do so in my Prosperity. For my part, I am resolved to revenge my Wrongs, and to maintain my Life by force of Arms. For what other Course, pray, can I take? I owe my Life to my Father’s Mistake, who killed another Man instead of me; so that I plainly see, what Fate attends me, if ever I come into his Power. The miserable old Man is imposed on by the enchanting Passions of a Step-mother, whom he doats upon, and by the Ministry of Rustan, to whatsoever Attempt they please. But, thanks be to God, said he, I have got some Friends left to revenge my Wrongs, and to punish my Enemies. And, besides, I am not quite daunted, but have a great stock yet of Courage left; for I know that the Janizaries, and most of all my Father’s Court are on my side; and, then, upon hearing of my Name, I know all those who lamented me, when dead (as they thought), will joyn me, now they hear I am alive; only be you pleased to vouchsafe me a favourable Reception, and to protect me till sufficient Aid come in to me. These were his private, and also his public Harangues, where-ever he came; and his instructed Followers ecchoed forth the same Report; yea, some Men of Note whom Bajazet had suborned, sung Notes to the same Tune. Thus a great party of Men, unknown to Bajazet, were brought into the Noose. For the Matter was carried on so cunningly, that those who knew Mustapha, and saw him lie dead before his Father’s[101] Tent, yet were afraid to believe their own Eyes, but suffered themselves to be persuaded, that this was the true Mustapha indeed: Yea, some of Mustapha’s Intimates, who knew this was but a Cheat, were yet so overfond of his Memory, that, blinded either with Fear, Grief, or Anger, they were the first that listed themselves under this Pseudo-Mustapha, as being weary of their Lives without him; which made others certainly think, that this was the true Mustapha indeed, whom Report had falsely given out to be slain. And, besides, the Impostor himself, by large Promises and great Presents, which he said were the Relicks of his former Acquisitions, (but indeed were the Supplies that Bajazet had provided under-hand) did not cease to cajole and engage his Followers. So that in a very few Days he got a handsome body of Men together, fit for a little Army; and they encreased every day.

When Solyman was made acquainted by Messages and Letters, which the neighbouring Sanziacks, had, in great trepidation, sent him, what hazard he was in by reason of the resort of such Multitudes, to this Pseudo-Mustapha; the cunning old Man knew one of his Sons must needs be privy to the Plot, and therefore, he made haste to disappoint it; chiding his Sanziacks, by Letter, that they suffered the Matter to come to such a Head, and had not rather crush’d the Cockatrice in the Egg; but, seeing they had been negligent hitherto, he commanded them to make amends for their former Remissness, and to send him presently, the Traitor and his Followers, Prisoners, in Chains, to receive their condign Punishment; and, to facilitate the Matter, he would send Aid to them, by one of his Viziers, Partan Bassa who had married the Widow of Mahomet aforesaid. However,[102] he advised them, if they would purge themselves of their criminal Neglect, they should quell the Insurrection before his Succour came. Partan had but a few Troops with him; but they were choice Men, eminent for Courage and Faithfulness. Solyman took care to cull out Colonels, Captains, and other Commanders of that Inclination for this Service, as suspecting that others might have been corrupted, or enticed to pass over to the Tents of the Rebels; for, the Truth was, the ordinary sort of Janizaries, upon account of Mustapha’s Name, did not seem much averse from the Party; and, therefore, did not care what further Confusions might enhance the Danger on that side.

The Sanziacks, as soon as ever they received Solyman’s threatning Dispatches, began to bestir themselves, and to rouze up one another so that happy was he, that could do most Damage to the growing Party of the Impostor. Some of those that were going in to him, they intercepted; those that had already join’d him, they laboured to discourage by terrible Menaces and Denunciations of the Danger they were in. In the mean time, the Forces of Partan Bassa were marching on, and being almost come up to the Place, the Party of the Tumultuous, which were not yet fully settled, seeing so great Preparations, made against them, began to be discouraged, (as is usual with Men in such Circumstances) and to drop off one by one; and at last the whole Body of them most shamefully left their Leader, and shifted for themselves, the belt they could. Their feigned Mustapha, with his chief Partisans and Setters on, would willingly have done so too; but he was so watch’d by the Janizaries, that he was taken alive, and sent Prisoner to Partan, who, with a strong Guard, sent him to Constantinople. When he came[103] thither, Solyman put him on the Rack, and by that means found out the whole Plot; how his Son Bajazet was at the bottom of it, and had resolved, if they had not been so soon dissipated, to have join’d them with a considerable Force, and so either to have marched directly to Constantinople, or else (if Opportunity had served him) to have fought out his Brother; but being slow in his Actings, his Design was nipp’d in the very Bud. When Solyman had thus ferreted out the Design to the bottom, he caused him and his Abettors to be thrown into the Sea at Midnight, not thinking it convenient to have the Matter divulg’d among his own People, or that foreign Princes should be acquainted with the domestic Differences of his own Family.

As for his Son Bajazet, he was mightily exasperated against him for his foul Offence, and was meditating in his Mind what grievous Punishment he should inflict upon him. In the mean time, his Wife being a prying Woman, and therefore allowing him but little space for his Anger to vent and cool itself, at last falling into Discourse with him of the Affair, she began to excuse her Son, laying all the Fault on his youthful Imprudence; and that some of his Ancestors also had been necessitated to undertake the like Attempts. For (says she) ’tis a natural Instinct in all Men to do what they can for themselves and their Friends, and to save their Lives, if they can; especially, young Men, in the fervour of Youth, are apt to be drawn aside by ill Counsellors to pernicious Attempts; and, therefore, it was but reasonable that his first Fault should be pardoned, because, if he repented, his Father had gained a great Point in preserving his Son; but if he relapsed again into the same Crime, then the Father was at liberty to inflict[104] deserved Punishment on him, for both Offences, at one and the same time. But, proceeded she, if you will not pardon him for his own sake, yet be pleased to do it for mine; and spare our own common Flesh and Blood: For how, think you, can I bear it, that, of two Sons which God hath yet left me, your Severity should rend one of them from me? And, therefore, she intreated him to moderate his Anger, and not to let loose the Reins to Cruelty, though he had never so just an Occasion. Almighty God (said she) though most Powerful and Just, yet doth not always exert his highest Severities, but tempers them with Indulgence, else Mankind would be quickly destroyed. And, if Clemency may be shew’d to any, to whom, pray, more properly than to a Man’s own Children? Bajazet, for the future, will certainly keep within the bounds of his Duty, and the Fear, wherein he now is, will certainly be turned into the highest Degree of filial Obedience for the future. If you please to spare his Life, the Sense of your Indulgence will work this; for nothing is so obliging to generous Minds as Courtesies received. The Memory of his Pardon will restrain him from running a second time into the like Offence; and I my self will undertake for him, that for the future he will carry it towards you, as a most dutiful and obedient Son.

To these Intreaties she added Tears and Caresses, so that the old Man, who was Uxorious enough before, could no longer withstand her Importunities, but changed his Mind; and, instead of punishing, resolved to pardon his Son; but on this Condition, that he was to come into his Presence, and receive his Commands. His Mother, being exceeding glad at the good Success of her Interposal, was not wanting to the Occasion;[105] but presently acquainted Bajazet by Letters that, whenever he was sent for, he should not scruple in the least to come to his Father, for she had wrought a Reconciliation betwixt them, so that not the least spark of Discontent lay now covered in his Mind against him. Upon the Receipt of this good News, Bajazet resolves to trust his Father, yet not without some Relicks of Fear; he reflected ever and anon on his Brother Mustapha, whose Example warned him of the Danger he underwent. However, conquering his Fear, come he did to the place of Conference appointed by his Father; it was called Carestrane, some few Miles distant from Constantinople.

You must know; that, now-a-days, ’tis the custom of the Turkish Emperors, never to permit any one of their Sons, when once they are grown up, to set their Foot within the Gates of Constantinople, (whilst they are alive) for fear they should ingratiate themselves with the Soldiery, and so set up for themselves. As he was alighting from his Horse, some of his Father’s Servants were at hand to take away his Sword and Dagger. This struck his guilty Conscience into a little Fear, though it were accustomed to be done to others, that they might come unarmed into their Emperor’s Presence: But his Mother, who had placed her self on purpose near his Passage, looked out at a Window, using these Expressions, Chear up, chear up, my Son! By which Antidote he was very much heartened and relieved.

As soon as ever he came into his Father’s Presence, the old Man bid him sit down, and then began to blame him very severely for his Rashness, in taking up Arms so causelesly. They may be looked upon, said he, as taken up against my self: But, grant you took them up only against your Brother,[106] yet it takes off little from your Offence; for, if you had had your Wish, the Ottoman Religion would have been quite shaken, if not overthrown, by the domestic Discords among our Family, (on the Heirs whereof it doth depend); so that, if you be a true Mussulman, such a Crime ought to have been far from your Thoughts. I might aggravate your Crime (said he) by telling you, that you aspired to the Government in my Life-time, which is so contemptuous a Thing, that your Offence is almost inexpiable: Nevertheless, I am resolved to pardon you, and to shew my self a loving Father, rather than a just Judge, that so for the future you may leave all to God; for Kingdoms, and the Governments of them are not disposed of by Man’s Pleasure, but by the Will of God. If he hath decreed that you shall have the Kingdom after me, no Man living will be able to hinder it: But, if God had otherwise determined, ’twas a mad Thing in you to go about to resist his Will; for that were to fight against God. And, therefore, let me advise you to be quiet; and not disturb your peaceable Brother, nor interrupt the Quiet of my old Age; for, I will assure you, if you commit a second Offence of this Nature, I will be so far from Pardoning you, that you shall have the Severity of Justice.

Bajazet’s Answer was very submissive, acknowledging his Fault, and promising Subjection for the future. Whereupon Solyman called for Drink, and caused it to be given to his Son, (as the Custom is) which was a Sherbet, made of Sugar, and the Juice of certain Fruit. Bajazet had rather have let it alone, as fearing it might have been his last Draught, but he could not handsomely refuse it: So he drank a little, and his Father drank a little after him; which freed him of his Fear. Thus[107] Bajazet was dismissed, and sent away to his Government, his Congress with his Father having been far more auspicious, than his Brother Mustapha’s was.

As for the Death of Achmet Bassa, another of your Enquiries, I shall give this short Relation. Some say, he was put to Death for being too much affected to Mustapha, and for favouring underhand the counterfeit Mustapha, and encouraging Bajazet in his Designs. Others say, that being a mere Robber or Swash-Buckler at first, but advanced for his Audacity, Valour and Skill in military Affairs, to that high Dignity, the Punishment of his former flagitious Life, was only deferred to the last Period of it. And some were of Opinion, he was executed only to make Way for Rustan; for Solyman, having promised Achmet never to take away the Seal from him, so long as he lived, to make a collusive Performance of his Word, he caused him to be put to Death, before he did it. Some said, that Solyman gave it out, ’Twas better to die once, than a thousand Times over; for the Fear of the Loss of his Grand Viziership, and much more his Survival thereupon, would have been as a thousand Deaths to him. Whatever was the Cause, the Manner of it was this: He came early in the Morning into the Divan, (or Council-Chamber) being ignorant of what was designed against him: By and by comes the Messenger to him from the Sultan, telling him, that he must die. He was a Man of a great Spirit, and received the Message as undauntedly, as if it had nothing concerned him; only, when the Executioner drew near, to do his Office, he pushed him away, as thinking it dishonourable for a Man of his Dignity to die by the Hands of an ordinary Executioner: But, casting his Eyes round about the Company,[108] he espied a creditable Person, that was his Friend; him he desired to do that last Office for him, and he should take it as a great Kindness at his Hands. His Friend, upon his iterated Request, undertook it: Only Achmet advised, not to draw the Cord, or Bow-string, so as to dispatch him at once, but when he had strained it a little, then to remit it, that he might breath a while, and afterwards to pull it as hard as he could, until he were dead; wherein his Desire was answered. Thus Achmet was willing to taste (as it were) of Death, before he drank his full Draught of it. Upon his Decease Rustan had the Grand-Viziership bestowed upon him.

As for my Return out of this Country, which you desire to hear of, all I can say is, Facilis descensus Averni. He that brought me hither, will, when he sees good, bring me back: In the Interim, I solace my self in the Company of my old Friends, my Books, which never fail to afford me Relief both Day and Night.

Constantinople, June 12.

What you have heard, is very true, in every particular; for it is most certain, that all my Collegues are returned Home, and poor I am left behind, alone. And, whereas you put several Questions to me, as, what Fate, or what malevolent Star, kept me back from accompanying them in their Return? And why I did not shake Hands with that barbarous Country, to enjoy the wish’d for Comforts of my own? And withal, you demand, what memorable Matters I have seen or heard of since I wrote last? Promising to give Credit to whatever drops from my Pen, as if it were as true as Gospel. And moreover, you desire to know the course of my Studies, and how I relieve my self, both in my Solitudes and Sufferings? And whether I go abroad, or always stay at home? All these Demands put together, will engage me to write rather Commentaries or Diaries, than a single Letter, especially, since you are very earnest to know, how Bajazet’s Matters stand, concerning which, you say, there are various Reports with you. You claim a Promise from me, and unless I perform it, you tell me you will commence an Action against me, and have already drawn your Breviat. To pursue your Metaphor, let me persuade you to stay a while, Leniter qui sæviunt, sapiunt magis, says the old Proverb, no Haste to kill true Men: But if you are so much given to[110] Law, take Use and Principal too, rather than I will answer your Suit, for I am averse from Lawing. And besides, the distance of Place is so great between us, that if I should put in an Exception to your Plea, yet your Writ would hardly abate. But, however it be, I will rather satisfy your Desires, than contend with you in the least. When my Collegues (whose Names I gave you in my last Letters) perceived, that our three Years Abode in this Place had produced little Good hitherto, either to the making of a firm Peace, or the continuing the Truce; and that small Hopes of either did appear for the future, they laboured with Might and Main to be dismissed by this Court; and when, with much ado, Solyman’s Consent was obtained therein, (for ’tis no easy matter to get a Dismission from hence) the only Question was, whether we should all go, or only those of us that came first, and so had been longest there? For cunning Solyman, that he might not seem over desirous of Peace, by retaining one of us, remitted the Matter wholly to our own Choice. In these Circumstances, my Companions thought it very adviseable, and for our Master’s Service, that one of us should stay behind; and I my self was of the same Mind: But we resolved to dissemble our Sentiments, and conceal them from the Turks, so that, as often as we had any Discourse with them on that Subject, I always pretended an utter Unwillingness to stay behind. ’Tis true, I told them I came thither to reside as Ambassador in Ordinary; but it was on Supposition, that Peace would be made between both Empires. That not being yet done, I did not see how I could well stay, but to the Damage, and against the Will of my Master, and therefore it was best that we should all return together. Thus I reasoned before them, that so I[111] might stay on better Terms, rather by their Entreaty than by my own voluntary Offer. I knew well enough, that, if we all went away, it would not only open a wide Door for a War, but it would even quite shut out all Hopes of Peace; which latter was not despaired of, if I staid behind: For, whilst Dispatches were sent to and from both Princes, it would spin out a great deal of Time, in which Interval something or other might fall out of advantage to our Cause; so that it was better to do any thing, than to precipitate our selves into a fierce and cruel War; and yet I was not ignorant, how prejudicial my Stay would be to my self, for thereby my Care and Labour would be doubled, in regard one was to do the Work of two or three: Besides, many Inconveniencies might occasionally arise, especially, if the Issue of my Transactions did terminate in a War: And yet, I must tell you, he that undertakes the Office of a public Ambassador, must post-pone all such private Difficulties, and make light of them, in comparison of the public Good of his Prince and Country. And I had a fair Opportunity to manage this Affair by the Complaisance of Rustan, who was very desirous of my Stay; for that subtle Vizier easily foresaw, what a shrewd Step towards a War it would be, if we should all be gone and leave the Negotiation for a Peace unfinished. The old Fox was averse from War, upon this Account principally; he foresaw that, if Solyman made an Expedition into Hungary, it was impossible to prevent the Discords of his Children; for if Selimus were willing to be quiet, yet Bajazet would attempt Innovation, especially since he was favoured by himself, his Wife, and Mother-in-law; and such Commotions, he knew, would be fatal to him: And therefore, when we were once at his[112] House, he made a long Harangue to my Colleagues, advising them what to say to their Master at their Return, in order to a Peace. As for me, he advised me by all means to stay behind, and not to desert a Business so well begun, till it came to the desired Issue; and there’s no doubt, said he, but the Emperor, your Master, who always shewed himself inclining to Peace, will approve well-enough of your Stay. However, I continued deaf to his Request, as far as with Safety I could, and insisted on my Return; which egg’d him on the more, to persuade me to stay: What, says he, will you cut off all Hopes of Peace for ever? Our Emperor longs for nothing more than to send an Army into Hungary, and he had long since done it, if I had not made use of some female Instruments (meaning his Wife and Mother-in-law) to dissuade him; yea, as it were to pluck him back by the Sleeve; and therefore, if you be wife, don’t rouze a sleeping Lyon to destroy you. Upon this I began to yield a little, and was less peremptory in my Refusal to stay; only I told them, my greatest Remora was, I was afraid of their unjust Reproaches; that, if Matters succeeded not as they would have them, the whole Blame would be cast upon me (though it was not in my Power to help it) and therefore they would make me feel the Fruits of their Indignation. But Rustan bid me be of good Cheer, whatever the Event were; if unsuccessful, it should not be imputed to me; if I would but stay, he promised to take me under his Protection, and next he would treat me (to use his own Words) as if I were his natural Brother. I told him, I would consider of it; and so we parted for that Time.

The next Day we were called into the Divan, (so they called their Council-Chamber) and then[113] the same Part was acted over again; only Rustan carried it a little more covertly, and reservedly, because of the Presence of other Bashaws. There, at last, I yeilded to stay behind, only leaving a Memorial with them of this Import, that I staid behind unknown to my Master, and therefore I would leave all my Concessions to his Arbitrement, to cancel or confirm: As for myself, I would be responsible for nothing, nor oblige myself by any Promise, whatever issue God were pleased to give of my Negotiation. This Memorial was of great Service to me afterwards, in difficult Circumstances, so that the Bashaws could not, for shame, treat me so severely in their Resentments, as otherwise they would have done.

Thus, Sir, you have an Account of my Stay behind my Fellows, with the Reason of it. They left Constantinople about the latter end of August, 1557. The Winter following, the Grand Seignior went to Adrianople, as his Custom was, both to strike a greater Terror into Hungary, upon the Report of his nearer approach thither, and also for the Conveniencies of his Hunting, (for there the Winters are colder than at Constantinople,) both which he thought conducive to his Health. The Country thereabout is full of Marshes and Stagnant Waters, by reason of the nearness of many Rivers; so that there are abundance of Water-Fowl, as wild-Ducks, Geese, Herons, Storks, Cranes, Bitterns, &c. To catch them, he makes use of Hawks, or a lesser sort of Eagles, which are so used to the Sport, that, though the Fowl fly up to the Clouds, they’ll fetch him down from thence; but, if they fly lower, then they truss them, and with a mighty Force strike them with their Bills to the Ground. I am told, that some of his Falcons are so disciplin’d and expert, that they will venture on a Crane,[114] even in that part of the Body where the Wing joyns it; and by this means the Crane’s Bill can do them no hurt, and so they tumble to the Ground with their Prey: And yet sometimes the Hawk pays dear for his Boldness; for, if he do but miss his Gripe never so little, presently the Crane runs him through with his Bill, and down he tumbles dead to the Ground.

For this Reason, the Grand Seignior ordinarily every Year, a little before Winter, goes to Adrianople, and returns not again to Constantinople, till the Frogs begin to be troublesome to him by their croaking. Thither Rustan, a while after, sent for me by Letter; he appointed some Horse to guard me on the Way, and Sixteen Janizaries; whether as a Guard to me, or upon me, I leave to you to judge. We made long Journeys; for he advised us to make hast. On the Third Day my Janizaries, being on Foot, began to grumble; the Ways were dirty, as is usual at that Time of the Year, and they complained, that they were often forced to march more Miles in a Day, than they were used to do; and that, if their Emperor were there, they could hardly endure it.

Their Complaints troubled me not a little, because I was loth to disoblige this sort of People, and therefore I consulted with my Servants, how I might allay their Discontents, and make them willinger to Travel. One of mine told me, he had observed that they were much taken with a certain kind of Caudle, Gruel or Pottage, which my Cook used to make of Wine, Eggs, Sugar and Spices: Perhaps (says he) if they have some of that for their Break-fast, they will be plyable. This seemed but a mean Expedient, yet we resolved to try it, and the Success answered our Expectation; for, after this sweet Soop, it being also further heated with a[115] Glass or two of Wine, away they trudged as merrily as could be, and told me, they would accompany me, on the same Terms, to Buda, if I pleased.

When I came to Adrianople, I was forced to hear the Railings, rather than the Complaints of Rustan, concerning the plundering Excursions of the Hungarians. And, by way of Answer, I was as ready to complain to him of the frequent Depredations and Mischiefs, which the Turks did in Christian Countries. No marvel, said I, if we retort like for like; for I had just then received an Express from Cæsar, my Master, informing me, what Breaches and Contraventions the Turks had made of that Truce, which at the Departure of my Collegues, was agreed upon: How they vexed the poor Peasants with continual Inrodes, robbing them of their Goods, and made themselves, their Wives and Children, Slaves.

I must not forget to acquaint you, that the same Day, a Messenger came to me with an Express from Cæsar, my Master. There happened an Earthquake at Adrianople, from which he took an occasion to tell me, that he perceived the same (so he judged it) at Nissa, S. Sophia and other Places through which he Travelled, so that the Air, included in the Bowels of the Earth, did seem to have kept Pace with him, by some subterraneous Passages or Caverns, and to have travelled as far in a Day under Ground, as he himself had done on the Surface of it. This Conjecture afterward seemed to be confirmed, upon the Relation we received of an Earthquake that happened in Constantinople four Days after, which seemed to be the same imprisoned Air, that had made its Way, under Ground, even to that City also.

[116]

I leave the Matter to your Judgment; but this is certain, that Earthquakes are very frequent at Constantinople; for once, when I was there, about Mid-Night, my Lodgings did so shake, that it was almost ready to fall. This Accident awakened me, though fast asleep, and, having a Watch-Light burning by me all Night, when I saw here a Cup, there a Book, a Table, Board and Stone all tumbled in a Heap together, I was at first astonished at the Novelty of the Spectacle, till I had recollected myself; and judging it to be the Effects of an Earthquake, I then retired to that part of the House which I thought most secure from falling. The same Commotion of the Earth continued some Days, but not with like Violence. Yea, over all that great City, and especially in my Lodgings, and in the Temple of S. Sophia, you might see the Walls, though very thick, to crack and gape by reason of the Clefts made by such Earthquakes.

Well; I staid about three Months at Adrianople, made a Truce there for Seven Months, and in March was attended back again to Constantinople. When I came thither, I was quite weary of being mew’d up in my old Lodging, it was so close, and therefore I dealt with my Chiaux, (a sort of Officers among the Turks, which serve for divers Employments, of which Attendance on Ambassadors is one) that I might have Liberty, as other Ambassadors had before me, to hire an House at my own Charge, where I may have the Benefits of Gardens, Orchards, and a free Air to breath in. The Chiaux was not averse to my Proposal, for he saw that the Grand Seignior’s Interest was concerned therein, who was wont to hire Houses for Ambassadors, at the yearly Rent of 400 Ducats; and now all that Expence would be saved: Hereupon I went to a House, or Island rather, hired with my own Money, where[117] there was a broad Field adjoyning, which I resolved to turn into a Garden, and to relieve my wearisom Embassy, in managing and planting it: But, see the Spight of it! When the Chiaux found, by Experience, that he could not have so strict an Eye over me in an open House that had many Ways to it, with a large space of Ground near it, as he had in a Caravansera (which Word you know the meaning of, by my former Letters) because this latter was fenced with Cross-barr’d Windows, and, besides, had but one Passage into it, he began to change his Mind, and thereupon made his Address to the Bashaws, who by this Time were returned from Adrianople, that I might retire from my former Lodging: And I was to look upon this as a great Courtesy too; for some of the Bashaws, in a Debate betwixt them, concerning the Disposal of me, were of Opinion, that, now I was alone, a less House would serve my turn, and so some Charge might be saved; But the more moderate Party carried it, that I should return to my old Quarters.

If you desire a Description of the House I lodged in, take it thus. It is situate on a Rising Ground, in the most celebrated part of Constantinople; in the Back-side of it there is a pleasant, but somewhat distant, Prospect to the Sea, which yet is not so remote from it, but that you may easily discern the Dolphins skipping and playing therein: And also at a vast distance a Man may see Mount Olympus in Asia, which wears a snowy-white Cap all the Year; it lies open to the Wind from every Quarter, which by ventilating the Air, makes it more wholsom and healthy. But the Turks are so envious to their Christian Tenants, that they would cut them off from as many Conveniencies as they can, and therefore they do not only set Iron Grates before their Windows, but also add Iron Boards and[118] Planks to hinder the Prospect, and the free Passage of their Air; and by this means they stop the Mouths of Neighbouring Turks, who are apt to complain, that they can do nothing in their Houses but the Christians must overlook them. The House is built in a Quadrangular Form, with a large Square in the midst, wherein there is a Well.

The upper part of the House, which is all of it that is inhabited, is divided into Galleries, which go round it, and into Lodging Chambers. The Galleries look down into the Quadrangle within, and without are the Lodgings, which have all a Passage into them; there are a great many of them, but they are small and uniform, as the Cells or Chambers of Monks are with us. The Front stands over against the High Way leading to the Seraglio; and the Grand Seignior, every Friday (which is their Sabbath, as the Lord’s Day is with us) passes by it to his Devotions, so that Ambassadors may easily see him out of their Windows. And the Family, together with the Chiaux and the Janizaries, do obeysance to him in the Porch, or do re-salute him rather; for the Fashion of the Turks is, that the Greater doth first of all salute the Less, and therefore the Grand Seignior as he passes, first salutes the People with a Nod of his Head; and then they very officiously pay their Court to him, with Acclamations and Shouts.

The lower Part of the House is designed for the Stabling of Horses; and, to preserve it from Fire within, it is all built with Vaults or arched Roofs, and without it is covered with Lead. ’Tis true, such kind of Building hath some Advantages; and it hath as many Inconveniencies to ballance them: For all things are made therein for necessary Use, but nothing for Delight and Pleasure. There is nothing of Beauty or Novelty that can entertain[119] your Fancy; no Garden belonging to it, to give a Man the Pleasure of a Walk; there is neither Tree, Shrub nor green Herb, to delight your Eye; you have only many wild Beasts as your troublesome Inmates and Companions. Snakes you have in abundance, store of Weesels, Lizards and Scorpions; so that sometimes when you would fetch your Hat in the Morning, from the Place you left it in the Night before, you find it surrounded with a Snake, as with a terrible Hat-Band; And yet these Animals afforded me some kind of Diversion in my Solitude, (for you must give me leave to tell you all my Entertainments). I once saw a Weesel fiercely combating with a Snake, and though the whole Family look’d upon her, yet she was not terrified therewith; but though her Adversary struggled, and made what Defence he could, yet she victoriously haled him into her Hole. Another Time I saw a Weesel carrying her young Weesling from one part of the House to another; and, as she was so doing, she leap’d down upon the middle of the Table, where I and some of my Guests were sitting after Dinner, having the young one in her Mouth, which she very fairly left among us on the Table, and skip’d no farther than the Door, as if she had waited what Event would betide her Youngling. When we had satisfied ourselves with the Sight of that (yet sharpless) Animal, we laid it down upon the Ground, and then the Dam ran hastily, and snatching it up, carried it to her desired Place. Another time I saw either a Snake, or a Dragon, or a Serpent, trod to pieces by the Horse’s Feet, in the Stable; her Belly was very big, and, after I had caused it to be opened, I found three huge Mice therein. ’Twas a wonder to me, how such a slow and creeping Animal could catch so swift and so running a one; and, after he had catch’d[120] him, how he could swallow him down, by reason of the narrowness of his Throat and Jaws. But my Wonderment was soon abated, when I beheld another Snake seize upon a mighty Toad; and, after he had him in his Mouth, he began at the hinder Part, and had devoured a great deal of it; and yet the Toad was still alive, and did what he could with his Fore-Feet to deliver himself from his Enemy. ’Twas in this very Posture, when I saw it first; which made me admire, and to be almost of the Opinion, that I saw a Monster, an Animal with two Feet, and a Tail as long as a Serpent; but when I drew nearer, and perceived what it was, I hit the Snake with my Staff, to make him let go his Prey, which at last he endeavoured to do, that he might creep the nimbler away; but, whether he would or no, the Toad stuck in his Throat; yet, at last, when with much-a-do, he had shaken him out, he could not shut his Mouth, but continued gaping, in an ugly Posture, till we killed him. Such a Staff, if we may believe Pliny, hath a kind of magical Virtue to help Child-bearing Women in the Time of their Labour.

But, for my Part, I was not content with the Native Animals of that Country, but fill’d my House with Outlandish ones too; and my Family busied themselves, by my Order, to our mutual Contents, in feeding them, that we might the better bear the Absence from our own Country: For seeing we were debarred of human Society, what better Conversation could we have to drive Grief out of our Minds, than among wild Beasts? Otherwise, Stones, Walls and Solitudes had been but lamentable Amusements for us.

Amongst these, Apes led the Van, which making us good Sport, occasioned great Laughter[121] amongst us, and therefore you should seldom see them without a whole Ring of my People about them, delighting to observe their antick Tricks and Gestures. I also bred up some Wolves, some Bears, some broad-horned Stags (vulgarly miscalled, Bucks) and common Deers; also Hinds, Lynx’s, Ichneumons or Indian Rats, Weesels of that sort which you call Ferrets and Fairies: And, if you would know all, I kept also a Hog, whose noisome Smell was wholsome for my Horses, as my Grooms persuaded me: So that, in my Nomenclature of other Creatures, ’tis not fit I should omit my Hog, which made my House to be mightily frequented by the Asiaticks. They came thick and three-fold to see that Creature, which is counted unclean by them, and by the Books of their Religion they are forbid to eat it, so that, it being a prohibited Animal among them, they never saw one before. Yea, all Turks are as much afraid to touch a Hog, as Christians are to come near to those who are infected with the Plague. This Humour of theirs being known, we put a pretty Trick upon them; when any body had a mind to send me a secret Message, which he would not have my Chiaux know of, he put it into a little Bag, together with a Roasting-Pig, and send it by a Youth: When my Chiaux met him, he would ask, what he had there? Then the Boy, being instructed before, whisper’d him in the Ear, and say, that a Friend of mine had sent me a Roasting-Pig, for a Present: The Chiaux, thereupon, would punch the Bag with his Stick, to see whether the Boy spake Truth or no; and when he heard the Pig grunt, he would run back as far as ever he could, saying, Get thee in, with the nasty Present! Then, spitting on the Ground, and turning to his Fellows, he would say; ’Tis[122] strange to see how these Christians do dote on this filthy impure Beast; they cannot forbear eating of it, though their Lives lay at stake. Thus he was handsomely choused, and the Boy brought me what secret Message was sent me. I kept also a great many sorts of Birds, as Eagles, Jack-daws, Muscovy Ducks, Balearick Cranes, and Partridges; yea, my House is so full of them, that, if a Painter were to draw it, he may take from thence the Copy of Noah’s Ark. Besides the Delight that I and my Family take in these Creatures, to counterpoise our long Absence from our own Country, I got also this Advantage by them, that now I know, by Experience, what I could hardly believe when I read it in Books. You know a great many Books are full of strange Stories, what ardent Love some wild Beasts have to Mankind: I could never give Credit to such Relations, but looked upon them as Romances, till I saw with my Eyes, a Lynx, which I got out of Assyria, so passionately affected towards one of my Servants, though known to him but a little while before, that for my part I could not think but she was in Love with him: For, whenever he was present, she would mightily fawn upon him, and in a manner embrace him, and almost kiss him. Whenever she was about to go away from him, she would gently lay her Claws on his Cloaths, as labouring to retain him; and, when he was gone, she would eye him; and whensoever he was in Sight, would hardly ever remove her Eye from that Quarter. During the Time of his Absence, she was very sad, but upon his Return she would skip and be jocund; she could not endure he should be at any Time absent; for one Time, when he went with me beyond Sea, to the Turkish Camp, the[123] Lynx pined away by degrees, would not eat a bit, but at length died.

I was troubled for his Loss, for I had designed him, with another choice Ichneumon (which I had) as a Present for my Master Cæsar; and the rather, because of the exceeding Beauty of his Skin, which made him look quite different from other Lynxes: The best of the kind are bred in Assyria, from whence this came, and their Skins are sold here for fifteen or sixteen Crowns of Gold apiece. I question not, but these were the Babilonian Pells or Skins, so much famed and valued amongst the Ancients, of which mention is made in Law-Books; in the Title of Publicans.

If you please to hear me, I’ll tell you another story of a Bird: I have, among my other Birds, a Balearic Crane, which differs from the ordinary sort of Cranes by a white Plume of Feathers, that grows hanging down from both her Ears; and besides, all the fore-part of her Neck-Feathers were black, and the Turks adorn their Turbants with it; and there is some Difference in their Bigness. This Balearic Bird was mightily affected with a Spanish Soldier, whom I had redeemed out of his Chains; when he walked abroad, the Bird would walk with him, though for many Hours together; when he stood still, so did the Crane; when he sat down, she would stand by him, and suffer him to handle her, and stroke down her Feathers, whereas she would not suffer any body else so much as to touch her; whenever he was gone from Home, she would come to his Chamber-door and knock against it with her Beak; if any body open’d it, she would look all about, to see whether he were in the Room; and, not finding him, she would traverse it about, making such a shrill Din and Noise, that nothing living could[124] endure it; so that we were forced to shut her up, that her Noise might not offend us. But when he returned, as soon as ever she fixed her Eyes on him, she would make to him, clapping her Wings with such an antick Posture of her Body as Dancers in a Jig use to do; or as if she had been to prepare herself for Combat with a Pygmy. In fine, she at last used to lie under his Bed at Night, where she laid him an Egg. Thus I have given the story of the Loves of brute Animals towards Man, now prepare your Ears for another Story of a contrary Import, viz. the Cruelty and Ingratitude of another Brute towards Man. I had a Hart, that lived very quiet and tame with me for many Months; but, when her rutting or coupling Time came, she grew on a sudden so wild, that, forgetting all our Respects, she flew upon every body that she met, as if she would have killed them with her Horns, so that we were compelled, for our own Security, to hamper her, and to shut her up in a walled Place; but one Night, she broke from her Prison, and ran amongst all the Horses, which, as I told you, in Turkey, use to stand all Night in the Yard, and where she made such a Tumult amongst them, that she forced the Grooms to drive her to her Hold; she wounded many of them, which set them into a Rage, so that at last they drove her into a large Stable, and there I gave them leave, with what Weapons came next to hand, to destroy her: She defended her self stoutly at first; but they, being forty to one, at last felled her, and made her pay for her breach of Hospitality. When she was dead, I cut her in pieces, and made a Feast for the Ambassadors that then resided at Constantinople. It was a Hart or Stag, of a huge Bulk, such as use to come in the beginning of Autumn, out of Hungary into Austria,[125] at rutting Times. I bought him of some Beggars, that made a Gain of that Trade; they used to carry him about, and where they ask’d Alms for God’s Sake, at the name of God they used to bow their Heads, and the Stag by Custom had learned to do so too; so that the Vulgar did admire the Beast, as if he had some Sense of a Deity, and therefore he got a deal of Gain to his Keepers. This Stag, by reason of his Talness, I also designed as a Present to Cæsar.

Having made mention of Turkish Beggars, give me leave to acquaint you with the nature of those kind of People in this Country. There are fewer Beggars here than amongst us, and they are commonly Pilgrims that travel up and down, pretending some appearance of Piety or religious Profession. Some of them, besides their Poverty, pretend Distraction and Simplicity; and this sort is very much esteemed among them, for the Turks count all Madmen and Fools to be certainly designed for Heaven; and therefore they look upon them as Demi-Gods here on Earth. Some of those Wanderers are Arabians, who carry Banners before them, wherewith, as they say, their Ancestors fought against the Christians, for the Propagation of the Mussulman Religion. Those that are of this Rank are not ordinary Beggars, neither do they ask Alms of all Passengers, but in the Evening they offer you a Tallow-Candle, a Lemon or a Pomegranate, and force it upon you; but you must give them double or treble the Worth; and by this means they seem rather to sell than to receive gratis. For the rest, they which beg amongst Christians are set to do servile Offices amongst the Turks. If a Slave become lame, his Master is bound to maintain him, and yet the veriest Cripple amongst them brings in his Master[126] some Profit. I remember, once I redeemed a Spanish Officer, bought by a Turk, who was maimed in all his Limbs, by reason of his Wounds, and yet his Master found means how to make him get his Living; he sent him over into Asia, to look to the Flocks of Geese which he kept there; and by his Care in feeding them, he brought in sufficient Gain to his Matter.

Now we talk of Slaves, give me leave to digress a little, and to propose a Quære, whether he did well or ill with Christendom, who first brought up the use of Slaves among them? I know there are many Inconveniencies that attend the Condition of Slaves, but they are over-balanced by the Advantages accruing thereby; especially if a just and merciful Slavery were allowed by some public Law, as was of old among the Romans; for then, perhaps, we should not need so many Gallows’s and Gibbets as we have among us, to restrain those, who set an high Price on their Life and Liberty; to maintain which, their Poverty prompts them to the most audacious Attempts: Liberty, without an Estate to maintain it, is none of the best Counsellors. All Men cannot bear Poverty and Freedom; Mankind, in general, is not so form’d by Nature, as to rightly to govern himself. No, he stands in need of a better and wiser Conduct than his own; otherwise, there will be no end of his Transgressing; for so some Beasts will always be terrible to Men, unless their Fierceness be restrain’d by Manacles and Bonds. But in this case of Slavery, the weaker Mind of the Slave is govern’d and steer’d by the Authority of his Patron or Master; and, on the other side, the Master is maintained by the Labour of his Slave. The Truth is, both publickly and privately, the Turks make a very great Advantage[127] of their Slaves; if any Houshold-work be to be done, the Slave is ready to perform it; and, therefore, they have a Proverb among them, He can never be poor, that hath but one Slave. But then for Works without Doors, if there be any Rubbish to be carried out, or Preparation made for any great Building, the assiduity of Slaves quickly performs what is enjoined them. This I take to be one Reason, why our present Buildings do not arrive to the Magnificence of the Ancients; we want Hands (or Slaves) to carry on the Work. I might instance also, that servile Hands and Heads have been great helps to the Learned, to attain their so much celebrated Learning and Knowledge. What I have hitherto discoursed about Slaves, you will look upon as an Amusement; and so, pray, take it.

This I can a assure you of, that the Turks, in their way, do make a huge Advantage of Slaves; for if an ordinary Turk bring home one or two Slaves, whom he hath taken Prisoners in War, he accounts he hath made a good Campaign of it, and his Prize is worth his Labour. An ordinary Slave is sold among them for 40 or 50 Crowns; but if he be young, beautiful, and have Skill in some Trade besides, then they rate him at twice as much. By this you may know, how advantageous the Turkish Depredations are to them, when many times, from one Expedition, they bring home five or six thousand Prisoners.

The Romans of old, were not ignorant of this gainful Trade; which made them set an high Rate on 20 or 30 thousand Persons, which they sometimes took at the sacking of Cities, as their Writings shew. But a Turk, upon the like Sack, would make ten times five hundred Crowns of his Prize, though by the rules of their Religion they[128] are not to make Slaves of any of their own Sect; nor to disfranchize them, or set any Price on their Heads.

But to return from this large Digression: I formerly acquainted you with my Sport in Hunting; it follows, in course, that I must say something of my Fowling. The Turks are favourable to all Beasts, as also to Birds; and especially to Kites, because, they say, they eat up the Carrion, and keep the Streets clean and wholsome; and, therefore, abundance of these Birds fly up and down the Town, as fearless of Gin or Snare, so that they are almost tame; and when you whistle to them, they come about you; throw them up Meat in the Air, they’ll catch it with their Claws. Once I caused a Sheep to be killed, and called the Kites to prey upon the Entrails. I cut them in pieces, and threw them up into the Air; by and by came ten or twelve or twenty Kites, and a while after so many of them, that they almost shaded the House; and they are so bold, withal, that if you hold out a piece of Flesh, they will be ready to snatch it out of your Hands. In the mean time, I stood with my Cross-Bow behind the Pillar, and sometimes when I shot, I made the Tail or Feathers of one or other of them to fly off, and sometimes I gave one or two a mortal Wound, and made them tumble down; but this I did privately, when the Doors were shut, that so I might not provoke the Turks to Indignation.

I must tell you, I have Partridges too (to acquaint you with my whole Stock of pleasurable Recreations). You would wonder, as I my self did at first, how tame they are. They were brought from Chios with red Feet and Beaks; they were so troublesome to me, by standing at my Feet, and picking the Dust out of my Velvet[129] Pantofle, with their Beaks, that they might dust themselves therewith, that, to be rid of the Molestation, I was forced to shut them up in a Chamber, where, in a short time, they grew over-fat and died, as my Servants told me; yet Pliny says, in a certain Place, that Hares and Partridges never grow fat. You have yet but small ground for your Wonderment; but, pray, prepare your Ears for what follows.

The Isle of Chios is full of these Birds, and they live with the Inhabitants in their Houses; every Country-man, almost, keeps more or less of them under his Roof, as their Estates are, or their Minds serve them. A public Keeper whistles them out in a Morning, and they run to him in the Highway, and follow him into the Field (as Flocks of Sheep do their Shepherds with us): There they stay all Day to feed and bask themselves, and in the Evening he whistles for them again, and then they covey together, and return to their old Lodgings. The Custom arose from hence, as they say: As soon as ever the Partridges are hatch’d, the Country-men take them up and put them in their Bosoms, between their Skin and their Shirts; thus they carry them about a day or two, ever and anon moist’ning their Mouths with their own Spittle. This Courtesy doth so oblige the young Birds (for Partridges, as well as other Birds, are mindful of human Civilities, if I may so speak) that they cannot forget their Fosterers; and yet Care is to be taken, that they stay not out in the Field all Night; if they do so two or three times, they quickly forget human Hospitality, and return to their own natural free Life in the open Field. I have taken a great deal of Pains to procure such a Fosterer of Partridges to send him to Cæsar, to teach Emperors that aviary Discipline. ’Tis true,[130] I never saw this done with my own Eyes; yet so many credible Witnesses have affirm’d the Truth thereof, and I believe it as well as if I had seen it. And I give equal Credit to the Story, I am now about to tell you.

It is so known a Truth in this Country, that he were an absurd Man that would offer to deny it. They that come to Constantinople from Egypt, (as many do continually) affirm it for certain, that Chicken are not hatched, as with us, by a Hen sitting abrood upon them, but there are some appointed Officers, that, in Spring-time, gather all the Eggs of the Neighbourhood and put them in a certain kind of Oven, which they make of Dung and Trash heaped up together, and by the heat of the Sun and the hot putrid Vapours, the Chicken in due time, are animated and break their Shells; and then the Owners come to claim the Chickens, which the Overseers of the Work deliver out to them, not by Tale, for that would be too tedious, but by Admeasurement. I mention this the rather, because I read of such a Passage in Vopiscus, where the Emperor Adrian, being angry with the Egyptians, inveighs against them with this Sarcasm; I wish them, says he, no greater Curse, than that they may always feed on their own Chicken, which, how they are hatch’d, I am asham’d to tell. So that, without Question, this was an old Custom among the Egyptians; and, therefore, Adrian upbraided them with their Food, which he looked upon as obscene, being begotten by Dung and Dirt. You may think, perhaps, that I am mistaken; but I leave the Matter with you, and shall now hasten to acquaint you with the rest of my Diversions.

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Be pleased then to know, that I have also a breed of brave Horses; some from Syria, others from Cilicia, Arabia, Cappadocia, together with divers Camels, Sumpture-horses, and all Utensils fit for a Journey. For I would have the Turks believe, that I have now executed all my Master’s Commands, and wait only for my Dismission to return home, which I press with great Importunity, knowing that, by reason of the present Discord among them, and the War between the two Brothers, I may obtain the better Conditions of Peace from them.

As I take Pleasure in my Horses on other Accounts, so especially when in an Evening I behold them brought, one by one, out of their Stables, and placed in the Yard, that so they may enjoy the Night-Air in Summer-time, and rest more sweetly. They march out so stately, shaking their Manes on their high Necks, as if they were proud to be seen; and they have Fetters on their Forefeet, and one of their hinder Feet is tied with a Cord to a Stake.

There is no Creature so gentle as a Turkish Horse; nor more respectful to his Master, or the Groom that dresses him. The reason is, because they treat their Horses with great Lenity. I my self saw when I was in Pontus, passing through a part of Bithynia, called Axilos, towards Cappadocia, how indulgent the Country-men were to young Colts, and how kindly they used them soon after they were foled; they would stroke them, bring them into their Parlours, and almost to their Tables, and use them even like Children. They hung something about their Necks, like a Jewel, even a Garter which was full of Amulets against Poison, which they are most afraid of; and the Grooms, that are to dress them, are as indulgent[132] as their Masters; they frequently sleek them down with their Hands, and never use any Cudgel to bang their Sides, but in case of great Necessity. This makes their Horses great Lovers of Mankind; and they are so far from kicking, wincing, or growing untractable by this gentle usage, that you shall hardly find a masterless Horse among them.

But, alas! our Christian Grooms treat Horses at quite another rate; they never think them rightly curried, till they thunder at them with their Voice, and let their Club or Horse-whip, dwell, as it were, on their Sides. This makes some Horses even to tremble when their Keepers come into the Stable, so that they hate and fear them too: But the Turks love to have their Horses very gentle, that, at a word of Command, they may fall down on their Knees, and in this Posture receive their Riders.

They will take up a Staff or Club upon the Road, which their Rider hath let fall, with their Teeth, and hold it up to him again; and when they are perfect in this Lesson, then, for their Credit, they have Rings of Silver hung on their Nostrils, as a Badge of Honour and good Discipline. I saw some Horses, when their Master was fallen from the Saddle, that would stand Stock-still, without wagging a Foot, till he got up again. Another time, I saw a Groom standing at a distance, in the midst of a whole Ring of Horses about him, and, at a word of Command, they would either go round, or stand still. Once I saw some Horses, when their Master was at Dinner with me in an upper Room, prick up their Ears to hear his Voice; and when they did so, they neighed for Joy.

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And yet this is usual and common to all Turkish Horses, that they run forward with a stiff and stretch’d-out Neck, so that they cannot easily be stopp’d or hinder’d in their Course, but by fetching a large compass about. This in my Judgment, is the fault of the Bridles they wear, which all over Turky are of one Make, and not contrived harsher or tenderer, according to the Tenderness of the Horse’s Mouth. I must also acquaint you, that the Turks do not Shoe their Horses as we Christians do; our Shoes are very open in the middle, but theirs are broad-web’d Shoes, that so their Feet may be less endangered in Travelling. Their Horses do also live longer than Ours.

I have seen a Horse of theirs as lusty at 20 Years old, as ours are at eight; yea, they say, in the Stables of the Emperor, there are Horses of 50 Years old; and which, for some great Merit, are exempt from Labour, and feed daily at the Grand Seignior’s Charge. The Turks, in Summer-nights, when the Weather is very hot, do not keep their Horses in their Stables, as we do; but cover their Backs with Horse-cloths, and so bring them forth into the open Air (as I told you before); and for Litter, they have only dry’d Horse-dung, which they save all the Year long, and spread under them for their Bedding: As for Straw, they make no use of it at all, either for Litter or Feed. Their usual Food is a little Hay, and a small quantity of Barley; with this Meat they grow not fat, for their Masters love lean Horses as being fitter for Race, and Burden, than foul-bodies ones. The cover them with Horse-cloths, both in the Winter and Summer, only they are thinner in One than in the Other. This contributes much to the smoothness of their Hair, and is also a good relief to their chilly Horses, which cannot endure the Cold.

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In those Steeds, as I lately told you, I take a great deal of Delight; when, about Sun-set, they are brought out of their Stables, and placed in a row in the Yard; where I call each Horse by his usual Name, as Arabs, Caramanian, &c. whereupon they fall a Neighing and give a Glance of their Eyes and stare at me. Sometimes I go down among them, and give to each of them a piece of Melon-rind out of my Hand, which makes them know me so well. Thus you see, what Shifts I am put to, to drive away my Melancholly.

I have also six She-Camels, which I keep by me, ready to carry my Baggage, as I pretend to the Turks; but my true Design is, to bring them to my Master the Emperor; if peradventure he, or other Christian Princes, may have a Fancy to breed out of them because of their great use.

There are two things which the Turks make mighty Advantage of, and those are Rice among the Fruits of the Earth, and Camels among the Beasts of the Field; both of them very convenient in their several Kinds, for long Expeditions. As for Rice, it is not easily spoil’d; it affords very wholsome Nourishment, and a little of it will serve a great many People. And for Camels, they’ll carry huge Burdens; they will endure Hunger and Thirst to admiration; and also they require little Attendance. One Keeper will look after six or eight of them, and no Creature in the World is more obsequious to his Owner than the Camel; and for currying of them, they do it not with a Curry-Comb as we do, but with Brushes, as we do our wearing Apparel; they rather kneel than lie down, on the naked Ground; and in this Posture they offer themselves to be loaded; if you lay too much on their Backs they’ll grumble a little, and refuse to rise; for their Backs will be easily broken under over-great Burdens, especially[135] in Ways that are slippery and dirty. I was mightily pleased to see them stand all round in a Ring, and with their joined Heads, take Water or other Food, out of the same Bason or other Vessel, with such agreement among them. When Fodder is scarce, they live upon tops of Brambles or Thorns; and, when their Chops are bloodied in gathering them, they eat them down most sweetly.

The Scythians send a great many Camels to Constantinople; but the most part come from China and Assyria: From those Countries, there are whole Droves of them; and they are so cheap, that a Mare of a good Breed is worth an 100 Camels; wherein, perhaps, they respect more the Scarcity of Mares than the Cheapness of Camels; for good Mares are so scarce in that Country, that he that gets but one, of that sort, thinks himself a very Crœsus for Wealth. They try whether they are good or no, if they can run down a steep Hill, and not trip or stumble. When the Grand Seignior goes upon a Military Expedition into the Field, he carries above 40,000 of these Camels with him, and as many Mules for Burden; and these he loads with all sorts of Victuals, especially with Rice. They also carry Tents, Arms, and other Utensils of War, upon them; especially when he marches into Persia.

For, you must know, that the Countries over which the Sophi, or, as the Turks call him, Chisilbas of Persia reigns, are not so fruitful of Provisions, as our European Countries are. The Reason is, because the Custom of the Inhabitants is, upon the Approach of an Enemy, to destroy all before them, that so Fire and Famine may send him farther off; so that if the Invader bring not great Store of Provision with him, he will be in danger of Starving; and if he once do approach his Enemy, yet he doth[136] not presently open his Store of Provision, but reserves it for his Retreat; which, he knows, must be through those Places already wasted by such a Multitude of Men and Beasts, that, like Locusts, have before pillaged all the Country. Then, indeed, the Grand Seignior’s Stores are opened, and some small Allowance given out daily to the Janizaries, and other Dependents of that Prince, enough to keep them alive, and that’s all. As for others, it goes hard with them, unless they have made some Provision for themselves before-hand; and some of their Soldiers, especially the Horse, are so fore-sighted that, in Prospect of such Difficulties, they carry a led Horse along with them, with Viands and other things to support them, if need be. Upon this Horse they usually carry some Blankets, that they may spread abroad, as Tents, to defend them from Sun and Rain; also some other Cloaths to wear, and withal two or three Wicker Baskets, full of the best Flower they can get, with a small Pot for Butter, some Spice and Salt; with these, in case of Necessity, they kill their Hunger. They take out a few Spoonfuls of their Meal or Flower, and pour Water upon it; then they add a little Butter, and so seasoning it with Spice and Salt, they set it on the Fire, and when it boils, it swells so that it will fill a large Platter.

They eat of this twice or thrice a Day, as their Store holds out, but without eating Bread with it, unless they have brought some Biskets along with them: And with this thin Diet, for want of better, they can live a Month or two, till they come to richer Quarters. There are some of them who carry dried Beef, grounded to Powder, in a kind of Snap-sack; that’s a more nutritive and choice Viand amongst them: And sometimes they eat Horse-Flesh, for in a vast Army a great many[137] Horses must needs die, and if any of them be more fleshy than others, they make a great Feast for hungry Stomachs. And those who have thus lost their Horses, (for you must know that too) when the Grand Seignior or Vizier removes his Camp, stand in a row before him in the Way he is to march, with their Saddles on their Heads, signifying hereby the Loss of their Horses, and by that mute Sign begging Relief towards buying a new one; and their Prince gratifies them, at his Pleasure.

Thus the Turks surmount huge Difficulties in War, with a great deal of Patience, Sobriety and Parsimony, reserving themselves for more favourable Circumstances. But our Christian Soldiers carry it otherwise; they scorn homely Fare in their Camps; they must have dainty bits, forsooth, such as Thrushes, Black-birds, and banquetting Stuff. If they have not these they are ready to mutiny, as if they were famished; and if they have them, they are undone: Their own Intemperance kills them, if their Enemy spare their Lives.

When I compare the Difference between their Soldiers and ours, I stand amazed to think what will be the Event; for certainly their Soldiers must needs conquer, and ours must needs be vanquished; both cannot stand prosperously together: For on their side, there is a mighty, strong and wealthy Empire, great Armies, Experience in War, a veteran Soldiery, a long Series of Victories, Patience in Toil, Concord, Order, Discipline, Frugality and Vigilance. On our side, there is public Want, private Luxury, Strength weakened, Minds Discouraged, an unaccustomedness to Labour or Arms, Soldiers refractory, Commanders covetous, a Contempt of Discipline, Licentiousness, Rashness, Drunkenness, Gluttony; and, what is worst of all, they used to conquer, we to be conquered. Can[138] any Man doubt, in this case, what the Event will be? ’Tis only the Persian stands between us and Ruin. The Turks would fain be upon us, but he keeps him back; his War with him affords us only a Respite, not a Deliverance: When he once makes Peace with him, he will bring all the Power of the East upon us, and how ready we are to receive him, I am afraid to speak. But to return from whence I digressed.

I told you before, that the Turks use to carry their Arms and Tents on Horse-Back to the War; but they are such as chiefly belong to the Janizaries, for the Turks are very careful to have their Army healthy, and fenced against the Weather; let him defend himself as well as he can against the Enemy, that’s to his own Peril; but the Public takes care for his Health. Hence it is, that the Turkish Army is better cloathed than armed. They are afraid of Cold, as of their greatest Enemy; and therefore, even in Summer-time, they are treble-clothed, and their inmost Garment (call it a Waistcoat, or whatever you will,) is made of coarse Thread, which keeps them very warm. And, to defend them also against the Cold and Showers, Tents are carried about for them at the Public Charge; and every Janizary is allowed as much Space in the Tent as the Dimensions of his Body are; so that one Tent can hold twenty five or thirty Janizaries; and that thick Cloath, I speak of, is also supplied out of the public Store. When it is distributed among them, they take this Course, to prevent Quarrels; the Soldiers are ranged in the Night in Files, in a Place appointed for that purpose, and so many Cloaths are brought out of the Store as there are Soldiers, and every one takes his Dole in the Dark; so that, if it be better or worse, he has no cause to complain. And, for the same Reason, their Pay is weighed[139] out, not told, to them, lest any one should say, he was forced to receive light or clipt Money; nor do they stay till the very Pay-day, but receive it the Day before. The Arms that are carried are chiefly for the use of the Horse, called Spahi’s; for the Janizaries do usually fight on Foot with Musquets, at a Distance, and therefore, when an Enemy is near, and a Battle expected, the Armour is produced; but usually such as is of an old Make, and are part of the Spoils obtained from former Fights and Victories: These are distributed among the Horse; their other Armour is but a light Buckler. You may easily think, how odly such Armour will fit on a Man which is given out so hastily. One’s Breast-plate is too narrow; another Man’s Helmet is too loose; another Coat of Mail is too heavy for him to bear. Every Piece hath some Fault or other; and yet they must not complain: They count it Cowardly so to do; for they resolve to fight, be their Arms what they will, so great Confidence have they in their Victories, and in the frequent Use of their Arms. Hence it is also, that they put their old Foot on Horse-service, which they were not used to before; for an experienced Soldier (they say) will do valiantly, either on Horse or Foot-service. In my Judgment, the Old Romans were of the same Mind, and especially Julius Cæsar, who was wont to say, That his Soldiers would fight well, even though they were perfumed; for when he horsed the ten Legions, upon a Conference he was to have with Ariovistus, what was his Intent, think we? but that they should fight on Horse-back, if there had been need, though they were used to Foot-service before; and we know amongst the Romans, their Foot-service was quite another thing from Horse-service. But if you say, Cæsar’s Design was only to horse his[140] Men for Carriage, but to make use of their Service on Foot, certainly he had run a great Hazard thereby, if when Ariovistus’s choice Horse were within a Stone’s Call of the Romans, and might have fallen upon them, the Legion was then to dismount their Horses, to be disposed of, and ranged into a Foot-Tertia, or Brigade, in an instant: With us, this would seem very absurd. However it be, this is certain, that experienced Soldiers will manage a Fight after a different Order than we do; so the Romans did of old, and so the Turks do at this Day, with too good Success. So much for that Subject.

I return, further to acquaint you, how indulgent the Turks are to all irrational Animals. ’Tis true, a Dog is counted an obscene and nasty Creature by them, and therefore they will not harbour him in their Houses; but they nourish a Cat as a chaster and modester Creature, in their Judgments. This Custom they received from Mahomet, their Law-giver, who was so much in love with a Cat, that, when one of them fell asleep upon his Sleeve, as he was reading at a Table, and the time of his Devotion drew near, he caused his Sleeve to be cut off, that he might not awake the Cat by his going to the Mosque.

However, though the Turks have so ill an opinion of Dogs, that they wander up and down the City of Constantinople, and have no certain Masters, so that they are Keepers of Streets and Lanes, rather than of any certain House, and they live upon the Offal which is cast out of their Houses; yet, if they see any Bitch great with young, in their Neighbourhood, they give it Bones, and some Relicks of their Table: This they count an office of Pity amongst them. When, on this Account, I blamed them for performing such Offices[141] to a Brute, which they would hardly do to a Man, though a reasonable Creature, like themselves, and to be sure, not to a Christian; their Answer was, that God had given Reason to Man, as a Fence against all Perils, and yet he did abuse it, so that if any Inconvenience or Trouble happened to him, it was his own Fault, and therefore he deserved less Pity: But God had bestowed no Boon on Brutes, but some natural Notions and Appetites, which of Necessity they must obey; and therefore they were to be relieved by Man’s Help and Commiseration; and for this Reason they take it very ill, if any brute Creature be put to Torment at his Death, or that Men should take any Pleasure in tormenting them. This had like to cost a Venetian Goldsmith, that lived here, very dear, of late. The Story is worth telling. This Goldsmith did delight in the art of Fowling, and among other Birds, he once took one about the bigness of a Cuckow, and almost of the same Colour; he had no great Beak, but his Jaws were so wide and large, that, when they stretch’d asunder, they did gape most prodigiously, so that a Man’s Fist might be thrust into them. The Man wondering at this strange kind of Bird, caus’d him to be fastened to the upper Lintel of his Gate, with his Wings spread abroad, and his Jaws so extended with a Stick, that he gaped hideously. The Turks came often by his Door, stood still, and looked upon it; but when they saw the Bird did move, and was alive, then taking Pity on it, Out! they cried, What an abominable thing is this, that an harmless Bird should be so tormented? Whereupon, out they call the Man of the House, and drag him presently, by Head and Shoulders, to their criminal Judge, where Sentence was likely to be pronounced upon him, to be soundly bastinadoed;[142] but the Bailo of Venice (so they call their Ambassadors or Residents there) hearing of the Matter, sent presently one of his Servants to demand the Man, and the Turkish Cadi was so merciful as to let him go; but many of the Turks grumbled at his Freedom. Thus the poor Goldsmith scaped a Scouring: I laughed heartily at the Story, for he told it me himself, as coming often to my House, and in what a terrible Fright he was in for the time; and, to oblige me the more, he brought me the Bird to look upon. ’Tis of the same Form, as I lately described; it flies about in the Night, and (as they say) will suck Milch-Kine, so that I am apt to believe ’tis the Goat-Sucker of the Ancients. Such Commiseration do the Turks use towards all sorts of brute Animals, especially those of the winged Kind.

Over against my Lodgings there is a tall Plane-tree, whose spreading Boughs make a delightsome Shade; under that Tree, sometimes Fowlers sit with abundance of such Birds to sell in Cages. You shall have the Turks buy several of these Birds for a small Matter; and when they have bought them, they’ll let them fly out of their Hands. The Bird presently flies up to the Tree; there she picks her Feathers, and cleanseth them from the Filth contracted in the Cage, and then she spreads abroad her Wings, and chirps. The Turks that bought them, say, don’t you hear how glad this Bird is, and how he gives me Thanks for his Liberty?

If this be so, you’ll say, What! are the Turks such Pythagoreans, that they count all Brutes sacred, and will eat none of their Flesh? I lay not so; but, on the contrary, they’ll eat any Flesh set before them, either boil’d or roasted; only they count Mutton the properest Meat, because Sheep[143] are made for the Shambles, as they say; yet they would not have Men to make a Sport at killing of them, as if they rejoyced in their Torment. Some of them will by no means be persuaded to kill small Birds which sing in their Fields and Woods; nay, they think it some Injury done them, to restrain their Liberty by caging them up. But all Turks are not of that Mind; some of them keep Nightingales in their Houses, for the Melodiousness of their Tunes, and in Spring-time they let them out to hire, to sing. I knew some, that carried Linnets about, so well instructed, that if a Man shew’d them a piece of Money out of his Chamber, though it were at a great distance from them, yet they would fly up to fetch it; and if the Man would not let it go, they would sit upon his Hand, and so accompany him from one Room to another, still pulling at the Money; and when they had got it, as if they remembred their Errand on which they were sent, when their Master whistled to them in the High-way, down they would fly to him again; and, as a Reward for the Money in their Bills, he would give them a little Hemp-seed. But I shall proceed no further in such Stories as these, lest you should think me a second Pliny, or an Ælian, and that I were designing to write an History of Animals.

I preceed then to other Matters, and shall give you an Example of the Chastity of Turkish Women. The Turks take more Pains to have their Wives modest, than any other Nation; and, therefore, they ordinarily keep them close up at home, and hardly suffer them to see the Sun; but if any necessity calls them abroad, they go so hooded and veil’d, as if they were Hobgoblins or Ghosts. ’Tis true, they can see Men through their Veils or Hoods, but no part of their Bodies[144] is open to Man’s View; for they have this Tradition among them, that it is impossible for a Man to look on a Woman, especially if she be young and handsome, without desiring to enjoy her; and by that Desire the Mind is excited, and therefore they keep them all covered. Their own Brothers have Liberty to see them; but their Husband’s Brothers have not the same Permission. The nobler and richer sort, when they marry, do it with this Condition, that their Wives shall never set a Foot out of Door; and no Person living, either Male or Female, be the Cause what it will, shall ever have leave to see them; no, not their nearest Alliance in Blood, except only the Father and Mother, who, at Easter, (their Bairam) are permitted to see their Daughter; and, in lieu of this Strictness, if the Wife have Parents of the better sort, and she bring her Husband a large Dowry, the Husband, on his part promiseth, that he will never have any Concubines, but will keep to her alone.

In other Cases, the Turks have as many Concubines as they will, besides their lawful Wives; and the Children of both are equally respected, and have as much Privilege one as the other. Their Concubines they either buy, or take them in War, and, when they are weary of them, may sell them in the open Market; only if they have Children by them, then they obtain their Liberty. This made Roxolana stand upon her Terms with Solyman, in having brought him forth a Son, when she was a Slave, and thereby obtain’d Manumission. Hereupon she refused to submit to his Will any longer, unless he married her; which he, doting for Love, wou’d do, against the Custom of the Ottoman Princes.

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A lawful Wife, with them, differs from a Concubine, only upon the account of her Dowry, which a lawful Wife hath, but a Concubine hath not. And when once her Dowry is assigned her, then she is a Mistress; Governess of the House, and all the other Women under her. And yet the Husband hath leave to lie with which of them he pleases at his Choice; and when he makes known his Pleasure to his Wife, she bids the Maid of his desires prepare herself for his Bed; and she obeys; perhaps, more joyfully than her Mistress commands her. Only Friday Night, which is their Sabbath, the Wife claims as her due, and she thinks herself wrong’d, if her Husband defraud her thereof; other Nights he may lie with which of his Slaves he pleases.

Divorces are made among them for many Causes, which Men easily pretend; and when a Wife is divorced, her Dowry is restored, unless she be put away on a dishonest Account: But Women have but few; to instance some among those few, this is one, if their Husband do not allow them due Maintenance; and if they offer to abuse them against Nature, (a Crime usual among them) then the Wife goes to the Judge, and tells him, she can no longer endure to live with her Husband; when he asks the Cause, they say nothing, but pull off their Shoe from their Feet, and turn it up and down, which is a Sign among them of the unlawful use of Copulation. The greatest sort among them, that have abundance of Women, set Eunuchs to guard them, not such as have only their Stones taken out, but such whose Yards are also impaired; because other wise they think, such as have lost their Stones only, may desire the use of a Woman, tho’ not for Generation, yet for Pleasure. The great Men also have Baths at their own Houses, wherein[146] they and their Women do wash; but the meaner sort use public Baths.

A Turk hates bodily Filthiness and Nastiness, worse than Soul-Defilement; and, therefore, they wash very often, and they never ease themselves, by going to Stool, but they carry Water with them for their Posteriors. But ordinarily the Women bathe by themselves, Bond and Free together; so that you shall many times see young Maids, exceeding beautiful, gathered from all Parts of the World, exposed Naked to the view of other Women, who thereupon fall in Love with them, as young Men do with us, at the sight of Virgins.

By this you may guess, what the strict Watch over Females comes to, and that it is not enough to avoid the Company of an adulterous Man, for the Females burn in Love one towards another; and the Pandaresses to such refined Loves are the Baths; and, therefore, some Turks will deny their Wives the use of their public Baths, but they cannot do it altogether, because their Law allows them. But these Offences happen among the ordinary sort; the richer sort of Persons have Baths at home, as I told you before.

It happened one time, that at the public Baths for Women, an old Woman fell in Love with a Girl, the Daughter of a poor Man, a Citizen of Constantinople; and, when neither by wooing nor flattering her, she could obtain that of her which her mad Affection aim’d at, she attempted to perform an Exploit almost incredible; she feign’d herself to be a Man, changed her Habit, hired an House near the Maid’s Father, and pretended she was one of the Chiauxes of the Grand Seignior; and thus, by reason of his Neighbourhood, she insinuated herself into the Man’s Acquaintance, and after some time, acquaints him with the desire of[147] his Daughter. In short, he being a Man in such a prosperous Condition, the Matter was agreed on, a Portion was settled, such as they were able to give, and a Day appointed for the Marriage; when the Ceremonies were over, and this doughty Bridegroom went into the Bride-chamber to his Spouse; after some Discourse, and plucking off her Headgeer, she was found to be a Woman. Whereupon the Maid runs out, and calls up her Parents, who soon found that they had married her, not to a Man, but a Woman: Whereupon, they carried the supposed Man, the next day, to the General of the Janizaries, who, in the Absence of the Grand Seignior, was Governor of the City. When she was brought before him, he chide her soundly for her beastly Love; what, says he, are you not asham’d, an old Beldam as you are, to attempt so notorious a Bestiality, and so filthy a Fact?

Away, Sir, says she! You do not know the Force of Love, and God grant you never may. At this absurd Reply, the Governor could scarce forbear Laughter, but commanded her, presently, to be pack’d away and drown’d in the Deep; such was the unfortunate Issue of her wild Amours. For you must know, that the Turks make no noise when secret Offences are committed by them, that they may not open the Mouths of Scandal and Reproach; but open and manifest ones they punish most severely. I am afraid the Relation of that dismal Example hath grated your Ears. I shall, therefore, now endeavour to make you amends, by acquainting you with a pleasant Story, which, I believe, will go near to make you smile. ’Tis this.

Upon the Account of the Troubles in Hungary, there came lately a Messenger to me, with an Express[148] from my Master, the Emperor. The Bashaws would not let him bring his Letters directly to me, as they were wont to be brought, but they carried him first into the Divan. The Reason of this their unusual Procedure, was, because they would fain know what Cæsar’s Letters did contain, before they were delivered, in regard they suspected I dealt not faithfully with them, in communicating my Master’s Sense, but that I suppressed some of his Concessions. The Messenger was cunning enough for them; for, having some inkling of the Matter before-hand, he hid Cæsar’s Letters, and only shew’d them those that were directed to me, from some particular Friends. Their interpreter, Ebrahim, a Polander by Birth, had acquainted them before, that the Letters, that brought any secret Commands to me, were not written in an ordinary Character, but in a new kind of Marks, called Cyphers. As they were searching all my Letters, at last they light upon One, that was wrote to me by a Friend of mine, a Secretary of Burgundy. Ebrahim saw, through the thinness of the Paper wherein ’twas writ, some shining Letters, which were not of an ordinary sort. O! says he, now I have found it out; don’t you meddle with any of the rest of the Packet, for here’s the Secrecy in this. Whereupon the Bashaws commanded him to open, read, and interpret it to them, and they all stood listning to hear the News; but Ebrahim told them plainly, that he could not read one Letter of it. That’s strange, says the Bashaws; what, did you never learn the Christian Alphabet; or have you forgot it? Says Ebrahim, this sort of Character is only known to those who are Secretaries to Princes: They did not well understand him; but however, say they, if it be so, why dost thou not make haste[149] to the Secretary of the Bailo of Venice, or of Florence? Ebrahim presently makes haste to them, and shews them the Letters; (they were writ in might such a Character that a Child ten Years old have read them;) but both those Secretaries, when they saw the Letter was superscrib’d to me, threw it back again before they had well look’d upon it; alledging, in Excuse, that such kind of Letters could be read by none, unless by him who had another Cypher to unfold them. This was all the Answer Ebrahim could get of them. Upon his Return to the Bashaws therewith, they could not tell what in the World to do: At last, starts up one (I could not tell his Name) saying, there is a Patriarch in Town, and old Man, and a Christian, and, besides, a great Scholar; if any Man can read these Letters, it must be he. When they came to the Patriarch, he told them, he could not read a Tittle of them, for they were not writ in Greek, Latin, Hebrew or Chaldee. Thus they were disappointed there also. At last, Haly Bassa runs to Rustan (otherwise a Man not ready to jest) and says to him Cardassi (Brother in Turkish), I remember, I had once a Servant, an Italian, who was skilled in all Letters and Tongues, I do not question but he could have read the Letter; but, alas! he is lately dead. At last, they being at a stand what to do, thought it best to send the Letters, which they could make no use of, to me. I knew all the Matter by Ebrahim beforehand, (neither could it be kept secret); whereupon I began to stamp and fret that they had intercepted my Letters against the Law of Nations, and in Contempt of Cæsar who sent them; and, withal, I bid Ebrahim stay, and to Morrow he should see that Letter translated for the Bashaws. The next day, when Ebrahim appeared in the Divan, they asked[150] of him, whether I could read those Letters? Read them, says he! as easily as his own Name; and thereupon he produced some of them translated before them, viz. what I had a mind to discover. Whereupon, says Rustan, this Ambassador is but a young Man, and yet we see he can understand what the old Patriarch could not so much as read; without doubt, if he live to be old, he will prove a very Nonsuch of a Man. For that reason it was, or perhaps some other, that a while after, having Conference with Rustan about our Affairs, he treated me more familiarly than he used to do, (which was a rare thing in him) and at last he ask’d me, why I would not turn to their Religion, and to the true Worship of God? If I would do so, he promised me great Honour and a large Reward from their Emperor Solyman. I told him, I was resolved to continue in that Religion, wherein I was born, and which my Master, Cæsar, did profess. Be it so, replied he; but what then will become of your Soul? I subjoined, I hope well for that too; whereupon he, after a little Pause, broke forth into these Words. ’Tis true, indeed, and I am almost of your Mind, that they who live holy and modest Lives in this present World, shall obtain eternal Life in the next, be they of what Religion they will. That’s an Heresy, that some of the Turks have taken up, neither is Rustan thought to be a true Mussulman in all Points. The Turks thinks it a Duty, and a work of Piety in them, to persuade a Christian they have any good Opinion of, to their Religion; for then they think, they shall save a Soul from Destruction, and that they count a great Honour to themselves, and the greatest Charity they can do another Man, to make him a Convert to their Religion.

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I shall now acquaint you with the Effects of another Conference I had with Rustan, whereby you may see what daily Feuds are between the Turks and Persians, upon the account of Religion. He ask’d me, one time, whether the War did continue between Spain and France? I told him, it did. ’Tis strange, says he, that they should fall out that are of one and the same Religion: I replied, ’tis no otherwise between those two Princes, than ’tis betwixt you and the Persians. The Dispute is not about Religion, but about civil Right; Provinces, Cities and Kingdoms, which both lay claim to. You are quite mistaken, says Rustan, we are not of the same Religion with the Persians, but do count them a more Profane and Heathenish sort of People than you Christians are. But to return to the Affairs of Hungary.

Since my last Return to Constantinople, Matters in Hungary have received a very great Alteration, it would be too tedious to describe them particularly; and, besides, it were not conducive to my Design. Isabella, Wife to King John, is returned into Transilvania, together with her Son, having refused the Transactions and broken the League made with the Emperor Ferdinand; and the Transilvanians, terrified by the Turkish Arms, have again submitted their Necks to the old Ottoman Yoke. Matters succeeding thus prosperously with the Turks, they are not therewith contented, but grasp at all Hungary too; and, besides other Places, they resolved to besiege Sigeth, which signifies in the Hungarian Language, an Island, or Place naturally very strongly situated. And for this purpose they chose a General, who, upon the account of the Prosperity of his Arms in former times, created great[152] Confidence in his own Men, and struck as much Terror into his Enemy: His Name was Haly Bassa, an Epirot, who had had good Success in Hungary before, and especially in the Battel, wherein he overthrew Sforza Palavicino, and the Bishop of Five Churches. He was sent for from the utmost Bounds of the Turkish Empire towards Persia, and came with great Expectation to Constantinople: My Collegues were yet here with me, pressing for a Dismission. ’Twas the pleasure of the Bashaws that we should see him, in regard we counted him, as they thought, the very Thunder-bolt of War.

When we came to him, he received us courteously, and made a great Harangue to this purpose: That, “we should study Peace, and rather than suffer Hungary to be wasted with Fire and Sword, we should accept those Conditions, which the Grand Seignior had offered us.” We answered him, that “we desired nothing more than Peace; provided it might be had upon tolerable Conditions; but those which they offered, were against the Honour and Dignity of our Master.” Thus we took our leaves, after he had treated us with a Cup of Water diluted with Sugar. This Haly was an Eunuch, but the Constitution of his Body did seem to add to the vigour of his Mind: He was low of Stature, bloted in his Body, of a Bay-coloured Countenance, a sour Look, frowning Eyes, broad Shoulders and sticking up, between which stood his Head, as in a Valley. Two Teeth were prominent in his Mouth, like Boar’s Tusks, his Voice hoarse; in a Word, he was the Fourth Fury.

The Day after he makes great Preparation for his Expedition into Hungary; where having spent some Time to provide Materials, he at last marches against Sigeth, and beats off those which were repairing Babock,[153] a Castle of Cæsar’s; but Cæsar, being acquainted long before with his Design, lends Ferdinand, one of his three Sons, a young Man, yet comparable, for greatness of Mind, to any of the old Generals, to oppose the Torrent of Haly Bassa’s Force, and by his Valour to retrieve Affairs in Hungary: He had no great Forces with him, but with a select Body of Horse he faces Haly’s Army; the Turks that were present, related to me, that ’twas a goodly Sight to behold the Splendor, Order and Boldness of those Forces. Haly, being naturally of a fierce Disposition, and having a far greater Army, was even mad to think that a handful of Christians should dare to look him in the Face.

There was a moorish Piece of Ground between both Armies, which could not be passed without great Danger; Ferdinand had no need to pass it, for his Design was only to relieve Sigeth, and to raise the Siege: But Haly Bassa, was not in the same Circumstances; for, unless he would make a base and unhandsome Retreat (as the Event afterwards shewed) ’twas altogether necessary for him to do it; So that he, seeing to what Straits he was brought, resolved to put all upon hazard, and accordingly he bent his Bridle, to turn his Horse towards that inconvenient Place; when, behold! one of the Sanziacks, that was near him, whose Name I remember not, taking Notice of the extream Danger he was running into, leap’d from his Horse, and taking the Bashaw’s Horse by the Bridle, Sultan, says he (for so the Turks call the great Dignitaries among them) Here you see into what a Jeopardy you were like to cast both yourself and your whole Army; you don’t consider what an incommodious Place this Marish is: The Christians are ready on the other side with Arms in Hand and Courage in their Hearts, to receive us, when we are half drowned and half covered with Mud;[154] and thus they in good Order will assault us, being disordered and out of our Ranks, and will make use of all our Imprudence, to obtain a most assured Victory over us: Nay, rather moderate your Anger, and return to yourself and reserve so many brave Men, with yourself for the Service of your Prince, and for better Times. Upon this Speech, Haly, as if he had recollected himself, drew back; and there was not any Turk amongst them, but was forced to confess, that the whole Army was sav’d by the Advice of that Sanziack.

When this matter was carried to Constantinople, though the Vizier and the Chief Bashaws could not deny the Thing, yet they thought it dangerous to suffer the Example of so audacious a Fact in the Sanziack to pass unpunished: ’Tis true, they did mutteringly commend both his Fidelity and his Prudence; yet to suffer Disobedience to a superior Officer to pass without due Punishment, they thought it a dangerous Case in Military Discipline, so that he was called back to Constantinople, and there was cashiered for a Time; and when this Offence was sufficiently punished, as they thought, they bestowed upon him as good a Command; so that every Body saw his Punishment was inflicted rather for the preservation of the Discipline of War, than for any dire Merit of his Offence.

Haly, a while after, having lost a great Part of his Army, by the Charges and Ambuscades of the Hungarians, made an ignoble and shameful Retreat to Buda, where for very Grief he breathed out his hateful Soul.

But Arch-duke Ferdinand, on the other side, returned to Ferdinand his Father, with the deserved Laurel of Victory, having performed an Exploit, not only of great Advantage for the present, but of much greater Benefit to future Ages, by the Example it gave; for hereby he made the Turks to know that if they proceeded on to press upon Cæsar, he[155] wanted neither able Soldiers, nor expert Commanders to chastise their Insolency.

Yet the Turks of those Borders did not carry it with any great Modesty; for, while Haly was yet encamped at Sigeth, our Men had scaled the Walls of Gran, and taken the City, having a Castle near it of the same Name, where they got a great deal of Booty, and carried away the Inhabitants, being mostly Women and Children.

A Messenger was sent immediately to Haly, to acquaint him of the Loss; who coming into his Presence, by the very Consternation of his Countenance portended some great Mischief to have happened to them. The Bassa presently asked him, how Things went? and what was the Cause of his great Fear? Sir, says he, the Enemy hath taken and plundered Gran; which great Blow occasions my Grief. A Blow, Fool, says the Bassa! tell me of a Blow when I have lost my Genitals (to which he pointed with his Hand) that shew me to be a Man. Thus did he scoff at the Consternation of the Messenger, not without the Laughter of the By-standers, and undervalued the Loss of Gran, which was easily recoverable.

Moreover, in Croatia and the adjoyning Countries, several Inroads were made by both Parties, and each side did alternately suffer for their over-boldness and supine Security. Let me give you an Instance, which, as it gave me joy, will not, I dare say, be unpleasant, to you to hear of. It happened, indeed, some what before the Passage at Sigeth lately mentioned; but in Writing an Epistle, I do not strictly observe the Order of Time.

News was brought to Rustan, from those Parts, that a certain Confident of his, whom he highly esteemed, and called Cousin, had fallen upon a Party of Christians, as they were celebrating a Wedding, and being at a sufficient Distance, as they thought, from the Turks, counted themselves secure;[156] when behold this bold and unwelcome Guest, with Armed Forces, came in upon them, spoiled their Mirth, slew some, and took some Prisoners, among whom was the unfortunate Bridegroom, with his un-bedded Spouse: Rustan did much rejoyce at this Exploit, and in all Companies highly commended the Stratagem of his Kinsman, for performing it.

A pitiful Case, you will say, rather to be lamented than related: But these are the Tragical Sports of insolent Fortune; yet Revenge followed him at the Heels, Rustan’s Laughter was soon turned to Sadness: For a little while after one of the Deli’s, or mad Sparks, a sort of furious Horsemen among the Turks, so called by their outragious Boldness, came post to him out of Dalmatia, and told him, that a parcel of Turks had made an Excursion into the Enemies Country, and had got great Booty, but seting no bounds to their Avarice, they, at last were encountered with a Party of Christians, Dragoons or Musketeers, who totally routed them, slew many Sanziacks, and among them his Achillean Cousin, lately so much extolled by him. This sad News made Rustan burst out into Tears, so that his fit of Laughter was justly requited. But hearken to the close of the Story, which is not unpleasant: When this Dalmatian Trooper, who brought the News, was asked by the Bassa, in the Divan, How many were there of you? He answered, above two thousand five hundred: And how many of the Christians? I think, says he, they were not above five hundred, unless there were more of them in ambush, as we suspected. Fie for Shame, said the fretting Bassas! what! a regular Army of Mussulmans (so they call the Men of their own Religion) to be beaten by so small a handful of Christians! You are goodly Warriors indeed! fit[157] to eat the Sultan’s Bread, are, you not? The blunt Fellow, nothing dismay’d, replied, you are quit beside the Cushion; did I not tell you that we were beaten by Musketeers? ’Twas the Fire defeated us, not the Valour of our Enemies. We had come off Conquerors, if we had contested by Valour only; but who can fight against Fire, the fiercest of Elements? and what Mortal can stand, if the very Elements fight against him? This bold Answer of his, being as saucily pronounced, made the By-standers ready to burst out into a Laughter, though on this sad occasion to them.

This Matter did very much raise my Spirits, which were quite sunk at the Remembrance of the former Mis-hap of the Marriage-Feast. This Story informs us, that our Pistols and Carbines, which are used on Horseback, are a great Terror to the Turks, as I hear they are to the Persians also; for once, there was a Fellow that persuaded Rustan, when he accompanied his Prince in a War against Persia, to arm two hundred Horse of his Domesticks with Pistols: For those, said he, will be terrible to our Enemy, and will also do great execution upon them. Rustan hearkned to his Counsel, and furnished out a Party, as advised; but, before they had marched half way, their Carbines or Pistols were ever now and then out of Order; one thing or other was broke or lost, and scarce any Body could mend them: Hereupon this Party was useless. The Turks were also against this Armature, because it was slovenly (the Turks, you must know, are much for cleanliness in War); for the Troopers Hands were black and sooty, their Cloaths full of Spots, and their Case-boxes that hung by their Sides made them ridiculous to their Fellow-Soldiers, who therefore jeered them, with the Title Medicamentarii, or Mountebank Soldiers; hereupon they[158] apply themselves to Rustan, complaining of this broken, useless Armour, which could do no Service against an Enemy, and entreating to have their usual Weapons again, their Bows and Arrows; which, are readily granted them.

The mention I made a while ago of things acted in the Confines of Hungary, gives me occasion to tell you, what the Turks think of Duels, which amongst Christians is accounted a singular Proof of personal Valour. There was one Arslambeg, a Sanziack, that lived in the Frontiers of Hungary, who was very much famed for a robust Person; he was very expert at the Bow; no Man brandished his Sword with more Strength, or was more terrible to his Enemy. Not far from him there dwelt one Uliber, a Sanziack also, who was emulous of the same Praise; and this Emulation (heighten’d, perhaps, by other Motives) at length occasioned Hatred and many bloody Combats between them. It happened thus, Uliber was sent for to Constantinople; upon what occasion I know not. When he came thither, and the Bashaws had asked many Questions of him, in the Divan, concerning other Matters, at last they demanded how he and Arslambeg (Arsla signifies a Lion in Turkey) came to fall out? Hereupon he makes a long Narration of the Grudges between them, with their Causes and Progress; and to put a fairer Gloss on his own Cause, he added, that once Arslambeg had laid an Ambush, and wounded him treacherously: And that, said he, he needed not have done, if he would have shewed himself worthy the Name he bears; for I have often challenged him to fight Hand to Hand, and never shun’d to meet him in the Field. The Bashaws, much offended, thus replied, How durst thou challenge thy Fellow-Soldier to a Duel? What, was there never a Christian to[159] fight with? Do not both of you eat your Emperor’s Bread? And yet, forsooth, you must go about to take away one another’s Lives! What Precedent had you for this? Don’t you know, that whoever of the two had died, the Emperor had lost a Subject? Whereupon, by their Command, he was haled to Prison, where he lay pining many Months, and was, at last, with Difficulty, released; yet with the loss of his Reputation.

Among us Christians, many who have never come in sight of a public Enemy, draw their Swords upon one another, and think it a brave and honourable Thing. What shall a Man do in such a Case, when Vice usurps the seat of Virtue, and that which deserves Punishment, is counted noble and glorious? But to return, I know you are inquisitive, and therefore give me leave to acquaint you with the public Entrance, which the King of Cholchos made into this City. His Kingdom is by the River Phasis, in a Creek or Bay of the Euxine Sea, not far from Mount Caucasus. His Name is Dadianus, a Man of a tall Stature and grateful Countenance, but of a rough-hew’n Disposition, as some say. He came with a great Train, but in a very Thread-bare, and old-fashion’d Garb. The Italians, at this Day, call the Colchians Mingrelians: They are some of that People, inhabiting between the Caspian Gates, (called by the Turks, Demit capi, i. e. Iron Gates,) and the Potic and Hyrcanian-Seas: They are at this Day called Georgians; whether from that sort of Christian Religion, which they profess, or whether that be their ancient Name (which seems most probable,) is not fully determined. The Albanians and Iberians are reckoned a Part of them. The Cause of his coming is uncertain: Some say, he was sent for by the Turk;[160] for, when he makes Wars upon the Persian, if the Colchians and the People of that Tract join with him, they may give him notable Assistance. But the vulgar and more credible Opinion was, that he came to desire the Assistance of some Gallies against his Neighbour, the Iberian, who had slain his Father; which if he could obtain, then he would become Tributary to the Sultan. For, you must know, that there is an old and inveterate Hatred between the Colchians and the Iberians. Once there were some Overtures of Accommodation between them, and a Conference was had thereupon, between great Numbers of both Nations. At this Meeting, they began, first, to try who should be the greatest Drinkers; in which Contest, the Colchians, fell fast asleep. The treacherous Iberians made use of this Opportunity, and hurried away honest Dadianus as yet snoring, into a Chariot, and shut him up Prisoner in a high Tower, as if he had been lawful Prize taken in War. To revenge this Injury, and to recover their King, the Colchians levied an Army of 30,000 Men, who were commanded by the Wife of the captive King, a Woman of great Spirit, and not unskill’d in Horsemanship, or handling of Arms. The Commanders, in this Army, wore huge and unwieldy Coats of Mail, and were also armed with Swords and Spears pointed with Iron. They had also amongst them, a party of Musketeers, a strange sight in that Country. As for the common Soldiers, they had no Arms, but Arrows, or Stakes burnt at one end, or great wooden Clubs. Thus they rode on Horseback, without Saddle or other Furnture.

This rude and discomposed Multitude, drew near to the Place where their King was in Custody, but were soon terrified with the Discharge of a few Guns from the Castle, and ran back a full Mile; but then taking Heart, on they came again, but[161] were repulsed with the like Noise as before. Dadianus, perceiving help so near, cut his Bedcloaths into a kind of Ropes, and so let himself down by Night, through his Window, and fled to his own People. This Stratagem of their King, and the successful Issue of it, is highly praised by that People, even to this very day.

The Country of Colchis abounds with all sorts of Fruits, growing almost naturally, except Bread-Corn, Wheat and Barley; and these Grains would grow there also, if due Tillage were used about them: But the People are very idle, they only sow Millet at randum, which yields such an Encrease, that one Crop serves them for two Years; their chief Subsistence is thereon, neither desire they any other Corn. Their Vines grow at the foot of high Trees, and mounting up to their Boughs, yield them much Wine, and pretty good. These Vines last for many Years. Their Bees, like themselves, live in the Woods, and supply them with Wax and Honey; all the Pains they take, is, to find them out. The same Woods yield them plenty of Venison; as for Pheasants and Partridges, they abound all over the Country. A great proof of the Fertility of their Land, are their Melons, which, besides their extraordinary Sweetness, do oft grow three Foot long.

As for coin’d Silver, they have little or none, and of Gold less; few of them know what it is: So that they may seem a very happy People, who are without so great a Temptation to Mischief. And yet I think few of us do envy them this Happiness, because none can grow rich among them; yet they have that value for Silver, that when they receive any in Traffick with Foreigners, as some of them must needs do, they transfer it all to he use of their Temples, for making Crucifixes, Chalices[162] and such like Ornaments, which sometimes their King, on pretence of Public Necessity, doth seize upon, and amass it all to his own use.

Their only way of Commerce among themselves is by exchange of Wares. If one have overmuch of a Commodity, he brings it to Market, and receives what he wants in Exchange; so that there is no need of Money, their Commerce is by bartering of Commodities.

They pay also their Tribute to their King in the Products of the Earth; they supply him with all Necessaries largely, both for Meat, Drink, and Apparel, for maintaining of his Houshold, and is reward the Deserving. And, indeed, he hath an unexhausted Revenue, not only from Tenths, and settled Customs, but from those Gifts which are daily bellowed upon him; and yet he is as liberal in bellowing them, as he is ready to receive them.

His Palace is, as a public Granary, stored with all manner of Provisions, which are disposed to all that need, out of his royal Bounty; especially if that Year’s Harvest hath disappointed the Husbandman. The Custom is, that if any Merchant come with his Ship thither, he makes a Present to the King, either small or great, nothing is refused, and the King bestows a Banquet on them ashore. The manner is thus.

There is a large Building, on both sides of which are the King’s Stables, where a long Table is plac’d for the King; he himself fits at the upper end, and, at a moderate Distance, fit the rest. The Table is well furnished, especially with Venison, and with Wine enough; the largest Drinkers are the welcomest Guests. The Queen, with her female Attendants, hath a Table in the same Room, but apart by themselves; and then they[163] junket freely without much regard to Modesty; they carry themselves like Anticks, fleering, nodding, tipping the Wink, like so many Medea’s, if there were Jasons ready for them.

After Dinner, the King, with his Guests, goes a Hunting; and, in Woods, under the Shadow of large Trees, the common People divert themselves, and keep Holy-day in Drinking, Dancing and Singing. They hang their Fiddles on long Poles or Boards, and then striking them with a Stick, make Musick, and sing to it the Praise of their Mistresses, or of their valiant Men. Among their Heroes (unless I am misinformed) they often mention one Rowland; how he came into that Country I know not, unless he passed thither with Godfrey of Bullogne. They tell many prodigious Stories of this Rowland, as ridiculous and improbable as any Romance among us.

Whilst they are thus given to Idleness and Luxury, Dissoluteness must needs follow; and, to speak Truth, Chastity is a Virtue rarely found among them. The Husband will offer his own Wife or his Sister, to the Pleasure of a Stranger; and, if they can but thus please their Wives, they care for little else. Neither are their Daughters kept under any stricter Discipline. ’Tis hard to find a Damsel unvitiated among them; nay, some have born Children at ten Years old; and, if you scruple to believe it, because of the smallness of their Bodies, at your Request they will produce you an Infant, not much bigger than a large Frog. Whereas, otherwise, they are a tall and comely bodied People. But they are so void of all Civility and courteous Behaviour, that they think they pay you a great Compliment, if among other Barbarities, when they meet you,[164] they make a certain Sound from their Throats like Belching.

In one thing they shew a great Dexterity of Wit, and that is in Stealing. He that pilfers most neatly, is counted a brave Fellow; but he that does it bungingly, is esteemed a Dunce and a Blockhead, not worthy to live; and even his own Father or his Son, will sell or exchange him for a small Matter to Merchant-strangers, to be carried away they care not whither.

An Italian Merchant who had been in these Parts, told me, that a certain Priest of theirs, stole his Knife as he was in their Temple. He perceived the Theft, but dissembling it, gave him the Sheath also, that he might put up his stol’n Ware.

When they go into their Temples, they have some esteem for the Images of the Virgin Mary, of Peter and Paul, and other Saints; but their greatest Veneration is for the Image of St. George on Horseback. They fall down prostrate before it, kissing every part of it; even his Horse’s Shoes. They say, he was a valiant Man, a great Warrior, that in a single Combat did openly fight Hand to Hand with the Devil, and either conquer’d, or, at least, foil’d him.

I’ll acquaint you with one Passage more, which you cannot but stand amazed at. ’Tis this.

The Princes of the East are always presented with Gifts at any Audience. Dadianus, in compliance with this Custom, brought Solyman a Cup or Dish of Carbuncle, so bright and shining, that in a dark Night a Man might travel by the Light of it, as well as at Noon-day. I cannot believe it, you’ll say: Nor do I: Neither can I be angry with you for suspending your Belief; but, whatever you and I do, let me tell you, there are enough that do believe it. The more judicious[165] think it to be a small Goblet of Carbuncle, or Granate, which was lost in Shipwrack, when a certain Prince of Persia was flying from his Father to Constantinople, and driven, by a Tempest, to the Colchian Shore, where it was taken up. He brought also 20 white Hawks, called Falcons, there being Plenty of them in that Country of Colchis.

This is all I can inform you of, concerning the Colchians and their Manners; let me now proceed to answer your Demands concerning my self, and my own way of Living. I seldom go abroad, unless I receive Letters from my Master to be delivered at the Court; or, unless I am commanded to expostulate with the Bashaws concerning the Rapines and Cruelties of the Turkish Garrisons, which is ordinarily twice or thrice a Year. Perhaps, if I would desire leave to ride about the City with my Keeper, it would not be denied me: But I have no mind to be so much beholding to them; for I would have them think that the strictness of my Confinement or Imprisonment is not valued at all by me; and, to speak Truth, what Comfort can I have to ride up and down among a parcel of Turks, who will either slight, or else jeer and reproach me? No, I like the Country and the Champaign better than the City; especially that City which is so full of Ruins, and which retains nothing of its ancient Glory, besides its Situation. ’Tis true, it was once a Rival to Rome it self; but now, alas! it is shamefully inslaved; who can without Pity behold it? Who so hard-hearted, as not to be affected with the mutability of human Affairs? And who knows how near we are to the same Fate? I keep my self within my own Doors, conversing with my old Friends, I mean, my Books, in which is all my Delight. ’Tis true, for[166] my Health’s Sake, I have made a Bowling-Green, where, before Dinner, I use to play; and, after Dinner, I practise the Turkish Bow.

The Turks are wondrous expert at shooting with the Bow; they accustom themselves to that Exercise from 7 or 8, to 18 or 20 Years of Age, and hereby their Arms grow stronger, and their Skill so great, that they will hit the smallest Mark with their Arrows. Their Bows are not much stronger, but for their shortness much handier than ours; they are not made of plain Wood, but of a String and Ox’s Horn, fastened with much Glew and Flax. These sort of Bows, though never so strong, the Turks, who are used to the Sport, can easily draw even to their very Ear; and yet one that is not accustom’d thereto, though never so strong a Man, cannot draw to that height, so as to strike a piece of Money, set upright between the Bow and the String, in the Angle where it is put into the Notch.

They aim their Arrows so sure, that in a Fight they will hit a Man’s very Eye, or any other Part they design to strike. In the place where they exercise, you may see them direct by their stroke so artificially, that 5 or 6 of their Arrows will stick round about the White in the Butt, (which is usually less than a Dollar) and yet not hurt or touch it. They stand not above 30 Foot from the Butt: In the Thumb of their Right Hand, they use Rings of Bone, on which the String lies, when they draw it; and with the Thumb of their Left Hand, they draw the Arrow by a knot bearing outwards; far otherwise than they do with us. Their Butt is made of a Bank of sandy, gravelly Earth, raised about four Foot high from the Ground, and strongly surrounded with Boards. But the Bashaws, and those that have great Families,[167] train up their Servants in this Exercise, at their own Houses, where the more skilful teach the unexperienced. Some of these in their solemn Bayram, (for they also have their Easter) assemble themselves together in a great Plain about Pera, where sitting over-against one another cross-legg’d, as Taylors do with us, (for that is the manner of their sitting) they begin with Prayer (so the Turks begin all their Enterprizes) and then they strive, who shall shoot an Arrow farthest. The whole Contest is managed with a great deal of Decency and Silence, though the number of Spectators be very great. Their Bows are very short for this Exercise, and the shorter the better, so that they are hardly bendable, but by well-practised Persons: Their Arrows also are of a peculiar kind. He that conquers hath a Linnen-Handkerchief, such as we use to wipe off our Sweat, wrought with embroidered Needle-work, for his Reward; but his greatest Encouragement, is the Commendation and Renown he gets. ’Tis almost incredible how far they will shoot an Arrow; they mark the place, with a Stone, where the farthest Arrow, for that Year, was lodg’d. There are many such Stones in the Field, placed there Time out of Mind, which are farther than they are able to shoot now a-days, they say. These were the Marks of their Ancestor’s Archery, whose Skill and Strength in Shooting, they acknowledge, they cannot reach to. In divers Streets and Cross-ways of the City of Constantinople, there are also such Sports, wherein not only Children and young Men, but even the graver sort do exercise themselves. There is one that takes care of the Butt, who waters it every Day, otherwise it would be so dry, that an Arrow (the Turkish Arrows being always blunt) would not stick therein. And he that thus oversees the Mark is very[168] diligent to draw out and to cleanse the Arrows, and throw them back to the Archers, and he hath a Stipend from them sufficient to maintain him. The Front of the Butt is like a little Door, whence, perhaps, came the Greek Proverb; that, when a Man miss’d the Mark, he is said to shoot extra januam, besides the Door; for, I suppose, the Greeks used this way of Butting, and that the Turks borrowed it from them. I grant the use of the Bow is very ancient among the Turks; but that hinders not, but, when they conquered the Grecian Cities, they might still retain their way of butting and bounding their Arrows. For no Nation scruples to transfer the profitable Inventions of other Nations to themselves, as I might instance in Great Ordnance, and in Muskets, and other things, which, though not our Inventions, yet the Turks borrow their use of from us.

’Tis true, they could never yet be brought to the Printing of Books, nor to the setting up public Clocks. The Reasons are, that their Scripture (i. e.) Alchoran, would no longer be called Scripture, or Writing, if it were Printed, (that’s their Fancy); and for Clocks, they suppose, that the Authority of their Emraim, and of their ancient Rites would be diminished, if they should permit the Use of them. In other Cases, they ascribe much to the ancient Institutions of other Nations, even almost to the prejudice of their own Religion. I speak of their Commonalty.

All Men know how averse they are from the approving of Christian Rites and Ceremonies; and, yet, let me tell you, that, whereas the Greek Priests do use, at Spring-time, a certain way of Consecration to open the Sea for Sailors (before which time, they will hardly commit their Vessels to the Waters) the Turks also observe the same[169] Ceremony: For, when their Vessels are ready to sail, they repair to the Grecians, and ask them, whether they have consecrated the Sea? If they say No, they desist; if Yea, then they set sail and away. ’Twas also a Custom of the Greeks not to open the Pits, in the Isle of Lemnos, for the digging out of the Earth, called, Agosphragod, before the Feast of the Transfiguration of our Lord, viz. August 6. The Turks also observe the same Custom; and, whereas the Grecian Priests did anciently celebrate the Liturgy at that time, the Turks will have them do so still; and they themselves stand at a distance, as Spectators only: And, if you ask them, why they do this? Their Answer is, that there are useful Customs practised of old, the Causes whereof are not known. The Ancients, they say, saw and knew more than we; and, therefore, we will not violate their Customs, lest we do it to our loss. This Opinion hath so far prevailed against many of them, that I know some, who in private will baptize their Children, alledging, there is some good in that Rite, and that it was not instituted, at first, without just Cause.

Having acquainted you thus far with the Turkish Exercises, let me add one more. They have a Custom derived from the Parthians, that they counterfeit flying away on Horseback, and presently turn back and kill their unwary Pursuers. The way they learn to do it, is this: They erect a high Pole, almost in plain Ground, with a brass Globe on the top of it; about this they spur their Horses, and having got a little beyond, the Horse still galloping, they presently turn about, and flying along, shoot an Arrow into that Globe. The frequent Use hereof makes them expect,[170] that their Bow being turn’d in their Flight, their unwary Enemy is shot through.

’Tis time now, you’ll say, that I return to my Lodging, lest my Keeper should be angry with me. Well, then; what time is left me from beholding these Exercises, I bestow entirely on my Books, or in Conferences with my Friends the Citizens of Pera, originally Genoese, or others; yet not without the leave of my Chiauxes. These Fellows are not always in the same Humour; they have their lucid Intervals, in which they are more tractable than at other times. When ’tis fair Weather with them, the Ragustæans, the Florentines, the Venetians, and sometimes the Greeks, with other Nations, come to visit me, on one Account or another; sometimes, also, I converse with Men of more remote Countries, that come hither, whose Conversation much delights me.

A few Months ago, there came hither a Merchant from Dantzick, who had the sole vending of Amber. He wondred to what Use the Turks could put so great a Quantity of it, as they bought; or, whither they sent it: At last he was told, that they sent it into Persia, where that kind of Juice, or Bitumen, is highly esteemed; for they adorn Parlors, Studies, and Temples with it. He bestowed upon me, a wooden Vessel full of that Liquor, they call Juppenbier. It was most excellent Stuff: But I laughed heartily at my Guests, both Greeks and Italians, who, not being accustomed to this Liquor, could not tell what to call it. At length, because I told them ’twas good to preserve Health, they thought it was some medicinal Drug, and called it a Syrup; but they sipp’d and syrupp’d it about so long, that, at one Dinner, they emptied my Barrel.

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This Liberty my Chiauxes (who now and then are changed) do sometimes give me. They are not only willing I should go abroad, but often invite me so to do: But I, as I told you before, always refuse them, that so they may not think they can do me either good or hurt; and the Pretence I make use of is this, that I have tarried so long at Home, that now I am grown to the Walls of the House, so that if I go forth, it would fall. I will not, therefore, stir abroad, say I, till I go for good and all into my own Country.

As for my Family, I am glad that they go abroad sometimes, for thereby they learn to bear the long Absence from their own Country, the better.

But yet when they make use of this Liberty, the drunken Turks often meet and quarrel with them in the Streets, especially, if no Janizaries be with them; and, though there be, yet sometimes Blows happen on both sides: And, therefore, it is troublesome to me, to excuse my Domesticks, when they are clamour’d against; yet, I confess, the surliness and vigilance of my Chiauxes, in keeping fast my Doors, do in a great Measure ease me of that troublesome Office. Let me give you a late Instance of this kind.

There came lately to me a Messenger from my Master, the Emperor, one Philip Baldus, an Italian. He was 66 Years old; and, riding faster than his Age could bear, he fell into a Fever. My Physician prescribed him a Clyster, and the same being brought by the Apothecary, my Chiaux would not let him in, nor suffer the Medicine to be brought to the sick Man. Inhumanely enough, you’ll say; especially, as that Chiaux had carried it courteously to me for a long time; but now he was so inraged on a sudden, that ’twas intolerable, for he threatned to cudgel every body that came[172] to me. After he had thus affronted me, I thought of a way to let him know, how little I valued all his bug-bear Threats; which was thus. I set one of my Servants to stand within my Gate, and to bar it; charging him, to open to none, but at my Command. The Chiaux comes in the Morning to unlock the Gate, as his Custom was; but his Key availed not, for ’twas bolted. On the in-side he spied my Man, through the Chinks, and calls out to him to open it. Not I, says he; hereupon the Chiaux began to be angry, to curse and call Names. Prate while you will, says my Servant, neither thy self nor any of thine shall come in here: For why should I open to thee, more than thou to us? Thou keepest us shut in, and we’ll keep thee shut out; do thou shut the Door without, and to be sure I’ll shut it within. What, says he, did your Master command you so to do? Yes, said I: However, says the Chiaux, let me come in and put my Horse in the Stable: No Stabling for your Horse here, said he. Let me then have some Hay and Provender out for him: Not a bit, says he; go and buy it in the Neighbourhood, there’s enough to be sold. I used frequently to make the Chiaux sit down at Meat with me, or else send him something from my Table; But now the Case was altered; he stood, fasting as he was, at my Door, his Horse being tied to a Plane-Tree, over against it.

The Bashaws, and other Grandees, as they passed by that Place in their return from Court, and knew, by its Trappings, that it was the Chiaux’s Horse, eating his Hay under the Plane-Tree, they demanded the Reason, why he was not shut up in a Stable, as heretofore? He readily told them all the Matter; that as he shut us up, so he and his Horse were shut out, so that the one[173] could not get Food, or the other Provender. When the rest of the Bashaws heard this Story, they laugh’d heartily, and from that Time held it fruitless to think of terrifying me with such frivolous Vexations as the shutting my Doors.

But a while after that Chiaux was removed, and then we had more Liberty. Rustan himself was satisfied how vain his Menaces were by this Story, I shall now relate.

There came a certain aged Sancto, of great Esteem among them for his Piety, to pay his Court to him; and, among other Discourses, he asked Rustan why, since the Sultan’s Children were at Discord one with another, which was likely to occasion great Troubles in their Empire, he did not make Peace with the German Emperor, that Solyman might be secure from Danger on that side? I desire nothing more, says Rustan; but how can I bring it about? His Demands I cannot yield to, and my Demands he will not accept, nor can I compel him so to do. I have tried all Ways to bring him to my Terms; I have kept him in the nature of a Prisoner these many Years, I have dealt coarsely enough with him; and yet, alas! he is but hardened the more thereby. When I would shut him up as a close Prisoner in his own House, then he bars his Door on the Inside, that no body can come at him; thus all my Labour is in vain. If another Man had been so hardly dealt with, to avoid the Durance, he would have turned to our Religion; as for him, he cares not a Rush.

This was Rustan’s Discourse, as some present thereat informed me.

The reason of their surly Carriage, is this: The Turks are very suspicious, that the Agents of Christian Princes have a great Latitude in their[174] Commissions; so that they have Power to alter them, as occasion serves; if they cannot at first get favourable, then they may except of harder Terms. To get out of them the full of their Commissions, they vex their Persons, shut them up close, threaten War, and abuse them all manner of ways.

Some think, that a certain Venetian Resident did much encourage the Turks to these Courses; for when the Dispute was between the Venetian and Turk, about Napoli di Romania, their Agent had a Charge to try all other ways of Accommodation, without surrendering the City; but if no milder Terms would do, then he had Liberty to part with that City, rather than to engage in a War with the Port: Some Venetian Traytor declared this part of his Commission to the Turks, unknown to the Resident himself; who rather denied that he had any other Commands, than what he had then proposed, which were the gentlest Terms. The Bashaws judging themselves to be deluded, were very angry, and bid him have a care what he said; their Master was not to be mock’d; they knew well enough that he had other Commands, and thereupon, they recited to him the full of his Commission; so that now, said they, if you do not tell us, we shall look on you as a Liar and an Impostor, and then he would be punished as such; and his Commonwealth would certainly be ruined, if the implacable Anger of Solyman did once, on this Occasion, stir him up to War against him; and, therefore, speak now, or for ever hereafter hold your Peace: Our Master will not use Entreaties; he hath not Power enough, God be thanked, to command Obedience.

The Venetian Agent was so surprized at this Discourse, which he did not so much as dream of,[175] that he very frankly told them all; for which, however, he was very much blamed in his own Country.

Ever since that time, the Turks have indulged their Suspicions, that the Christian Agents deal but partially with them; and, therefore, they must humble them to get out all the Truth. Upon this they imprisoned Velduvic, the Emperor Charles’s Ambassador, 18 Months, and my Collegues more than three Years, and at last sent them away, without doing any thing. As for my self, I know not how long I shall be kept in this Durance; for my part, I see no end of it.

When Baldus, that ancient Man of whom I spake before, came to me, they suspected that he had brought me new Commands, which allowed me to yield to harder Conditions of Peace; and they feared that I would conceal them, because I knew well enough their intestine Discords; so that, by dealing harshly with me, they thought to extort the whole Truth from me. Upon the same Design, Rustan once sent a large Gourd, called by the Germans Wasser-plutzer. They ripen to a delicious Sweetness at Constantinople; their Seeds are red within, and they came originally from Rhodes. By this Present, sent to me by my Secretary, Rustan did jestingly insinuate the fear of a War; it was brought me when the Weather was very hot, and the Juice is good to cool inward Heat. He sent this Compliment with it, that I should make use of the Fruit suitable to the hot Season, for it is an excellent Cooler; but I should know, withal, that a great number of those Plants did grow about Buda and Belgrade, of a much larger size than that which he sent me, meaning thereby Cannon-Balls. I returned Thanks for my Present, and told him, I should make use of it; but, for[176] Buda and Belgrade, ’twas no great wonder they grew there, since there was Plenty of them, even of a larger size, at Vienna. It was a pleasure to me, to let Rustan know by my Answer, that I could retort Quibble for Quibble.

But to return to the Affairs of Bajazet, which you desired to be further informed in.

You may remember that his Father dismissed him some Years ago, upon this Condition, That he should never hereafter affront his Brother, nor raise new Tumults in the Empire, but live quietly and peaceably, as a Brother ought to do. He should remember his Promise made to himself, and not vex him in his old Age; if he did, woe be to him! These Threats had weight with Bajazet, as long as his Mother lived; he kept his Word, rather to retain her good Will and Indulgence towards him, than as having any Consideration either for his Brother’s Love or Father’s good Will. However, quiet he was, for his Mother’s sake: But two Years after her Death, looking upon himself as desperate, he cut the Cords of all filial Obedience, and began to resume his former Designs against his Brother, and to execute his Animosity with great spight: Sometimes he laid Ambushes for his Life; at other times he attempted it by open force, and now and then he sent Parties of Men into his Brother’s Province, (their Provinces being contiguous one to the other) and if he could catch any of his Domesticks, he used them ill for their Master’s sake; in fine, he left no Stone unturned, to lessen his Brother’s Credit, finding he was not able to reach his Life.

Besides, he had several Partisans at Constantinople, who endeavoured to draw over the Grand Seignior’s Guard to his side; and he did not doubt but, as his Design ripened, to come privately to Constantinople,[177] and there to abscond among his Friends, till he could have a fair opportunity to make his appearance in public. Solyman was soon let into all his Designs, particularly by Letters from his Son Selimus, who warned him to take care of his Life; and that, if he did not look upon these Villainous Attempts of Bajazet, as pointed at himself, he was much mistaken: For he cared not what he did either against God or Man, provided he might gain the Kingdom. Your Life, Sir, said he, is aimed at as well as mine, and he would wound you through my sides. His Design was contrived long ago, but now he only seeks an opportunity to execute it; and, therefore, pray prevent his Wickedness before you are circumvented by him too late to find any Help: As for myself, I can easily bear all his Injuries; but the greatness of your Danger doth more nearly concern me.

These Informations from Selimus did more and more incense Solyman against Bajazet; so that he put him in mind of his Duty, by Letter, telling him what great Clemency he had used towards him, and what Promises he had reciprocally made to him. Call to mind, said he, those Ancient things, ’tis not so easie for you to get a new Pardon. Leave off wronging your Brother, and creating trouble to me. I have but a little time to live; when I am gone, God will shew which of you shall Reign; in the mean time, don’t you disturb the public Peace, nor the Tranquillity of my grey Hairs.

But these Expostulations wrought little upon Bajazet, who was fully determin’d to do his utmost, rather than to yield his Neck tamely to his Brother’s Sword; for he saw plainly, that would be his Fate, if ever Selimus mounted the Throne. However, he answered his Father’s Letters submissively enough;[178] but his Words and his Deeds did not agree, neither did he drop the prosecution of his intended Design.

When Solyman saw this, he resolved to try another Course, and to remove his two Sons to a greater Distance one from the other; and, therefore, he commands each of them, on a prefix’d Day, to leave his Province (Chiuta was Bajazet’s, and Magnetia Selimus’s) Bajazet to go to Amasia, and Selimus to Iconium. This was done, not out of any disfavour to Selimus, but only to please Bajazet, lest he should break out into Extremes, when he was removed from his Government, and not his Brother from his. Withal, he laid his Commands on them, that, the more they were severed by distance of Place, the more they should be united by Concord of Mind. For (said he) Vicinity of Habitation doth often breed Discord betwixt Brethren, and Servants on both sides do ill Offices to enrage and exasperate the Minds of their Masters, one against the other; and, therefore, obey my Commands: Him that refuses, I shall count a rebellious Son. Selimus immediately left his Province, as being confident of his Father’s Favour; but Bajazet made many Hesitations, and when he was gone a little way he stopt his Journey, complaining that the unlucky Province of Amasia was allotted, as a bad Omen to him; because his Brother was slain there. I should rather, said he, go to any other Province besides, than where the miserable End of my Relations will constantly come to my Mind, and wound my very Soul; and, therefore he desired his Father to suffer him to winter at least where he was, or else in his Brother’s Province: But Solyman would grant neither of those Requests. By this Time, Selimus was marched with an Army which was augmented with some Forces from his Father Solyman, (for they were both afraid of Bajazet’s Plots)[179] against his Brother, who yet made many Halts and Delays; when, on a sudden, he fetch’d a compass about, and appeared with his Army on the Rear of his Brother, going towards Prusias, a City of Bithynia over against Constantinople on the Asiatic Shore; his Father gave consent to his March, as not well pleased with the Delays of Bajazet. For they thought thus with themselves, that, if Bajazet could win over the Guards to himself, and march to Prusias, or even to Constantinople itself, their Matters, as to Solyman and Selimus, would be in great hazard; and, therefore, out of a common fear, ’twas thought most adviseable for Selimus to stay there, where he might expect most Aid, in case of Necessity, from the Nearness of the capital Cities. For Selimus had not yet Forces enough to encounter his Brother in open Field, with any hopes of Success.

When Bajazet saw his Brother’s Army in his Rear, and that he got nothing by his Delay, but the certain Knowledge, that Selimus should Reign if his Father died, as his Fear added to his Sickness gave some Likelihood thereof; hereupon, he wrote Letters to his Father, wherein he laid grievous Things to the Charge of his Brother Selimus, as, that his present March did plainly declare, what a wicked Intent he had towards his Father, who was come so near the Metropolis, that he might treacherously compass the Empire, and that he might have but a short Passage over, if his Father died. But, if his Father’s Life should balk his desire, then he would suborn some Parricide or other to take it away; and yet, this is the Son, forsooth, said he, that you have in your Bosom; as if he were a very Nonsuch for filial Obedience; whereas I, who never entertained a bad Thought against you in all my Life, but was always observant of your very[180] Becks, am rejected and call out of Favour; and yet the Sum of my Demands is only this, that an unlucky Province may not be designed for my Government; either that which my Brother left, or any other more fortunate one than that of Amasia; and, says he, I shall expect an Answer in the Place where I now abide, lest, if my Suit be granted, I be forced to march a great way back; but if your Ears be deaf to my Request, then I will march to what Province you shall command me.

And the truth is, Bajazet had reason to be averse from Amasia; for ’tis a Custom among them to build much on Auguries and ill Omens, even in the smallest Matters.

But these Letters were otherwise understood by Solyman, who was well acquainted with his Son’s Fears, and knew that he affected a Government not so remote, but nearer to Constantinople, that thereby he might have the better opportunity for Innovations.

Thus Bajazet made one Excuse after another for his Delay, and seemed to retard his Father’s Pleasure; he listed Soldiers, increased his Army, rais’d Money, and provided all things necessary for his own Defence, and the Conquest of his Brother. Solyman looked upon his Design as against himself, yet the crafty old Man dissembled it what he could; for he was unwilling to make Bajazet quite desperate. He was now grieved that the Eyes of all Nations were fix’d on that Dissention between his Sons, and therefore he design’d to use some Delay, that the Matter, if possible, might be composed with as little Noise as possible. He answered Bajazet’s Letters mildly, telling him, that, as for the Change of Provinces, he was fully resolved to be obey’d therein; and, therefore, he and his Brother[181] would do well immediately to repair to their respective Armies.

As for other Concerns, he need not take care of them, for he himself would so order Matters, that neither his Brother nor he should have any Cause to complain. Solyman chose Pertau, the Fourth Vizier Bashaw, to carry those Letters to Bajazet; and, that he might seem to deal impartially between them both, he sent Mehemet, the third Vizier Bashaw, to Selimus. He also laid a Charge on both those Bashaws, not to stir a step from either of his Sons, till they had both entred on their respective Governments. This was wisely done by Solyman to leave such faithful Moniters with his Children, which would daily put them in Mind of their Duties.

Accordingly, Selimus did willingly admit his Father’s Bashaw; but Bajazet, whose Mind was wholly set upon imbroiling the State, could not endure to have one of his Father’s Counsellors obtruded upon him, to be a Witness of his Designs, and to be a Tell-tale to his Father. And, therefore, he dismissed the Bashaw, who was willing to have staid, having first courteously treated and presented him with Gifts, according to his present Ability; and he did it with this Pretence, that he had none else to represent his Cause impartially to his Father, but only himself; and, if he would do him so good Offices, he promised not to be ungrateful to him. He desir’d him also to tell his Father, that his Commands should always be to him as a Law, but that he was forced to do what he did, for fear of his Brother Selimus, whose Injuries and Affronts he could no longer endure. By this Message of Pertau, Solyman was assured of Bajazet’s Design, though, to colour the Matter, and to put a Blind on his Father’s Embassy, he pretended he[182] would hasten to Amasia. However, Solyman was not slow in his Preparations against Bajazet, for he commanded the Beglerbeg of Asia, though sick of the Gout, to assist his Son Selimus with a Body of Horse; and he sent also the most faithful of his Guards to accompany Mehemet Bassa, (who was also returned from his Embassies) into Asia on the same Errand; and he himself pretended he would gird on his Sword and follow them. But, alas! the Guards shew’d themselves very unwilling to the Service; for they abominated the War betwixt Brothers, as an impious Thing. For against whom should they draw their Sword? Was not Bajazet Heir of the Crown too? This unnecessary Discussion (said they) may be compass’d without Blood; neither are we to be forc’d to sheath our Swords in one another’s Bowels: As for Bajazet, he is forced to do what he doth, in a way of Self-preservation.

When these Rumours came to Solyman’s Ears, he sent for the Mufti (the High-Priest of the Turks, from whom, as from an Oracle, they expect Answers to their Doubts) and puts a Case to him in these Terms.

“How ought that Man to be dealt with, who durst disturb the Peace of the Empire, by taking Towns, and raising Men and Money, while he was alive? As also, What he thought of those, who were assistant to him in that Design, and fought under his Ensigns? and, lastly, what was to be done with those who refused to engage against him, but rather justified his Practises?”

The Mufti’s Answer was, “That such a Person with all his Followers were worthy of Death; and they that refused to Fight against him were to be abominated, as Prophane, and Deserters of their Religion.”

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This Answer was divulged among the Commonalty, and by the Chief of the Chiauxes was transmitted to Bajazet.

A while after there came a Chiaux to Constantinople, who had been sent by Solyman to Selimus, but had been intercepted by Bajazet; by whom he sent a Message to their Father, to this effect; that he would never fail in expressing his Duty to his Father, and that he never took up Arms against him, but was resolved to be obedient to him in all Things. The Dispute was only between his Brother and himself, who sought his Life, so that he must fall by his Brother’s Sword, or his Brother by his. This difference might be decided in his Father’s Life; and, therefore, he desired him not to interpose or assist his Brother, but to carry himself in an exact Neutrality; but if (said he) you pass over into Asia, (as Report says you will) to assist Selimus, don’t think I shall be speedily reduced, for I know whither to retreat; and, let me tell you, the first Day you set Foot in Asia, I will destroy all by Fire and Sword, and make it as desolate, as Tamerlane, or any of our fiercest Enemies, ever did.

When this Message was delivered to Solyman, it did much disturb him, especially when Word was brought to him, that the Town of Axuar, which Selimus, his Son, was Sanziach of, was taken by Bajazet; who, after he had exacted a great Sum of Money from the Inhabitants, plundered and sack’d it shamefully.

But Selimus, when he heard that his Brother march’d towards Amasia, and was already come as far as Ancyra, being now freed from the Suspicion of Treachery, which he fear’d in his March, hastened towards Iconium, where a Garrison was kept for his Arrival.

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’Twas none of the least of Solyman’s Cares, which distracted his Mind, lest Bajazet should seize on Iconium, and so march into Syria, from whence there is a large Passage into Egypt, a Province not fully settled in Subjection to the Turks, and somewhat mindful of the ancient Governors of the Circassians or Mamalukes, longed for a Change. And if Bajazet once got thither, he foresaw it would be a very hard Matter to beat him out, should the neighbouring Arabians assist him; who, in hopes of Booty, were ready to take any side. And if, with much ado, he could have been driven out of Egypt, yet from thence he might easily be wafted over into any of the Christian Countries; whereupon Solyman, by all means, sought to stop his March thither, because he thought it would be Bajazet’s last Shift; and to that end he had written to most of the Governors of lesser Asia, to be watchful, ever and to assist Selimus, when he called for their Aid. Accordingly Selimus formed a Camp before the Walls of Iconium: For he thought it best to wait there for the Auxiliaries of his Father, and not to hazard his All on the doubtful Issue of a Battel.

On the other side, Bajazet, knowing what a hazardous Enterprize he had undertaken, was as vigorous to support his Cause. He hired a great body of Horse, called Chiurts, perhaps formerly Gordianes, Men noted for Valour, in whom he put Confidence.

They, as soon as ever they came to this Army, began their Representation of a Battel on Horseback, which had so much of Reality in it, that many of them were slain, but more wounded.

His Camp was pitch’d in the plain and open Fields of Ancyra, from which City he was supplied with many Necessaries; and at the Castle thereof[185] he placed his Concubines and Children. From those Merchants, that were rich, he borrowed Money, upon Terms of Re-payment with Interest, if God gave him Success. From thence, also, he was furnished with Arms for his Soldiers.

Besides his own Family (consisting of very many among the higher sort of Turks) and the Chiurts before-mentioned, those that were of his Mother’s, or his Sister’s, or of Rustan’s Faction, came in to him; so did very many of Mustapha’s and Achmet’s Favourites, fierce and skilful Warriors; for they grudging at the undeserved Deaths of their Masters; were resolved to revenge them with the hazard of their Blood: some also came under his Banner out of Commiseration of the depressed Condition of Bajazet, as being necessitated to fly to Arms, his last and only Refuge.

A great many favoured Bajazet, because he was like his Father; whereas Selimus had not one Feature in his Face resembling him. ’Tis true, he was very like his Mother, a Woman hated while she was alive. He was a big-bellied Man, with swoln Cheeks, and his Face of a deep and uncomely Redness; insomuch, that the Soldiers would seemingly say, He was cramm’d with Barley-Pudding. Besides, he liv’d a slothful, banquetting, idle Life; neither was he courteous, or of easy Access, nor did he oblige by any act of Generosity. The Reason he gave, was, that he would not offend his Father, by aiming at popular Applause. Thus he became dear to his Father only, but odious to every body else; yea, those Persons did most disdain him, who coveted a munificent and an active Emperor. The same Soldiers that were wont to call Bajazet, Softi (a sedentary Man, and given up to his Studies) when[186] they saw that he took up Arms, and ventured his All to defend himself and his Children, now extolled him to the Skies, as a Man of extraordinary Valour. Why (said they, reasoning among themselves) should his Father abdicate a Son that is his express Image? Why should he prefer his slothful, pot-bellied Brother, that has nothing of his Father’s Disposition in him? As for Bajazet’s taking Arms, Necessity forces him to it, and therefore, he is not to be blamed; for did not Selimus, his Grandfather, do the same? What great Precedent could there be? For he did not only arm against his Brother, but Necessity also compelled him to hasten his Father’s Death; and yet by this Procedure he established the Kingdom to himself and his Posterity. Now, if Solyman did rightfully possess that Kingdom, so gotten, why should his Son be denied to take the same Course? Why should that Fact be thought so heinous in him, which was accounted lawful in his Grandfather? And yet the Case is much different (said they); for Bajazet did not take up Arms against his Father, but wishes him a long Life; nay, he would not hurt an Hair of his Brother’s Head, if he could be sure of his own Life, against him: But ’tis always lawful to resist Force by Force, and, if possible, to prevent one’s own certain Ruin. These Discourses caused many to fly to Bajazet, and his Army being now of a moderate Size, without delay, he marches towards his Brother, putting his Life, Fortune, and the hope of his Empire, upon the Event of the Battel; for thus, thought he, my Valour (at least) will be commended, if it be not prosperous; I will endeavour if I can, to break my way into Syria, and, if I succeed therein, my Business is done.

[187]

Selimus waited for him under the Walls of Iconium, having a vast Army, encreased by Forces sent him from his Father, and well furnished with skilful Commanders; and, besides all other Necessaries, secured with great Ordnance on every side. Bajazet was nothing terrified at all those Disadvantages, but as soon as he came in sight of his Brother’s Army, he exhorted his Own, though inferior in Number, in this manner.

Now, says he, the long wished for Hour is come, wherein you may shew your Valour; do you act as Men, and let me alone to reward you. All my Fortune is in your Hands; my Misfortunes have been irksome some time, but now here is an open Campaign, wherein I may change them for the better, and forget all the Miseries of my former Life. If you conquer, you may expect from me Honour, Dignity, and all kinds of Rewards, befitting Men of Valour. One Victory will crown all our Hopes, though never so vast, and that you may get by your superabounding Valour. As for my Brother’s Troops before your Eyes, they are a Company of Buffoons under a slothful General; you may easily make way through them with your Swords; what Forces he hath with him of my Father’s, though they are his in Body, yet they are mine at Heart. ’Tis Selimus alone that stands in the way, both of my Vassals, and of your Happiness too, and therefore, let us both revenge our selves on a common Enemy. And for their Multitude, don’t fear them; Conquest is got by Valour, not by Number. God Almighty uses to assist the Best, not the Most. Certainly, if you consider how the savage Enemy thirsts after your Blood, you will preserve yours, by shedding theirs. In fine, said he, I will not only speak, but do. Let me be your Pattern.[188] Do you fight but as valiantly for my Safety, as I shall do for your Advancement, and I’ll warrant you the Battel is our own.

Having finished his Oration, he made towards the Enemy with an undaunted Courage, and in the Front of his Army shew’d himself both a brave Soldier and a skilful Commander, so that he was renowned also by his very Enemies. The Battel was bloody, and many fell on both Sides, and Victory seem’d to hover with doubtful Wings; but at last she inclin’d to that side, where was more Force, a juster Cause, and better Counsel. Just in the nick, there arose such a Wind that it carried the smoke of the Ordnance into the very Faces of Bajazet’s Army, so that they fought blindfold, as it were; whereupon Bajazet, after much Blood-shed on both sides, was forced to sound a Retreat; but he made it with so little Disorder, and so leisurely, that he seemed a Conqueror, rather than to have lost the Day. Neither did Selimus move out of his Camp to pursue him, being well contented to see his Enemies turn their Backs.

After this, Bajazet, considering he had disobeyed his Father’s Commands, by indulging his own Humour, and being cut off from his March into Syria, which he had design’d, resolved to move in good earnest towards Amasia.

Solyman had presently a Messenger sent him of this Victory, and immediately he posted over into Asia. His Bashaws would not let him go before; But now (said they) you must make haste to press upon Bajazet in his Misfortune and to prevent his Recruit; for if his secret Favourites should declare for him, they might cut them out further Work. The Report of your Passage over, will both discourage your Son and terrify all his Followers; and, therefore, make haste, lest he serve you as sometime your[189] Father did, who was more formidable after he was conquered than before, so that his very Overthrow at first was the cause of his Victory in the End. Neither did they thus speak without Cause; for ’tis incredible how much that Fight, though unfortunate, had added to Bajazet’s Renown. That he was so hardily valorous, as, with a small handful in comparison, to set upon the well-disciplin’d Army of his Brother, strengthened too with his Father’s Forces; that he was not daunted with the disadvantage of the Place, nor the roaring of the great Ordnance, and that he carried himself in the very Battel, not as a raw Officer, but an expert General. ’Tis true, said they, his Success was not answerable, but his Valour was not inferior; and, therefore, let Selimus boast never so much of his Victory to his Father, this we are sure of, that, of the two, Bajazet deserved to be Conqueror; and that we may attribute his Brother’s being so to any thing rather than to his own Valour. These Discourses concerning Bajazet, shew’d him to be Popular, and thereupon they double his Father’s Grief and Pain, and his Desire to ruin him. Resolved he was, none but Selimus should succeed him in the Empire: For, besides that he was his eldest Son, he had been always faithful and obedient to him; but Bajazet had been rebellious, and gaped after the Throne in his Lifetime; and he feared him the more, because he was esteem’d a very valiant Prince, and because also he had openly assisted Selimus against him.

For these Reasons he pass’d the Sea into Asia, but with a Resolution not to stir from the Shore, but to assist his Son Selimus’s Affairs, only at a distance. For why, thought he, should I run any Hazard to bring my own Forces nearer, lest[190] my Army, not fully settled in their Obedience, should be tempted to a Revolt.

I my self saw Solyman march out of Constantinople in the Year 1559, June 5th, tho’ against the Will of my Chiaux. Let me here present you with a Scene of Mirth, and like a Braggadocio-soldier, tell you of two Battels I had at once; for why, I have Leisure enough (unless you count my Cares my Study) and the larger I am in my Scribling, the more time do I borrow from my Troubles. Hear then, what were my Quarrels.

When I was certainly inform’d that the Sultan was ready to pass over into Asia, and that the Day was fix’d for his Departure, I told my Chiaux that I had a mind to see him march out, and therefore he should come betimes in the Morning and open the Doors, for he used to carry the Keys of my Doors home with him at Night; he promised me courteously, he would do so. Then I order’d my Janizaries and my Interpreters, to take me an upper Room in the way the Emperor was to pass, convenient for my View: They obeyed my Commands. When the Day was come, I rose before ’twas light, and expected that my Chiaux had opened my Doors; but finding them shut, I sent several Messengers to him, to come and let me out, both my Janizaries that waited within Doors, and Druggermen that waited to come in: This I did, through the Chinks of the Gate, which was very old; but the Chiaux still spun Delays, pretending he would come presently. Thus I spent some time, till I heard the noise of the Guns, which the Janizaries use to fire, when their Emperor takes Horse; then I began to fret and fume, seeing my self so deluded. My Disappointment and just Indignation did affect the Janizaries themselves: they told me, that if my People would[191] thrust hard with them, they without would so press upon the Valves, which were loose and old, that the Bars would fall out. I took their Counsel; the Doors flew open accordingly, and out we went, hastening to the Room I had hired.

My Chiaux had a mind to frustrate my Desire, and yet he was no bad Man neither; for having communicated my Request to the Bashaws, they were not willing that any Christian should behold their Prince marching with so small Force against his own Son, and therefore, said they to him, do you promise him fair, but be sure to delay him till the Sultan is a Shipboard; then you may think of some Excuse or other to bring you off.

When I came to the House where a Room was hired for me, the Door was shut, so that I could no more enter into that, than I could go out of my own; when I knock’d, no body answered. Hereupon the Janizaries again told me, that, if I commanded them, they would either break open the Doors, or get in at Window and open them. I told them, they should not break open any thing; but if they would go up to the Windows, they might: they presently did so, and opened the Door. When I went up Stairs, I found the House full of Jews, a whole Synagogue of them. They looked upon it as a Miracle, that I should enter, when the Doors were shut; but being informed of the Truth, an old grave Matron, in comely Habit, address’d herself, and complained to me, in Spanish, of the Violence I had offered to the House; I told her, she had done me wrong, in not keeping her Word, and that I was not a Man to be thus deluded; she seem’d dissatisfied, and the Time would not admit of further Discourse. In short, I was allowed one Window, which on the back side looked out[192] into the Street, and from thence, with a great deal of Pleasure, I saw all the grand Procession.

The Gulupagi and Ulufagi marched two by two; the Selchers one by one, and Spahi’s (which are the Names of the Grand Seignior’s Horse-Guards) distinguished by their Ranks and Troops; they were about 6000, besides a vast number of the Domesticks of the Prime Vizier, and of other Bashaws. The Turkish Horsemen make a gallant Show; the best Breed of Horses is from Cappadocia and Syria, and the adjacent Countries; he is set out with Silver Trappings, studded with Gold and Jewels. His Rider is clad with a Coat or Vest made of Silk Velvet, or other fine Cloth of Scarlet, Purple or dark blue Colour, intermixed with Gold and Silver. He hath two Cases hanging by his sides, one holds his Bow, the other his Arrows, both of neat Babylonian Workmanship; and so is his Buckler which he bears on his Left Arm, and is Proof against Arrows, Clubs, or Swords. In his Right Hand, unless he desire to have it free, he carries a light Spear, for the most part painted with Green. His Scimiter is studded with Jewels, and made of steel, and it hangs down from his Saddle. What need so much Armour, say you? I’ll tell you. They use them all; and that dextrously too. You’ll reply, how can he use that Spear and the Bow too? What! will he take up his Spear when he hath broken, or thrown away, his Bow? Not so neither; for he keeps his Spear, as long as he can: But, when he hath occasion to use his Bow, the Spear, being light and easily manag’d, he puts between his Saddle and his Thigh; so that the Point of it sticks out backward; and thus he presses it down with his Knee, as long as he pleases. But, if he fights only with the Spear, then he puts up his Bow into his Case, or else with his left Hand places it behind[193] his Shield. It is not however my present Design to acquaint you with the Turks Expertness at Arms; they have obtain’d it by long Use and Experience in War. Their Heads are covered with very fine white Cotton-Linnen, in the midst whereof stands up a Tuft made of Purple Silk, plaighted; some of them wear black Feathers a-top.

After the Horse, a large Body of Janizaries followed, being Foot, and seldom taking any other Arms than Muskets. The Make and Colour of their Cloaths are almost the same, so that you would judge them all to be the Servants of one Man. They have no ungainly Habit among them, nor any thing rent or torn; their Cloaths will wear out soon enough, they say, without their tearing them; yet, in their Feathers, Crests, and such-like military Ornaments, they are over-curious, or rather proud; especially, the Veterans in the Rear, you would think a whole Wood of walking Feathers were in their Fire-stars and Frontals; after them their Officer and Commanders follow on Horseback, distinguished each by his proper Ensign. In the last Place marches their Aga, or General. Then succeed the chief Courtiers, amongst whom are the Bashaws; then the Foot of their Prince’s Life-Guard in a particular Habit, carrying their Bows bent in their Hands, for they are all Archers; next the Prince’s Led-Horses, all with curious Trappings. He himself rode on a stately Prancer, looking sour, with his Brows bent, as if he had been angry; behind him came three Youths, one carrying a Flagon of Water, another his Cloak, another his Bow. Then followed some Eunuchs of the Bed-Chamber; and, at last, a Troop of about Two Hundred Horse closed the Procession.

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After I had the Satisfaction of viewing all this, my only care was now to appease my Hostess, she that at my entrance spake to me in Spanish, for I heard she was very familiar with Rustan’s Wife, and therefore I was afraid she would represent things unhandsomely against me; to prevent which, I sent for her, and told her she should have remembered her Bargain, and not have shut her Door against me who had hired a Room; but, though you, said I, don’t remember your Promise, I’ll perform mine; yea, I will be better than my word: I promis’d you but seven Pistoles, but here’s ten for you, that so you may not repent your Admittance of me into your House. When the Woman thus unexpectedly saw her Hand fill’d with Gold, she was presently melted down into a Compliance, and the whole Synagogue of them fell to Compliments and giving me thanks; and the Woman that was Crony to Rustan’s Wife, made one in the Consort, for she always, in my Landlady’s name, gave me great Thanks. They offered me Grecian Wine and a Banquet, which I refused, but with great Acclamations of all the Jews, made haste to be gone, that I might manage a new Dispute with my Chiaux, for keeping my Doors fasten’d, when I should have come forth.

I found him sitting mournfully in my Porch, where he began a long Complaint, that I ought not to have gone abroad without his Consent, nor have broke open the Door: that I had violated the Law of Nations thereby, and such like stuff. I replied, in short, that, if he had come betimes in the Morning as he promised, he had prevented all this; his breach of Promise had occasioned it, for his Intent was only to deceive me. I demanded also of him, whether he look’d upon me as an Ambassador, or a Prisoner? As an Ambassador, says[195] he. If you think me a Prisoner, said I, then I am not an fit Instrument to make a Peace, for a Prisoner is not his own Man; but if an Ambassador, as you confess, then why am I not a Free-man? Why can’t I go abroad when I will? Captives use to be shut up, not Ambassadors: Liberty is granted to such in all Nations; they may claim it as their publick due: He ought to know, that he was not appointed to be my Serjeant, or Keeper, but to assist me, (as he himself used to say) with his good Offices, that so no other Man might do any Injury to me or mine.

Hereupon he turns to the Janizaries, and quarrels with them, for giving me Advice, and helping my Servants, to break open the Doors. They said, I had no need of their Advice: I commanded them to open them, and they obeyed; there was no great Difficulty in it, the Doors were old, and flew open presently; there was nothing either lost or broken. Thus the Chiaux was forced to hold his Peace, and I never heard any more of the matter.

A while after, I had also leave to pass over the Sea, for the Turks judged it conducing to their Affairs, to treat me nobly in their Camp, as the Ambassador of a Prince in Alliance with them; and to that end, I had a handsome Lodging provided for me near their Camp, where I had all the Conveniences imaginable. I lived there three Months, and had the opportunity to view the Camp of the Turks, which was extended all over the neighbouring Fields, and to discover some parts of their Discipline: You will not find fault with me, if I acquaint you with something thereof. Know then, that I cloathed myself as Christians do in that Country, and with one or two Attendants walked up and down their Camp incognito. The first thing I saw, was, the Soldiers of each Body quartered with great Order in their several[196] Ranks, and that with a great deal of Silence, (’tis far otherwise in Christian Camps) all hush; not a Quarrel, nor the least Disorder or Noise amongst them in their Jollities. Besides, they are wonderfully cleanly; no Dung-hill or Noisom smell to offend the Eye or Ear; all their Ordure they bury under Ground, or throw it far enough off. When they have occasion to ease Nature, they dig a Pit with a Spade, and there bury their Excrements; so that there is no ill smell at all. Besides, there are no Drinking-matches amongst them, no playing with Cards or Dice, (the Bane of the Christian Army!) I only heard one Hungarian common Soldier playing a doleful Ditty on a ill-tuned Harp, and his Companions were howling rather than singing to it; it was the last Words of a Fellow-Soldier, who died of his Wounds on the grassy Bank of the Danow; he adjured that River, as her Streams were gliding to his own Country, to commend him to his Friends there, and tell them that he died no ignoble, nor unrevenged Death for the glory of their Nation, and encrease of their Religion. His Fellows groaned out, Thrice happy he! O that our Case were like his! For you must know, the Turks are of opinion, That no Souls go more directly to Heaven, than those of valiant Men, who lost their lives in the Field; and that Virgins do pour out daily Prayers to God for their Safety.

I had a mind to pass through the Shambles, that I might see what Flesh was sold there; I saw only four or five Weathers at most, hung up dress’d; they were the Shambles of the Janizaries, who were at least 4000. I wondred so little Flesh could suffice so many; and was answered, They used but little Flesh, but great part of their Diet was brought from Constantinople. When I demanded, What that was, they shewed me a Janizary near at hand, who was[197] lying down, and boiling Turnips, Leeks, Garlick, Parsnips, and Cucumbers. He seasoned them with Salt and Vinegar, and, Hunger being his best Sauce, eat them as heartily, as if they had been Partridge or Pheasant.

Their Drink was that which is common to all Animals, viz. Water; by this frugality, they consult the Health of their Bodies, and also the saving of their Money. And the very time wherein they did this, caused me to admire the more; it was their Fast, (or, as we call it, Lent) at which time among Christians, even in well-govern’d Cities, as well as in Camps, there is nothing but Sporting, Dancing, Singing, Revelling, Drunkenness, and such like Madness; insomuch, that a Turkish Envoy coming once, at that time of the Year, reported at his return, That the Christians at certain times grew mad and raging, but sprinkling themselves with a sort of Ashes in their Temples, they recovered their Wits again, so that they did not seem the same Men; thereby denoting Ash-Wednesday, and its Eve. The Turks, hearing this, were struck with a great Amazement, because they have many Medicines amongst them which cause Madness, but very few that procure a speedy recovery from it.

For the Days immediately preceding their Fasts, they do not alter their private way of living in their Worshipping; rather on the contrary, they abridge themselves of some of their daily Commons, that they may prepare for their Fasts, lest a sudden Abstinence might be prejudicial to their Healths.

The time of their Fast is so appointed, that every Year it comes fifteen Days sooner than the former; the reason is, because they fill not the twelve yearly spaces of the Moon: Hence it comes to pass, that their Fast kept in the early Spring, after six Years, happens at the beginning of Summer; for[198] they measure their Fasts by the course of the Moon, and there are none more irksom to them, than those which fall out in the long Summer-days; for, while they Fast, not a bit, nor so much as a drop of Water, goes down (neither dare they so much as wash their Mouths therewith) before the Star appear in the Evening, the longest Day of Abstinence, being hot, and of course dusty, must needs be very tedious, especially to the poorer sort, who live by their Labour: Yet, before Sun-rise (though not after) while yet the Stars shine in the Firmament, it is lawful for them to eat; and therefore they better endure their Winter Fasts. And that they may not be deceived by the darkness of the Weather, their Priests hang out Lights in Paper-Lanthorns from the top of their Mosque, (from whence they are wont, by sound of Voice to call them to the Prayers, as we do by Bells): And this shews that their Eating-time is come; whereupon entring presently into their Temples, and worshipping God in their way, they return to Supper.

In the close of their Summer-Falls, I once saw a great many of them go into a Tavern over-against my Lodging, (where Ice from Mount Olympus in Asia was always to be sold) and there they ask’d for Icy water, which they drank jetting strangely backwards; for the Turks count it profane either to Eat, Drink or Piss in a standing posture, unless in case of Necessity; but they do it bending their Bodies, as Women do with us when they make Water. And whereas in the dusk of the Evening I could not well discern the meaning of that Posture, I was told that most of them drank a draught of cold Water, to make way for their Meat, for otherwise it would stick to their Jaws and they could not swallow it; and, besides, this moisture of their Palate did quicken their Appetites.

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In their Diet they are not choice, and after their Fasts they may eat any Meat which was lawful for them to do at other Times. If they fall sick, they omit their Fasts, but with this condition, that when they recover they must fast so many Days over, as they neglected before. But when they are near an Enemy, and ready to fight, lest Fasting should weaken their Bodies, they are allowed to eat; and if a blind Superstition restrains some of them, then their Emperor, at Noon, in the sight of his whole Army eats his Dinner, and by his Example they are all encouraged to do the same.

They use Wine at no time of the Year, they count it profane and irreligious so to do; especially, they abhor it on their Fasts; then no Man is so much as to smell to it, much less to taste it.

I often ask’d, why Mahomet was so strict, as to forbid his Followers the use of Wine? In answer to my demand, they told me this Story, that Mahomet making a Journey to his Friend, at Noon entred into a House where there was a Marriage-Feast, and setting down with the Guests, he observed them to be very merry and jovial, kissing and embracing one another, which was attributed to the chearfulness of their Spirits raised by the Wine; so that he blessed the sacred Juice, as being an Inspirer of much Love amongst Men: But returning to the same House the next Day, he beheld another face of Things; as Gore-blood on the ground, a Hand cut off, an Arm, Foot, and other Limbs dismember’d; and these, he was told, were the effects of the Brawls and Fightings occasioned by the Wine, which made them mad, and destroy one another: Whereupon he changed[200] his Mind, turning his former Blessing into a Curse, and forbidding it, as an Abomination, to all his Disciples for ever.

For this Reason all was quiet in the Camp, and the greatest Composure imaginable, especially at their Feast-time: So much did Camp-Discipline, and a Strictness received from their Ancestors prevail upon them!

The Turks punish all Vice and Wickedness very severely; their Punishments are, loss of their Places, sale of their Goods, basting with Clubs, Death: But Club-basting is most common, from which the Janizaries themselves are not free; though they may not, as such, be put to death. Their lighter Offences are chastised by the Club; their more heinous by cashiering or degrading, which they count worse than Death, because commonly they are put to Death afterwards; for being stripp’d of the Ensigns of Janizaries, they are banish’d to the farthest Garrison of the Empire, where they live contemptible and inglorious, till, upon any light Occasion, they are put to Death; yet not as Janizaries, but as common Soldiers only.

And here let me acquaint you with the Patience of the Turks in receiving that Punishment; they’ll receive sometimes an hundred Blows on their Legs, their Feet and Buttocks, with wonderful Patience; so that diver’s Clubs are broke, and the Executioner cries out, Give me another! Yea, sometimes the Chastisement is so severe, that several pieces of torn Flesh must be cut off from the wounded Parts, before any thing can be applied to cure them. Yet for all this, they must go to their Officer, who commanded them to be punish’d; they must kiss his Hand, and give him Thanks; nay, they must also give the Executioner a Reward for beating them. The Club they are beaten[201] with, they count sacred, and that it fell down from Heaven, as the Romans counted their Shield to do; and, as some Relief to their Misery, they count those Parts wounded with the Rod or Club, to be free from any Purgations, and Expiations after this Life.

When I told you, that the Turk’s Camps were free from Broils and Tumults, I must except one, which was made by my own Men: The occasion of it was this. Some of my Servants had a mind to ramble out of the Camp, without any Janizaries to attend them; only taking some Italian Renegadoes that professed the Turk’s Religion. Let me tell you, by the way, that these Italians are of good use in that Country, especially in redeeming Captives; for they come to their Masters, and pretend they are either their Kinsmen, or their Countrymen, and therefore, out of Compassion to them, they desire to buy them as their Patrons, for a Price agreed, and so they set them free: But if a Christian should make the same proffer to them, they would either refuse, or hold him to a far higher Rate.

But to return: Some of my People, as I told you, gadding abroad, they happened to meet some Janizaries, who came from Swimming and Washing themselves in the Sea, without the Badges of their Order on their Heads, only some Linnen being very slightly wrapped about them. These Janizaries revil’d my People, knowing them to be Christians; for that’s the way of the Turks, to reproach Christians; ’tis a Principle of their Religion, and they think thereby to incline us to exchange our Religion for a better, as they count theirs to be. My Folks being thus provoked, return Jeer for Jeer, from Words they came to[202] Blows, the Italians assisting my Men. The cause of the Scuffle was, that one of the Janizaries lost the Linnen Covering off his Head, which was thrown I know not whither: Hereupon the Janizaries hurry away to their General, complaining of their Wrongs and Damage received by my Servants; for they watch’d them, and found them return’d to my House. Their General presently sent for my Interpreter, who was present at the Conflict: He was seiz’d upon sitting at my Door, and they were pulling him away. I beheld it from a Gallery above, and was much concern’d, that any of my Family should be taken forcibly from me without my Consent, to be carried to the Bastinado, (for I understood something of the Matter before); and I could not imagine he would be return’d to me without being well beaten, he being one of the Turk’s Subjects. Whereupon I ran down, and laid hold on him, commanding them to let him go. They quitted him with much ado, but hasted immediately with far more grievous Complaints to their General, who commanded more of their Company to go and seize those Italians, who of Christians are said to have become Turks; yet he charged them to offer no Violence to me, or to the House where I lodged. They came back presently, and with a great Noise and many Threats, demanded those Italians; but they, foreseeing what would come to pass, had sailed back to Constantinople. Much Clamour there was on both sides; at last my Chiaux at that time, who was an old decrepid Man, out of a jeer thrust some Pistoles into their Hands unknown to me, to buy a new Bonnet in the room of that which was lost; and thus the Dispute ended.

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I have been the more punctual in relating this Story, because, on this occasion, I understood from Rustan’s own Mouth, what Opinion the Sultan had of the Janizaries: For he, hearing of this Scuffle, sent a Messenger to me, to desire me to cut off all occasion of Dispute with the Janizaries as the worst of Men. You know, said he, ’tis a time of War, whereby they may be said to reign, rather than the Sultan, who himself stands in fear of them. This he spake, as being well acquainted with the Sentiments of Solyman, who always suspected some Men of their own to lie in wait against their Militia, who would break out when he had no Opportunity to prevent them.

And the Truth is, though there may be some use of a standing Guard and Militia, yet there are also many Inconveniences attending it, of which this is the chief. Their Emperor is very fearful of them, lest, having the Sword in their Hands, they should alter the Government as they pleas’d, of which there had been many Precedents; yet, there are ways also, whereby this may be prevented.

While I was in their Camp, there came Albertus de Ubiis, a worthy and learned Person, born I think at Amsterdam, as an Envoy from my Master Cæsar. He brought with him some Presents for their Sultan, as some Goblets gilt with Gold, with a Clock neatly made, and carried like a Tower on an Elephant’s Back; as also some Money to be distributed, amongst the Bashaws. Solyman would have me deliver these Presents in the Camp, that the Amity betwixt Him and my Master might be more publickly known, and so no Danger at all to be feared from the Christian Arms.

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But to return to Bajazet, after the Fight at Iconium, who retired to his Government of Amasia, pretending to live quietly there, if his Father would permit him so to do. For why? He had sown his wild Oats, and for the future seem’d pliable to obey his Father’s Will; and for this he employed sundry Persons to carry submissive Letters to his Father, begging his Pardon: Neither did Solyman pretend that he was averse to a Reconciliation with his Son, and therefore he admitted his Messengers into his Presence. He read his Letters, and answered them mildly: So that the Report was spread over all the Army, what an Agreement was like to be between Father and Son; what he had done amiss, was to be imputed to the hot Blood of his youthful Age, provided he would shew himself obsequious for the residue of his Life. This Solyman did by the Advice of his Bashaws; for the cunning old Man would not declare himself, till he had brought Bajazet into the Noose of his own Power. He was terribly afraid, lest out of Desperation he should march furiously into Persia (his only place of Refuge,) with such furious Expedition, that all his Sanziacks should not be able to get before him. To prevent which Mistakes, he sent many Letters to all the Governors upon the Borders, to watch Bajazet, and not to suffer him to escape, if he should attempt it.

In the mean time, he put all those of Bajazet’s Party, that he could get into his Hands, to the Rack; and when he had sifted out of them what he could, he put them privately to Death; amongst which were some that Bajazet had sent to clear him to his Father.

The Kingdom of Persia at that time contained all the Countries between the Caspian Sea, and the Seas of Persia, with some part of Armenia the[205] Greater, (though Solyman, by taking Babylon, Mesopotamia, and part of Media, had abridged their Empire very much) and other distant Countries even to the Empire of the Homamia Patisach, as the Turks call him, and over that last part of Land Sagthamas was King: The Father had been formerly over-thrown by Selimus in a great Fight in the field of Chalderon; and from that time the Persian Affairs began to decline, for Solyman a fierce Engineer press’d upon the very Face of them; and Thamas, being much inferior to his Father in Courage, made but weak Defence: For he was wholly given up to Sloth and Idleness, and would sit in his Palace amongst a croud of Harlots, amorously pleasing his Humour; and sometimes consulting Magicians concerning future Events: He had little Care of administring public Justice to his People. This Neglect of his opened the Door to all Injustice and Oppression in every part of his Empire: For the Strong oppressed the Weaker, and Innocence could find no Justice or Defence in his Court.

The Persians, however, have so sacred an Opinion of their Prince, that they believe him happy, that can but kiss the Gates of his Palace; and the Water wherein he washes his Hands, they use for the cure of several Diseases. He hath many Children, but the most promising is Ismael, like his Grandfather both in Name and Nature; a beautiful Prince, and a capital Enemy to the Race of the Ottomans. ’Tis reported that he was brought forth into the World, with his Fist all bloody, whence it was in every body’s Mouth, that he would be a warlike Person; and when he was but young he confirmed that Report, by obtaining a great Victory over the Turks. But when his Father made Peace with[206] Solyman, ’twas agreed betwixt them, that Ismael should be sent Prisoner into the Bowels of his Kingdom, that he might be no Obstacle to the intended Agreement: And yet, as ill us’d as he is, after his Father’s Death, ’tis thought, he will succeed in the Empire.

But Solyman fearing that Sagthamas, (or, as we call him, the Sophi) would be more mindful of old Grudges, than of the late Peace to which he was in a manner compell’d; and that, if his Son went thither, he should have much ado to get him thence; and perhaps it might occasion a long War between the Empires, did use his utmost endeavour to stop or take him, before he could come thither. The old Man had not forgot that, a few Years before, Helcas, Thamas’s Brother, had fled to him, and had been supported by him, and it cost his Brother dear to recover him; and therefore he feared that Thamas would pay him in his own Coin, and perhaps recover by the Sword all the Countries he had taken from him. The Design of Solyman was kept very secret, yet Bajazet’s Friends smelt it out, and therefore advised him by no means to trust his Father, but to consult his own Safety, by what way soever he could. And Bajazet was persuaded so to do upon a small occasion, as little Matters often give Weight to greater. There was a Soldier of Bajazet’s taken in Solyman’s Camp, and hang’d up as a Spy, because Bajazet had listed him, after his Father had given him strict Charge to list no more Soldiers. This was warning enough to Bajazet to pack up and be gone. Now Solyman thought himself sure of Bajazet; and, to deceive him the more, he caused his Army to begin their March to Constantinople the Day after Easter. But Bajazet, immediately after Prayers upon Easter-Day, gave Orders for marching with[207] Bag and Baggage, and began his unfortunate Voyage to Persia. He knew well enough that he went to the old Enemy of the Ottoman House, but was resolv’d to try the mercy of any body, rather than fall into his Father’s Hands. There marched out with him all that were able to bear Arms; none were left behind but weak Persons, Women and Children, that were not able to bear the fatigue of so long a Journey; amongst which was a new-born Child of his own, with his Mother, whose Innocency he thought would protect them from his Father’s Cruelty, and therefore he thought it best to leave them to his Clemency, rather than make them Companions of his woeful and miserable Fight; and the truth is, Solyman, as yet uncertain what would become of the Father, spared the Life of his Infant-Son at present, and sent him to be educated at Prusia.

I would have return’d to Constantinople, the Day before Easter, but had a great mind to see, how the Turks did observe that Festival; and I was not sure that ever I should have so fair an Opportunity again. They were to celebrate it in the open Field, before the Emperor’s own Tent. I, therefore, ordered my Servants to take a Room in the Tent of a Turkish Soldier, that stood on a rising Ground, and look’d down on Solyman’s Tent, which was over against it. Thither went I at Sun-rising, where, in an open Plain, I beheld a vast multitude of turbanted Heads silently standing, and taking down the last Words of their Priest. Every Rank was ranged orderly, and standing, that in the open Field they seemed to be a Wall one to another: The most Honourable had their Station next the Emperor’s Train, uppermost in the Camp, and their Turbants as white as Snow. Such diversity of Colours did affect me[208] with a great deal of Pleasure, and the rather, because they stood unmoveable, as if they had grown upon the Place; not a Cough hawking to spit, nor any Sound to be heard; no, nor the least moving of the Head to look backward, or about them. At the Name of Mahomet, they all, as one Man, bowed their Heads, even to the Knee; but when the Name of God was pronounced, they all fell prostrate on their Faces, and kissed the Ground.

And the Truth is, the Turks are very ceremonious and attentive in the acts of their religious Worship; for, if a Man doth but scratch his Head when he prays, they think his Prayer is lost. For thus say they, if a Man composes his Body so reverently, even when he speaks but to a Bashaw, how much more becoming is that Observance towards God, who is infinitely greater than the greatest of Men?

After Prayers, the whole Congregation was discharged, and they ran up and down ranging over the Fields. A while after the Emperor’s Dinner is served up, which the Janizaries carry away Dish by Dish, and eat it with a great deal of Mirth and Drollery. ’Tis an old allowed Custom for them so to do, on that day, their Emperor being provided of a Dinner elsewhere. When I had beheld their Show, I returned with great Pleasure to Constantinople.

The remainder of my Talk, is, to acquaint you what become of Bajazet, and then I shall ease you of the trouble of Reading, and my self of Writing. He, as I told you, with his invincible Band, march’d out of Amasia with such Speed, that his coming prevented the Report thereof; and those Bashaws, who designed to observe his Motion, he came upon unawares. He put a notable Cheat upon the Bashaw of Suvas; for whereas, there[209] were two ways in his Province by which he might march, and the Bashaw had beset the chiefest of them; he sent some before him that pretended to be Run-a-ways, to inform him, he was gone the farthest way about; which giving Credit to, he removed his Troops thither to prevent him, and so left Bajazet a free Passage.

He put the like Trick upon the Bashaw of Erzerumen; for, knowing that the Passage through the Province would be very hazardous, he sent some before him with a counterfeit Message, to salute him, and tell him, that his Misfortunes had reduced him to the most miserable Condition, and therefore he desired him that he might rest a day or two in his Province, at least to get his Horses fed, and new shod.

The Bashaw granted his Request, whereas, it was not a commiserating his Case, or that he favoured his Side, but, perhaps, that he might amuse him a little till he had got all his Troops together to ensnare him; for they were scattered, as not dreaming he would be so soon upon him. However, Bajazet march’d continually on, allowing his Men no rest by day, and very little at Night. The Bashaw of Erzerumen seeing himself deceived, made haste to join himself with the other Bashaws in his Flight.

For, you must know, as soon as Solyman heard his Son was gone from Amasia, he commanded a great many Sanziacks and Bashaw to follow, and upon pain of Death, to bring him either alive or dead: But all in vain, for Bajazet fled faster than they could pursue. The Bashaws aforementioned, paid dear enough for letting him escape; for Solyman put him out of his Place, but Selimus put him to Death, together with his two Boys, though not before they had been most detestably used.[210] Selimus and Mehemet Bassa, and the Beglerbeg of Greece, pursued Bajazet at a greater distance. Solyman was much troubled when he heard of his Escape, as being well assured, he would make towards Persia; and thereupon he was about to gather all his Forces, both Horse and Foot, together, and so march away to declare War against Persia: But his wiser Counsellors stopped his March, alledging the hazard he would run amongst an ungrateful Soldiery: And besides, say they, what if Bajazet out of his Temerity and Rashness should send a Company about Pontus and the Palus Mæotis, and so march back to Constantinople, in the Emperor’s Absence, where he might, by promising Liberty to Captives, and to the Agiamoglans, get upon the Throne, now vacant? These Advices restrained Solyman from his Intention.

Bajazet, all along his March, caused Labels to be fixed to the Doors of the Houses, that he would give double Pay to all the Soldiers that would revolt to him; which made Solyman’s Soldiers suspected by their Officers, and the rather, because the common Soldiers talked very freely in favour of Bajazet. After much ado, Bajazet escaped to the River Araxes, which is the Bounds betwixt the two Empires of Turkey and Persia; and after he had pass’d this River, he scarce thought himself secure, but appointed some of his own Soldiers to guard the Banks, that so the pursuing Sanziacks might not pass over: They, however, being but few, were easily discomfited before the Turkish Commanders pass’d farther into Persia; till at last they met with a great Body of Persian Horse, whose Commanders demanded of them, why they invaded another Prince’s Territories? Their Answer was, they were to fetch the fugitive Son of[211] their own Prince. The Persians told ’em, ’twas contrary to the League to come armed into their Dominions; there was Peace betwixt Sagthamas and Solyman, which they ought not to violate: As for Bajazet, their Prince would do what was fitting; in the mean time they should retreat to their own Country. With this Reprimand they direct their March backward. In the mean time Messengers are immediately sent from Persia to Bajazet, to bid him return, and to know the cause of his coming, and also to spy out what Forces he had brought with him. Bajazet answers, that his Brother’s Insolency, and his Father’s Displeasure, had driven him out of his own Country, and he was come to Persia, as the only Refuge for an oppressed Prince; and therefore, in consideration of the uncertainty of future Affairs, he hoped he would afford him Protection, being destitute of all Things. The Persian answered, he was not well advised to repair to him who had made a Peace with his Father; by which they were both bound to serve the same Friend and Enemy, and that League he could not violate: Nevertheless, since he was come, he bid him welcome, and promised he would do his utmost to reconcile him to his Father. Thus his first Entertainment in Persia was promising enough; nought but Congratulations, Feastings, friendly Entertainments, and Merrymakings, by which subtle Men disguise their Meanings; nay, there was a talk of a Match between Orchanes, Bajazet’s Son, and one of the Sophi’s Daughters; and they gave him Hopes, that the Sophi would never be at quiet, till Solyman had bestowed upon him the Government of Mesopotamia, or Babylon, or Arzerum; for there, say they, you may live commodiously without Fear, as being at a great distance, both from your Brother[212] and your Father too; and if either of them should deal hardly with you, you will have a Father-in-law to fly to, who will afford you Sanctuary. Such Discourses were received among the Vulgar, to divert Bajazet’s thoughts from the apprehension of present Danger. The Sophi sent many Ambassadors to Solyman on this Errand; but whether he dealt sincerely with Bajazet to reconcile him to his Father, or no, might be a great question, since in the mean time, he contrived all ways to destroy him; for Sagthamas was in a mighty Fear, lest he should nourish a Serpent in his Bosom, and that which encreased his Rancour, was, the wicked design of some, who persuaded Bajazet to attempt the destroying of Sagthamas; for one of Bajazet’s Commanders was heard to say, Why do we not kill this Heretick, and possess his Kingdoms? For, without doubt, he will one day be the Ruin of us all. These wild Discourses coming to Sagthamas’s Ears, put him upon a Project more necessary than plausible; for Bajazet had not many Forces, but very warlike ones; and there were many valiant Men among them that were ready to attempt any Invasion, and therefore he had reason to fear. He was conscious, also, that he had added new Kingdoms to his own, as being conquer’d on pretence of Religion; and who would secure such sickly Subjects, who were weary of their present State, and coveted a Change? To these nothing could be more reasonable than the coming of Bajazet. As yet, however, he is more in my Power, than I am in his, and therefore it were best to improve the Opportunity, and treat him no longer as a Guest, but as an Enemy to be chained up. To compass which, no Method was more adviseable than to sever him from his Forces,[213] for then he may be more easily trapp’d; by open Force ’tis hard to seize him, his Soldiers being well train’d and disciplin’d, but mine slothful, unaccustomed to Arms, and, besides, at a great Distance one from another. Hereupon Bajazet was advised to disband his Army as unnecessary. He could not withstand the Proposal, though Intelligent Men foresaw the Danger and Consequence: But, alas! He that was under another Man’s Roof, must now be at their Beck, who maintained him; especially, since it would breed a Suspicion, if he entertained so much as a thought of Perfidiousness in his Host that entertained him. Hereupon his Men were divided, never to see one another again, and quartered where the Persians pleased; and, being put here and there, were, very shortly after slain by them, and their Arms, Horses, and all else they had, fell a prey to the superior Numbers of the Destroyers. At the same time Bajazet was clapp’d up in Prison, with his Children; and, to encrease the indignity of the Thing, he was haled even from a Feast, to a Dungeon.

Thus have I satisfied your Desire, in acquainting you with what has been hitherto done with Bajazet: ’Tis time now to consider what will become of him for the future: Some think he will retreat to Babylon, or such-like Province, on the Borders of each Empire, to be Sanziack thereof. Others think it a desperate Case, and that there is no hope of his Life, either from Solyman or Sagthamas; but that he will either be sent back hither to be put to Death, or strangled in Prison there.

For the Persian weighed every thing in his Thoughts, when he put Bajazet in Prison; he knew him to be of an aspiring and courageous Spirit, far superior to his Brother; and that, if he[214] should succeed his Father in the Empire, it might do Persia much more Mischief than ever Selimus could; for he was but a slothful Prince, and not at all for a War, and therefore some thought he would never escape out of his Hands; for to be sure he can never be a Friend to one he hath injured so much. Some think one thing, and some another: For my part, I think it will be an intricate Business. For, as Bajazet is in Troubles, and the Issue undetermin’d, they will not easily make War on Christendom at this Juncture. They labour to obtrude on me certain conditions of Peace, having some Letters that will please my Master, but they allow me no Copy of them, as heretofore they used to do; so that I suspect Fraud in the case, and therefore do peremptorily refuse to send those Letters to Cæsar, unless I first know their Contents; and if they deceive me by a false Copy, then the Blame lies at their Door, not at mine: By this means I shall free my Master from answering their captious Letters; for I am sure he will accept of no conditions of Peace but such as are honourable. But, you’ll say, if you refuse to accept of their conditions of Peace, ’tis one step towards a War. Let that be as it will, I judge it more adviseable to leave all free to the events of future Ages: But the not sending their Letters, if that be a Crime, I shall take up on my self; and I shall easily clear my self, if the Issue of Bajazet’s Affairs do not answer their Expectation; since it is yet very difficult, though not impossible, for the Turks are not irreconcileable to those Ambassadors, who study to do their Master the best Service they can amongst them. And besides, the declining Age of my Prince will be some advantage to me, who the Bashaws thinks is fitter for rest and quiet, than for the Fatigues of an unnecessary War. ’Tis[215] true, my Pains will be prolonged hereby, but I shall think them best bestowed, if they succeed at last.

Thus, Sir, I have written you a Book rather than a Letter; and if I have offended you in it, the fault is yours rather than mine: What I did was at your Request, and Readiness to please a Friend, hath always been counted a Vertue in Friendship. Yet I hope these Things will be as pleasant for you to Read, as they were delightful for me to Write; for, let me tell you, as soon as I put Pen to Paper, I love to wander abroad in my Mind, that so I may as it were, deceive my Confinement as long as I can, and converse with you as if we were together. What things seem frivolous and needless, you must take, as proceeding by word of Mouth in familiar Conferences among Friends. Men may be allow’d to tittle tattle in a Letter, as well as in common Discourse. If I were to write Inscriptions for Churches and Temples, to be seen of all Men, Circumspection and Care must be used; but not when I write to you and a few private Friends. I aim not at Fame; if my Lines please you, I have enough. You will say, perhaps, I might have written better Latin: I grant it; but what if it were beyond my Ability? It was not for want of any good will; and yet, let me ask you, what good Latin can come out of uncouth Greece, or barbarous Turkey? If you have any Value for my Letters, you shall have more of them after my Return to Vienna, if ever God permit me to return: If not, excuse the last Trouble I shall give you. Farewell.

Constantinople, June 1st.

I Acknowledge the fresh Proof you give me of Old Friendship, in congratulating my Return; and, as you require an Account of the Residue of my Embassy, and what Occurrences have happened since my last to you, I will remember my Promise to you, and never disoblige so choice a Friend. Take them all in a Medley together, what comes next into my Head, as my Memory suggests things more, or less serious. My beginning is upon the mournful; it is this. I was scarce settled in my Mind, which was troubled for Bajazet’s Misfortunes and Death, when, lo! I was struck with another Message as sorrowful as the former. We were all in great Expectation of the Success of the Turkish Fleet, which sailed toward the Isle of Meninge, (now called Gerse,) upon News that the Spaniards had prevailed there. For Solyman (being assured that Island was taken by the Christians, and that they had added new Fortifications to the old Castle therein, in which they had yet a very strong Garrison,) could not endure to be thus check’d in the midst of all the Prosperities of his flourishing Empire. Hereupon he equipp’d a Navy with Auxiliaries to relieve those that were Mahometans like himself; and made Pihal Bassa Commander of his Fleet. He[217] furnish’d his Ships with a select Company of Soldiers, and yet was doubtful of the Event; because the Voyage was long, and they were to engage with a formidable Enemy. For you may please to be inform’d, that the Turks, for a long time, have had a great Opinion of the Valour of the Spaniards, as knowing that they have waged great Wars, and came off with good Success. They had heard of the Emperor Charles, and of his Son Philip, the Heir of his Valour, as well as of his Kingdoms. The Report of his Power made the Turks very solicitous; so that those that went the Voyage, made their last Wills, as if they were never to return to Constantinople again. Thus the whole City, both those that went, and those that staid at Home, was filled with Anxiety. But, alas! their Fleet sailed with a prosperous Gale, and came upon the Christians unawares; which struck such a Terror into them, that they knew not how to fight or fly: Some nimble Vessels made their Escape; the rest were either taken by the Enemy, or split and dash’d in pieces on the Sands. The Duke of Medina the General, and John Andrea Doria the Admiral, fled to the Castle, from whence they escap’d in a dark Night, undiscovered, through the Enemy’s Fleet to Sicily.

Pihal sent hither a Galley to give an account of this Victory, and, as a further Testimony thereof, he caused a Banner, wherein was the Image of our Saviour Christ upon the Cross, to be pulled along the Sea, at the stern of the Vessel. As soon as it arrived in the Haven, the Loss of the Christians was presently noised abroad, and the Turks congratulated one another upon their Victory. They came thick and three-fold to my Door, and asked my Servants in a Jeer, whether they had any Brother, or other Friend, in the[218] Spanish Fleet? If you had, said they, you may shortly have the opportunity of seeing their Faces here.

Besides, they highly extoll’d their own Valour, and blam’d the Cowardise of the Christians. Who, say they, shall now be able to stand before us, seeing we have conquered the Spaniards? My People were forced to hear this sad News to their great Grief; but God’s Will must be done! Our only Hope was, that the Castle, in which was a strong Garrison, might hold out against the Turks till the Winter, or some other Accident had rais’d the Siege. And yet our Hopes were mix’d with Fears, that the Conqueror would take that too; and so it fell out, for the Besieged wanted all things, especially Water; so that Don Alvarez de Sande, the Governor thereof, a courageous Man, and an old Soldier, perceiving that it could be defended no longer, got a Boat, and made his Escape, with a few Companions, towards Sicily, that so he might not behold the Surrender of so important a Place, which he thought would be look’d upon as a Blot in his Escutcheon, though the extreamest Necessity had compelled it. When he was gone, the Soldiers opened the Gates, and let in the Turks, hoping to find them the more merciful, because of their easy Admittance. Don John of Castile, however, would by no means leave the Fort which he commanded, but he and his Brother valiantly repulsing the Enemy, were at last wounded and taken. The Castle was stoutly defended by the Spaniards for three Month’s Space, though they wanted many Necessaries, and, which was worst of all, had no prospect of Relief. The Weather was hot, and they almost parched with Thirst. They had but one Cistern to hold Water in, which was not[219] big enough to serve them all; so that they were compelled to weigh out their Water to each Man by Measure, only enough to keep Life and Soul together. This Cistern-Water was increased with a Mixture of Sea-Water, and by some curious Art made fresh. This Secret was very opportunely told them by a certain Alchymist: But all had not the Benefit of it; for you should see some lie parching on the Ground, ready to give up the Ghost for very Thirst, continually crying out, as well as they could speak, Water! Water! and, if a little was brought, they were relieved for the present; but, when that Moisture was spent, they relapsed to their former Drought, and died thereof. Thus many perished, besides the Wounded, who could have no help of Surgery to cure them in that desolate Place.

In the Month of September, the victorious Navy of the Turks returned to Constantinople, bringing the Christians Captives, with their Gallies along with them. A joyful Spectacle to the Turks; but a sad one to the Christians that lived amongst them! That Night it lay at Anchor near the Rocks over against Byzantium, that so they might enter the Port the next Day in greater Pomp and Splendor. Solyman came down into an Apartment in his Gardens near the Sea-side, that from thence he might see the Prisoners entring in. Don Alvarez de Sande was in the stern of his Admiral Galley, and with him, Don Sancho de Leyva, and Don Bellinger de Requesne, one Commander of the Sicilian Galleys, the other of the Neapolitan. The Galleys of the Christians were despoiled of their Ornaments, as Streamers, &c. and hall’d in Barques, that they might appear little and contemptible in the sight of the Turks. They who observ’d Solyman’s Countenance at that time say,[220] that they perceived no sign of insolent Mirth therein. This is certain, that when I saw him go to his Devotion the next day, his Countenance was not altered from its usual Hue, as if that Victory had not concern’d him at all; so well was this cunning old Man able to bear the breath of his smiling Fortune, that he was unmov’d under it.

The Prisoners were afterwards brought into the Seraglio, but so miserably hunger-starv’d before, that some could hardly stand on their Legs, others fell down in a Swoon for very Feebleness; others had Arms in a Jeer put upon them, in which posture they died; the Turks insulting over them on every Hand, and promising to themselves the Empire of the whole World; for who now shall be able to stand before us, (said they) since we have overcome the Spaniards? There was a Commander in the Turkish Fleet, with whom I had some Acquaintance, who had taken the great Banner of the Neapolitans Galleys, being Imperial Eagles embracing one another; being inform’d that he was about to present it to Solyman, I thought good to prevent him; and sending him two silken Garments, I obtained the Banner, that so the Ensign of Charles the Fifth might not remain in the Hands of Infidels, to the eternal Infamy of the Christian Name.

There were amongst the Prisoners, besides those above-mentioned, these two eminent Persons, Don John of Cordona, the Son in Law of Don Bellinger, and Don Gasto, the Son of the Duke of Medina, who, though but a Youth, had an honourable Post in his Father’s Army, Don John promised to give a great Sum of Money to be left Prisoner at Chios, (which was inhabited by the old Genoese) which was accordingly done. As[221] for Don Gasto, he was concealed by Pihal, in hopes to have a large Price for his Redemption; which Project of his had like to have proved his Ruin: For Solyman, by some means or other, smelt out the Cheat, and was grievously vex’d that Pihal should serve him such a Trick. He resolv’d, at the Instigation also of Rustan, that Gasto should be brought to Light, that so Pihal might be punish’d; but Gasto died in the Search; some say, of the Plague, others by the procurement of Pihal himself, that he might tell no Tales. This is certain, that, upon the most diligent Search, he could not be found. However, Pihal was afraid to come to Constantinople to appear before his angry Master, lest he might be imprisoned there; but he hovered with a few Galleys about several Islands of the Ægæan Sea, pretending divers Excuses for so doing. But at last Solyman, by the persuasion of the chief Eunuch of his Son Selimus gave him his Pardon in these Words: I, for my part, forgive him his great Offence; but God Almighty, the just Revenger of all Wickedness, inflict just Punishment on him in the Life to come! So strongly are the Turks persuaded, that no evil Fact should pass unpunished!

Don John of Cordona fared better; for, by the care of Adam a Ditrichstein, Baron of Austria, who married his Sister, and by my engaging for him, he returned safe into Spain. As for de Sande, he was brought into the Divan, and there Rustan demanded of him, what his Master meant by invading other Men’s Rights, when he could not maintain his own? De Sande answered, the Question belonged not to him to answer; ’twas his part only to execute his Master’s Commands as faithfully as he could, wherein Fortune had been against him. However, he begged the Bashaws[222] upon his Knees, that, in regard he had a Wife and Children at Home, they would speak a good Word for him to Solyman. Rustan answered, that their Emperor was of a merciful Disposition, and that they would intercede for him. Thus was he sent Prisoner to the Castle called Caradenis, that is, of the Black Sea: He was not gone far, before he was sent for back again, because the Chief of the Bed-Chamber had not seen him; who, I have find before, is a Man of great Authority with his Prince. Upon this Countermand, some say, that, though otherwise undaunted, he was a little faint-hearted, as fearing he was brought back to his Ruin; but it proved otherwise. As for the other Prisoners, the chief of them, as Sancho de Leyva with his two natural Sons, and Don Bellinger himself, were sent into the Castle of Pera, or Galata.

As soon as I was made acquainted with their Condition, and in what want of all Things they were, I thought it my Duty to do my best to relieve them; and thereupon I sent some to comfort them, and to promise them all the good Offices that lay in my power: And, from that Day forward, my House was a common Receptacle for all the Prisoners; and I did them all the Kindness I could. For, you must know, the Turks think their Prisoners well enough provided for, if they allow them Bread and Water. They have no regard to any Man’s Age or Constitution, or to the time of the Year; whether they be Sick or Well, Strong or Weak, Old or Young, ’tis all one to them; they are all treated after one and the same manner. Hereupon, I was forced to provide several sorts of Relief for several Necessities, different Diseases requiring different Cures. There lay a multitude of sick Persons in a certain Temple[223] of Pera, a Town over against Byzantium, whom the Turks cast out as Abjects; and many of them perished for want of convenient Broths to relieve their sick Stomachs, and recover their lost Strength by degrees. When I was told thereof, I dealt with a Friend of mine, a Citizen of Pera, desiring him to buy some Weather-Sheep every day, and boil them at his own House, to distribute the Flesh to some, and the Broth to others, as their Stomachs could bear; which was a great Relief to abundance of them: But those which were in Health, required another sort of Assistance. My House was full from Morning to Night with several Complaints. Some were used to good Diet, and a piece of brown Bread, which was their daily Allowance, would not go down so well with them; some, that used to drink Wine, could not bear the perpetual use of Water only; some wanted Blankets to cover them, having never known what it was to lie on the bare Ground; some wanted Coats, others Shoes; but the most part desired some Footing-Money to gratify their Keepers, that they might deal the more mercifully with them. Money was the only Remedy for these Mischiefs, so that every day some Guilders were expended by me on these Accounts. But these Expences were tolerable, compared with greater Sums which were desired of me; or else they prayed me to be their Surety for payment of their Ransom-Money; and herein every one, was very forward with his Pretences; one alledged Nobleness of Birth; another, that he had great Friends and Alliances; a Third, that he was a Commander in the Army, and had much Pay due to him; a Fourth, that he had Cash enough at Home, and was able to imburse me. Some boasted of their Valour in the Fight; every[224] one had something to say for himself. When I demanded of them, whether they would be sure to repay me? God forbid, said they! For what is more unjust, than to defraud a Man who hath restored us to our Liberty, even out of the Jaws of Death?

And the Truth is, it was very grievous to me, to hear a Man come and tell me, unless I can lay down 200 Guilders for my Redemption, I am undone for ever; I shall be sent over into Asia to be made a Galley-Slave, to tug at the Oar, without any hope to see my own Country again. There is a Merchant, Sir, that will deposit Wares amounting to that Value, provided you will promise Repayment. This was the Allegation of almost all of them; which could not but affect me, as knowing it to be most true, that, if they were not relieved, many of them must needs perish; and none could better do it, nor could they more justly expect it from any Man, than my self. But, you will say, there is no trusting any Body; to which I answer, can any Man be so prodigiously ungrateful, as not to repay what was laid out to save his Life; and, grant that one or two may not have Ability to reimburse me, what’s that to the purpose? ’Tis not lost, that which is laid out to relieve the Oppressed: But sure the greater part of them will perform their Promise. For these Reasons, I was induced to pass my Word for 1000 Ducats, and have thereby run my self so much in Debt, that I know not how to get out; but I fear have freed them from Fetters, and clapp’d them on my own Legs.

I am the larger upon this Subject, to purge my self from too much Weakness, which I know some will accuse me of, in being ready to trust every[225] body; and, in some Measure, to take the blame upon my self for the slackness of some, for whom I have undertaken in their Repayments. I foresee I shall be a great loser by the Business; for I must necessarily make Payment on the Day, when my Word was once passed: And besides, I heard that some whom I had released, had laughed at my easy Nature, in believing what they said to be true; so that my Case is bad, if I should judge of the rest by them. But, be it as it will, I thank my God, that I have been able to do so many good Offices to so many distressed Persons. I do not repent it; for Virtue is a sufficient Reward to it self. I covet not, that any Honours should be conferred on me, nor any Statue erected for my Beneficence; I only wish, that they would be so grateful, as to pay me what I am out of Pocket, to save their Lives; of which I despair not from so cordial a Nation as the Spaniards are. For my part, I rejoice not only that I did them a good turn, but that thereby I gave an Example and Invitation to others to do the same.

There live many Merchants in Pera, Italians by Birth, who are very assistant in relieving Christian-Prisoners; but one of them deserves to be particularly mentioned, for the absurdity of his Opinion, differing from all the rest. He was an Italian Greek, that is, one who resembles both those Nations in his Birth and Manners. When his Country-men were mercifully busied in relieving Prisoners, he could never be persuaded to give one Farthing towards so pious a Work; and, being blamed for it, his Answer was, (which he uttered in a barbarous and blunt Italian Style, the Greek being more familiar to him,) I know not, what these Men are; but this I know, that the just Judgment of God hath brought them[226] into this miserable Condition. For my part, I will not oppose the Will of God; let them abide in that Place God hath allotted them. You, who so boldly withstand what God hath decreed, may pity them if you please; but I will not spare a Doit to release them, though you use never so many Arguments to persuade me: But enough of this vain and foolish Fellow. This Loss at Sea, together with the Misfortune of Bajazet, struck a great Terror into me, that the Turks, made more insolent thereby, would hearken to no Conditions of Peace. This publick Calamity was seconded by a private one; the Plague was got into my House; one of my faithful Servant died of it, and the rest were terribly afraid of the Infection.

But, before I speak of that, there was another Case surprised me, arising on this account.

Solyman grows every Day more and more Superstitious in his Religion. He used to delight himself in Musick, and in the chanting of young Singers; but all this was laid aside, by means of a certain old Sibyl, noted for Sanctity, who told him, that, if he left not off that Sport, he would be severely punished after his Death. He was so moved herewith, that he cast his Musical Instruments, though richly studded with Gold and Jewels, into the Fire and burnt them: And, whereas he formerly eat his Meat out of Silver Dishes, now he was persuaded to use none but Earthen Platters. He was also prevailed upon by her to forbid the use of Wine, wherein she told him too great a liberty was used, which his Prophet would be angry at, if he longer suffered it. Hereupon an Edict was published, that for the future no Wine should be imported into Constantinople, either for Christians or Jews.

This Edict did much concern me and mine, who had never used to drink Water; and what[227] Wine could we have, if it were forbid? Our long absence from our Country, and the uncertain issue of our Embassy, were a sufficient Mortification to us, without this other Inconvenience of change of Diet, which must needs indanger our Health. Hereupon I desired my Interpreters to intercede for me in the Divan, that I might retain my ancient Right. The Bashaws Men were of different Opinions in the Case; some alledged, we ought to be content with Water as well as they; for what would the Neighbourhood say, if Christians may drink Wine, and themselves be strictly forbid the use of it? If Christians in the midst of Constantinople, might guzzle what Wine they please, the stink of it will spread far and near, and profane all; yea, the Mussulmen themselves, when they came to us, would return belching out the smell of Wine.

Hereupon we were likely to be cast in our Cause; but at last a more favourable Judgment went for us. That the sudden change would be intolerable, and occasion many Diseases if not Death itself. Whereupon we were allowed the freedom of one Night, to get in what Wine we could, which was brought to the nearest Landing-place, from whence we were furnished with Horse-Carriage to convey it to my Lodging with as little Observation as might be, all being done in the Night. Thus I stor’d myself, and kept my Priviledge.

Some of the Grecians play’d a pretty prank with the Sultan on this Account. When they knew that he was to pass through a Road full of Vineyards on both sides, they set a great many Labourers at work to root out the Vines; some of them they laid in the Highway; others they loaded on Carts. The Emperor passing by, and demanding the Reason for so doing, they answered, That since by his Edict they were forbid the use of Wine, they[228] were cutting down their Vines to make Fuel for the Fire. For shame, says Solyman, forbear! you do not understand my Command aright; though I forbid the use of Wine, yet I allow the eating of Grapes, as one of the best Fruits that God hath allotted to Mankind; only you are not to squeeze out their Juice, and tun it up in Hogsheads, and so you may make a pernicious use of it. What will you cut down Apple-trees also, because they bear not Wine? Get you gone you Buzzards, and spare your Vines! Thus the Greeks were fool’d in their Project.

But to return to the Story of the Pestilence which was within the Walls of my House. I went to Rustan to beg leave for me and my Family to remove into a less contagious Air; this I desired not with any great confidence of obtaining my Request, (for I knew the Rigidness of his Nature,) but only to shew my care for the Health of my Family. He told the Messenger, he would acquaint Solyman with my Desire, and, if I came the next Day, I should have his Answer. Accordingly I sent and received this from him; that the Emperor wondered what I mean in desiring to move my Habitation; Is not the Pestilence God’s Arrow, which will always hit his Mark? If God would visit me herewith, how could I avoid it? Is not the Plague, said he, in my own palace, and yet I do not think of removing? And so I was forced to stay in a Pestilential and Infected House.

But Rustan died of a Dropsy soon after, and Haly, then Second Vizier succeeded him. He was a prudent and courteous Person as any was among the Turks. I sent him a Present, a large Garment of Silk, by way of Congratulation upon his new Dignity. He returned me this obliging Answer, That he would always be my Friend, and upon[229] any occasion I should not scruple to make my Address to him. And I found him as good as his Word; for, when my House a while after was re-visited with the Plague, which swept away many of my Servants, and amongst others, my chief Physician; I sent the same Message to Haly which I had done to Rustan before; who answered me, for his part he was very willing I should remove my Habitation; but that it were better for me to ask leave of the Sultan himself, lest, said he, if he casually light upon any of your Servants walking at random up and down, he should take it very ill that so much liberty was granted them without his knowledge: And yet, proceeded he, I shall propose the matter so cautiously to the Prince, that I do not doubt of his Assent. And accordingly, soon after I received a Message from him, that I might remove whither I pleased. Whereupon I chose an Island called Principo, for my Dwelling, about four Hours Sail from Constantinople. It was the pleasantest of all the little Isles contiguous to that City, for the rest have no Village at all in them, or but one at most; but this has two.

The Physician, I lately told you died at my House of the Plague, was my old Friend Dr. Williams, the Faithful Companion of my long and tedious Pilgrimage. The occasion of the Sickness was this: It seems, among the rest of the Prisoners I had redeemed, one, as the Event declared, who was sick of the Plague. My Physician constantly attended him, till he got the Infection himself. He had that Angularity of Opinion, that there was no more Fear than Danger; for at the same time, said he, there are wont to arise other Diseases, which Men are apt to think is the Pestilence; so that Pestilential Remedies are usually applied to every common Sore or Boyl. Thus he flattered himself, even when he was deeply infected; yet he did not[230] suspect it to be the Plague, till it was past Remedy, and he was ready to die under the Hands of his Attendance. The Day before he died, he sent me word he was better; and desired to see me, if I pleased to bestow a Visit upon him. I did so, and sat a great while by his Bed-side. He told me how very ill he had been, and that his Sight, as well as his other Senses, had been so weakened, that he knew no body; but now, said he, my Senses are restored, and if I could be freed from a Distillation that almost stops my Breath, I should presently be well; and at my Departure, I told him, I heard he had a Tumour in his Breast. I have so, says he; and thereupon he threw aside his Blanket, and shewed me his Breast: But there is no Danger, says he, in it; for it came from buttoning my Doublet, which I put on too strait. Towards the Evening, according to custom, I sent two of my Servants to watch with him, and while they were putting on him a clean Shirt, he himself espied a Purple Spot in his Breast, which they told him was but a Flea-bite; and by and by he discovered more Spots and larger ones. No, said he, there are not Flea-bites, but Tokens of near approaching Death; and therefore us spend this Night in Prayer and holy Conference preparatory to my latter end; which he did, and in the Morning, with full assurance of God’s Mercy, he departed this Life.

Thus was I bereaved of my dearest and most useful Friend, and the Common-wealth of Learning had also a great Loss of him; for he had made many curious Observations in his Travels which he intended to publish, and would have been very useful to the World, if Death had not prevented his laudable Designs. His Skill and Faithfulness was so much prized by me, that, if the Times had differed me to[231] return, I knew none fitter to leave in my place at Constantinople than himself, had he out-lived me.

After his Death, my Cares seemed to be doubled; nay, if I should have left him behind, I had returned but half myself, as it were. Well! his Soul is at Rest, and I erected a Monument, as a due testimony to his Vertue. But to return to our Island.

I lived there very pleasantly for three Months. It was a private Place, without any Crowd or Noise. There were only a few Greeks, with whom I diverted myself; but never a Turk to interrupt my Mirth. As for the Turks of my Houshold, they created no trouble to me; I might go whither I would, and pass from one of these Islands to another at my pleasure, without any molestation from them. There grew several sorts of Plants, as French Lavender, sharp-pointed Myrtle, Cotton-weed, and abundance more. The Sea is full of divers sorts of Fishes, which I took sometimes with Net, sometimes with Hook and Line. Several Grecian Fishers with their Boats attended me, and where we had hopes of the greatest sport, thither we sailed and cast our Nets. Sometimes we played above board, and when we saw a Crab or a Lobster at the bottom, where the Sea was very clear, we ran him through with a Fish-spear, and so halled him up into a Vessel. But our best and most profitable sport, was with a drag-Net; where we thought most Fish were, there we cast it in a round; it took up a great compass, with the long Ropes tied to the ends of it, which were to draw it to Land. To those Ropes the Seamen tied green Boughs very thick, so that the Fish might be frightned, and not seek to escape. Thus we brought great Sholes of trembling Fishes near the Shore. And yet in this danger they were naturally instigated how to save themselves; some would leap over[232] the Net, others would cover themselves in the Sand, that they might not be taken; others strove to bite the Meashes of the Net, though made of coarse Flax or Hemp, of which kind were the Synodontes, Fish armed with strong Teeth; and if one made way for himself, all would follow him, and so the whole Draught would escape, and not a Fish left for the Fisher. To remedy this Inconvenience, (for I was aware of it) I stood with a Pole in my Hand, beating the Water, that I might keep the Fish from biting the Net. At which my Attendants could not choose but laugh; yet, for all this, many of them escaped: So sagacious are Fishes where they are in extream danger! But notwithstanding the Fugitives, we brought a great many Fishes ashore, a Sea-Bream, Scorpion-Fishes, Dragon-Fishes, Scare-Fish, Jule-Fish, Chane or Ruff-Fish, whose Variety did delight my Eye, and the enquiry into their Nature, did hugely please my Fancy: So that at Night I return’d home with my trimphant Vessel laden with Prey. The next Day I presented Hali Bassa, and his Chief Steward, with Part of what I had taken, who thought it a very acceptable Present.

Sometimes I took delight, with an Iron Spear made on purpose, to bring up Shrimps or Cramps, which are there so thick, as if that Sea were stock’d with them. Where I observed the Master-Shrimps lying two by two, the Male and the Female, and sometimes more of them, of which Cicero, Pliny, and Athenæus speak so much. I confess, I think some of these Relations concerning them are rather fabulous than true: For they say, that this Shell-Fish doth gape in order to catch other small Fishes; and when she hath got them, yet she shuts not her Shell till the Pinncphylax bite it, and by this warning she closes her Shell, and divides the Prey with the Pinncphylax. The Figure of these Pinnæ you have[233] in Bellonious. The sharp part of it sticks in the bottom of the Sea, as if it grew there; and by these sticking Fibres, she draws in her Nourishment; as appears by this, that when she is loosed from her hold, she dies for want of Sustenance, as Herbs and Plants do. And it is probable, that the Pinnophylax chose this sort, as a Defence against other ravenous Fishes, where it may lye quiet even in stormy Weather, and go in and out at her pleasure. Yet I speak not this, to detract from the Credit of those worthy Authors I mentioned before; but only to leave the matter to more curious Enquirers. We quickly laded our Boat with these Pinnæ; they are but coarse Fare, like Muscles, of which you would be soon weary; but the Fishermen advised me to keep the Pinnophylaxes apart, for they are a grateful and nourishing Food.

Amongst the rest of the Islands, there is one untilled and uninhabited, whither all sorts of Monsters do resort, Star-Fish, Saw-Fish, Grape-Fish, Sea-Horses, prodigious Cockles, a round yellow Fish like an Orange; no ordinary Fish there, but Thornback, and a certain Fork-Fish, with a terrible Prickle. I remember, we took one of them, who, making at us, ran herself through.

When tempestuous Weather kept me from Sea, I delighted myself in finding out strange and unusual Plants at Land. I would sometimes go a-foot all ever the Island, having a young Franciscan Monk in my Company, a jolly Fellow, but very Fat, and not used to travel on Foot. I took him out of a Monastry at Pera, to be my Partner in my Walks; he was so corpulent and pursy, that when I went on a-pace to catch myself a Heat, he would follow me at a Distance panting and blowing, with these Words in his Mouth, What need all this haste? Whom do we run from, or whom do we pursue?[234] What are we Carriers or Posts that must make speed to deliver some important Letters? Thus he mutter’d, till the very Sweat pierced through all his Cloaths. In fine, when we came back to our Lodgings, he threw himself upon his Bed, wofully complaining, and crying out, he was undone: What Injury have I done, said he, that you thus hurry on to destroy me? And, in this fretting Posture, we had much ado to persuade him to eat a bit of Dinner.

Now and then, some Friends visited from Constantinople, and from Pera; yea, and some Germans also of Holy’s own Family; of whom when I asked whether the Plague was abated? Mightily, said they. How many then die in a Day? Scarce Five Hundred, said they. Good God! quoth I, call you that to abate? when then doth it rage? They replied, when about a Thousand or Twelve Hundred die in a Day. The Turks entertain this Opinion concerning the Pestilence, that every Man’s Destiny is written by God in his Forehead; so that ’tis a foolish thing in them, to think to decline or avoid it. This Opinion makes them fearless of the Plague, but not secure from it: So that, as soon as any Man dies of the Pestilence, they will take off their Cloaths, yet sweaty, and Linnen, and rub their Faces with them. If it be the Will of God, say they, that I shall die this way, it will most certainly come to pass; if not, it will not hurt me. Thus a large Field is open for Infection; so that whole Families are sometimes swept away by that Disease. Whilst I abode in these Islands, I got acquaintance with one Metrophanes, a Metropolitan who presided over a Monastry in Chalcis, one of those Islands. He was a Learned and a Vertuous Man, very desirous of an Agreement between the Latin and the Greek Churches; so that he differed[235] from the Humour of the rest of the Grecians, who esteem the Latins as Men of an impure and profane Sect. So much doth every Man abound in his own Sense!

When I had lived about two Months in those Islands, some of the Bashaws began to suspect my long Absence, and told Haly, that perhaps I might make my escape, for I had Ships ready at my command, and other Conveniences might easily be procured; and therefore it was more advisable I should return into the City. He answered them, he had that Confidence in my Word, that he believed I designed no such thing: Nevertheless he sent a Chiaux to advertise me thereof. The Chiaux very cunningly pried about, to see if he could discover the least Preparation for an Escape but finding none, after I had made him a Present, he returned to his Master with his Message from me, that he might rest secure, for I never intended to break my Word. Thus I continued three Months in my Retirement, and returned of my own accord into the City without any Compulsion.

From that time forward l had a Familiarity with Haly, and our Discourse was still of Peace. He is a Dalmatian by Birth, and only Courteous Man I found in that barbarous Country: His Nature, mild and gentle; his Person of easy Access; he is of a deep Understanding, capable of managing the greatest Affairs, having much skill in Military as well as Political Matters, for he is an old Man, and hath passed through the greatest Offices of that Common-wealth. His Stature is tall, and his Countenance filled with a lovely Gravity. He hath a mighty Love for his Master, and consults by all means imaginable his Repose in his Old and Sickly Age. What Rustan thought to do by Austerity,[236] Severeness and menacing Expressions, Haly endeavours to compass by Mildness, Moderation and Friendship. Rustan was always severe, fierce, self-will’d; his Word must pass for a Law. ’Tis true, he knew well enough his own Circumstances, and what the Times did exact of him, and what the Old Age of his Prince required; but he was afraid, that, if he shew’d any Indulgence, either by Word or Deed, it would be said he did it out of Covetousness, of which his Prince did much suspect him: And therefore, though he was desirous of a Peace, he would abate nothing of his usual Stiffness; but if Propositions were offered to him, not pleasing to his Fancy, he was ready to thrust a Man out of Doors; so that I scarce ever parted from him but in an angry Mood. One time, when I was treating with him of Peace, if I had nothing else to say, he bid me be gone: I presently rose up and went my way, only telling him, That I could propose no other Conditions than what my Master commanded me to do. Which Words I pronouncing with more Fervour and Passion than I was wont to do, he called back my Interpreter and asked him, whether I were angry? He answered, No: What, said he, if I should obtain what he desires of the Sultan, dost thou think he will perform his Word to me, in presenting me with the Sum he promised me? No question, said the Drugger-man, but he will be as good as his Word to a Tittle. Then, says Rustan, go home and ask him. I had then 5000 Ducats, which make 6000 Crowns, lying by me for any sudden Emergency; I loaded my Interpreter with them, and bid him carry that to Rustan and tell him, that this Sum was only an Earnest of what I had promised him; but the rest would follow, if my Negotiation were brought to an happy Issue,[237] for by no means would I be worse than my Word. He seem’d to be pleased with the sight of the Money, but returned it again to me, bidding my Drugger-man tell me, that he no ways doubted of my Faithfulness, but the matter of the Peace stood yet on ambiguous Terms; neither could he certainly promise a good Issue, for he did not fully know his Master’s Mind. But let the Ambassador, said he, keep it for me, as my Treasurer, till he sees the Event. Thus was the Money brought me back again, and Rustan died soon after.

Here give me leave to acquaint you with the Bounty of my Master, the best of Emperors; for that Money lying dead by me, I acquainted his Imperial Majesty, that I would lay it out for one Year’s Expence (which amounted to just so much) in my Embassy. But I repented afterwards of this my Frankness; especially considering what Pains I had taken in my Employment for so many Years together. My Mind gave me I was deficient to my self, in not desiring that Sum for my self, since I knew I serv’d a liberal Master, who put a just Value upon every Man’s Service, and rewarded him accordingly; and therefore I might have desired that Money (which was snatch’d, as it were, out of the Fire) for my own use; for I knew some Courtiers would have asked greater Sums for less Merit and Service. Upon second Thoughts, I put my Master in mind of my over-sight, and desired his Favour, that the said Sum might be returned entire to me. He was graciously pleased to grant my Request, and commanded so many Ducats to be told out for me from his own Exchequer: Which Bounty of his, so freely bestowed, if I should be unmindful of, I were not worthy to live a[238] Day longer: But to return from whence I digressed.

Haly and Rustan were of quite different Humours and Dispositions: Haly lived a blameless Life, free from Sordidness, and never feared that his courteous Deportment would procure him the Sultan’s Ill-will; but Rustan, on the contrary, was a Money-monger, Avaritious, and his Conscience hing’d at his Purse-strings. Rustan’s Conferences with me were very short and concise; but Haly would spin out Time on purpose; and, that he might entertain me the longer, he would season his Discourse with a great deal of Facetiousness; insomuch that the Turks, who attended on the account of Business or otherwise, would murmur and grumble that he spent so much Time with me, thereby they had not convenient Opportunity to transact their own Concerns with him. And the Truth is, there was somewhat of Mortification to my self in it too; for I usually was sent for to him in the Afternoon, and I went Fasting, that I might be readier to deal with so acute a Man. In our Conferences he pressed this as a principal Point, that each of us would propose that which we thought most conducive to the service of our respective Masters. He knew his Master desired Repose in his old Age, which was sated with Success and Victory; and he thought my Master also desired Peace and Quietness; and therefore, if he studied the Tranquillity of his Realm, he should by no means rouse a sleeping Lion. The minds of Princes, says he, are like Looking-glasses having no innate Shape, yet the Shapes of all Objects pass through them; so Princes Souls, free of themselves, are impress’d by the Images of all Things, as they are represented; and therefore we must lay nothing before them, but what stands to their Reason: For as good Cooks temper their Sauces, not to[239] this or that Man’s Palate, But for the Relish of all the Guests; so we, in Propositions of Peace, must weigh Circumstances on either side. This, and much more, did he frankly communicate to me; yea, at all times he shewed himself courteous, and when I required his Courtesy with any extraordinary piece of Respect, he thought himself doubly oblig’d. Once, as he was returning from the Divan, and came to a cross way where he was wont to salute his Fellow Bashaws at parting, turning his Horse too nimbly, and leaning on his Neck, both Horse and Man fell to the Ground: When I heard of his Mischance, I sent to know whether he had got any hurt by his Fall? He returned me Thanks, and told me, he got no hurt, but ’twas usual for an old Soldier to be apt to stumble and fall. Then, turning to the By-standers, This Christian Agent, says he, has, I thank him, a mighty Love for me. Sometimes in Discourse he would tell me, that he had got Wealth and Honour enough; so that now he studied only to leave a savoury Memory behind him, by doing good to Posterity.

When our Treaty of Peace had proceeded on fairly a long time, and I was in good Hopes of a happy Conclusion, an unlucky Accident happened, which might have embarrassed the whole Affair: A certain Greek Despote, by the help of Cæsar’s Soldiers which guarded the Frontiers of Hungary, had broke into Moldavia, and driven out the Vaivode thereof, possessing it for himself. This Business gave a great Alarm to the Turks, as not knowing but such Beginnings might end in greater Mischief; and indeed the Danger was considerable, though the Turks thought it Prudence to dissemble their Forces. Haly intended to speak with me about it, as I understood by one of his Domesticks;[240] and accordingly he sent for me a few Hours after. I confess I was somewhat startled at the Message; I was afraid, that, my Negotiation being in a promising way to a good Issue, this Matter would spoil all. When I came, he entertain’d me with his usual Courtesy, and after much Discourse tending to a conclusion of the Peace, he shew’d no sign of Discontent at all in his Words or Looks, till I was just going to take my leave of him, and then he bid me sit down again, for something was come to his Memory which he had forgot: Don’t you hear, said he, that your Germans have made an Inroad into Moldavia? No, said I, neither do I believe it; for how should the Germans come to a Place so very remote from them as Moldavia? ’Tis most certainly true, said he; I have it by several Expresses, and I will send one of your own Countrymen to convince you. This Onset gave me occasion to tell him, that, if any of this were true, I was sure it was not done by the command or consent of my Master Cæsar. The Germans, said I, are a free People, and used to serve other Nations in their War; and perhaps some of them had taken Pay under Foreigners: But, in my Judgment, the cause of these Commotions arises from the Hungarian Nobles of that Neighbourhood, who being provoked by the daily Injuries of the Turks, resolve to be even with them. And, to speak the Truth, I think they are not much to be blamed, if upon so great Provocations, they labour to revenge themselves. Do not your Soldiers take the same Liberties on the Borders of Hungary? What Plunderings and Devastations have they not made in the Emperor’s Territories there! Here we talk of Peace; there is nothing but War and Bloodshed: And, for my own part, I am held as a Prisoner, neither do[241] my Friends know whether I am alive or dead? And truly they that have long suffered so much Damage from you, are worthy rather of Praise than Blame, if they take any opportunity of Revenge. Let them retaliate, said Haly, provided it be within Hungary, and the Borders of it; but ’tis intolerable they should range as far as Moldavia, which is but ten day’s Journey from Adrianople. To which I replied, Men of the Sword do not much study points of the Law or Civility, but use to take the first Opportunity to revenge themselves where-ever it was offered. Thus I departed from him, neither did he seem at all to be angry, nor was a jot more morose in my After-addresses to him.

During these Transactions with the Vizier, the French Ambassador did me a great Favour; there were thirteen young Gentlemen (some of whom were Germans, and some Hollanders) in prison at Constantinople upon this remarkable occasion. They took Ship at Venice, in a Vessel every Year carried Pilgrims to Jerusalem, under Protection; some of them travelled on the account of Religion, others to see foreign Countries: but they all met with an unlucky Omen; for just at the time they landed in Syria, the Knights of Malta had landed some Soldiers, and plunder’d the Sea-Coast of Phœnicia, carrying away some of the Inhabitants Prisoners: Whereupon those Syrians who had lost Parents, Children and Friends, having no other visible way of Satisfaction, seiz’d on these Gentlemen in the Venetian Vessel, pretending they were some of the Pyrates; and if they did not procure their Friends to be released, they should be kept in Slavery themselves: And though they were shewed the Privilege from the Government of Venice, and were put in mind of[242] the Public Faith, and the League betwixt them, yet all was one, away they must be sent Prisoners to Constantinople: And their Youth was a great Prejudice to them, for the Bashaws thought such young Striplings would never undertake so long a Voyage on the account of Religion, for the Turks never begin their Pilgrimage till they are well in Years.

When I heard of this Disaster, I did what I could to release them, but all to no purpose. The Bailo of Venice was applied to, because under the Protection of that Republick they fell into this Danger: He granted there was all the reason in the World they should be released; But what Justice, said he, can we obtain among such an inhuman and barbarous People? In the mean time I applied all the Relief I was able, to their distressed Condition: But one day, far beyond my Expectation, they all came to my House, and told me, they were sent as a Present to me by the French Ambassador, who had obtained their Liberty. I was mighty glad of their Releasement, and sent great Thanks to the Ambassador, whose Name was La Vigne. The manner was thus; when he was about to take his leave of the Sultan, and to kiss his Hand, as the Custom is, he thrust a piece of Paper into it, wherein he desired that the Gentlemen might be released in favour to his Prince, because their Voyage was occasioned upon the account of a Pilgrimage for Religion. Solyman granted his Request, and released them presently: Whereupon I supplied them with Accommodations for their Voyage, and sent them first to Vienna, and then home into their own Country.

This La Vigne at first was very strict and vexatious to me, and used all his Arts to bring me into the Bashaws Dislike without any Fault of[243] mine: He told them, I was a Subject to the King of Spain, born in the Low-Countries, and that I served the Spaniard more than the Emperor; that I acquainted him with every thing that was done at Constantinople, and had Emissaries in Pay, who related to me the very Secrets of that Empire, amongst whom was Ebrahim the chief Druggerman of Turkey. This he did, before the Peace was made between Spain and France; but, when those two Princes were agreed, he took the first opportunity to retract what he had spoken.

La Vigne was a Man of a prodigious Liberty of Speech; he would tell all he knew, let it be taken how it would. This made Rustan himself to avoid his Company; whilst at the same time others were backward to converse with Rustan, because of the sourness of his Humour. He sent once to Rustan to desire Audience: He told the Messengers, his Interpreters, that he might send his Errand by them, for his Business might be as well done in his Absence as in his Presence. Yet La Vigne would needs come himself, where he spoke that which grated Rustan’s Ears. What do you think, says he, that you have got Buda, Gran, Alba Regalis, and other HungarianTowns, from the Christians by Force? No, I deny it utterly; ’tis our Dissention that gave you Opportunity to take them: If there had not been continual Wars between the Kings of France and Spain, you would have been so far from possessing those Towns, that Charles V. would hardly have suffered you to live quiet at Constantinople it self. At which Speech Rustan was so provoked, that he told him, What dost thou tell me of the Kings of Spain and France? If all the Christian Princes join their Arms together[244] against my Master, he cares not a Rush; he will easily conquer them all. And thereupon he withdrew himself into his Bed-chamber, and bid the Ambassador be gone. I must needs acquaint you, in this place, with the Relations I have heard concerning that People which inhabit the Tauric Chersonese, who are reported to have been originally Germans, as their Speech, Manners and Countenances seem to declare. I had a great desire to meet with any body of that Nation, from whom I might procure some Tracts written in that Language, but I could not obtain it; yet at last I met with an Accident which in part satisfied my Desires. There came two Envoys from that Nation to the Sultan, to make some Complaint or other; and my Interpreters lighting upon them, did (as I had desired them, if ever they had Opportunity) invite them to Dinner to my House. One was a tall Man, carrying an ingenuous Simplicity in his Countenance, so that he seemed either a Flemming or a Batavian: The other was shorter, of a well-set Body, and browner Colour, a Greek by Birth, but by frequent Commerce with that People, he had got much of their Language, and seemed to forget his own. Being asked concerning the Nature and Manners of that People, he answered very pertinently, that they were a warlike Nation, that inhabited many Towns thereabouts, from whence the Cham of Tartary, when he pleased, used to draw forth 800 Musketeers, the chief Prop of his Army. Their chief Cities were two, one called Mancup the other Scivarin. He added much more concerning the Tartars and their Barbarity; yet he confessed that there was some very ingenious Men amongst them. If you asked of the highest Affairs, they would answer[245] briefly, yet very much to the purpose. Insomuch, that the Turks said frequently and justly of them, that other Nations had their Learning in their Books, but the Tartars had eaten their Books, and had their Wisdom in their Breasts, from whence they could draw it out as they had occasion, as Divine Oracles.

They are slovenly in their Deportment; for, if you set any Soop before them, they eat it not with a Spoon, but with the hollow of their Hands. Their Meat is Horse-flesh; not roasted, but heated under the Saddles of their Horses, to which Hunger was their best Sauce.

Their Prince is served in Silver, his first and last Dish being a Horse’s Head, as Butter is served up first and last with us. He repeated many German Words, amongst others, which were unintelligible to us; perhaps his Memory fail’d him, so that he mix’d home-bred and foreign Words together; to every Word he added the Article Tho or The. The Words which were ours, or little different from them, were these:

• Broe, Bread.
• Plut, Blood.
• Stul, a Stool or Seat.
• Hus, a House.
• Wingart, a Vine.
• Reghen, Rain.
• Bruder, Brother.
• Schwester, Sister.
• Alt, Old Man.
• Wintch, Wind.
• Silvir, Silver.
• Goltz, Gold.
• Kor, Wheat.
• Salt, Salt.
• Fisct, Fish.
• Hoef, the Head.
• Thurn, a Gate.
• Stern, a Star.
• Sune, the Sun.
• Mine, the Moon.
• Tag, a Day.
• Oeghene, the Eyes.
• Bars, a Beard.
• Handa, the Hands.[246]
• Boga, a Bow.
• Miera, an Ant.
• Rinck, or Ringo, a Ring.
• Brunna, a Fountain.
• Waghen, a Waggon or Coach.
• Apel, an Apple.
• Schieten to shoot an Arrow.
• Schlipen, to Sleep.
• Kommen, to come.
• Singhen, to Sing.
• Lachen, to Laugh.
• Criten, to Weep.
• Geen, to go.
• Breen, to roast.
• Schwalch, Death.

Knauen Tag was Good-day with him; Knauen was Good; and several such Words he used, not well agreeing with ours, as,

• Jel, Life, or Health.
• Jelisch, alive, or well.
• Jeluburt, let it be well.
• Marzus, Marriage.
• Schuos, a Spouse.
• Baar, a Boy.
• Ael, a Stone.
• Menus, Flesh.
• Rintsch, a Mountain.
• Fers, a Man.
• Statz, the Earth.
• Ada, an Egg.
• Ano, an Hen.
• Telich, a Fool.
• Stap, a Goat.
• Gadeltha, Beautiful.
• Atochta, Evil.
• Wichtgata, White.
• Mycha, a Sword.
• Lista, a little.
• Schedit, Light.
• Borrotsch, the Will.
• Cadariou, a Soldier.
• Kilemschkop, drink up your Cup.
• Tzo Warthata, as thou hast done.
• Jes Varthata, he did it.
• Ich malthata, I say.

When he was desired to number, he said thus, Ita, tua, tria, fyder, fyuf, seis, sevene, just as we Flemmings; for you Brabanters, who speak German-like, do highly value your selves, and laugh at us, as if we pronounced Seven more coarsely: He went on reckoning Athe, nyne, thiine, thiinita, thiinetua, thiinetria, &c. Twenty[247] he called Stega, Thirty Treithyen, Forty Furdeithien, an Hundred Sada, a Thousand Hazer. He also sung us a Song in that Language, which began thus:

Whether these People be Goths or Saxons, I cannot tell; If Saxons, then, I suppose, they were transplanted thither in the time of Charles the Great, who dispersed that Nation into many remote Countries, as appears by the Cities of Transilvania, which to this day are inhabited by Saxons; and possibly he might transplant the rest of the Nation as far as Tauric Chersonese, where they still retain the Christian Religion, though surrounded by the Enemies of it: But if they are Goths, then I judge they chose their Inhabitants there next to the Getes, and perhaps most of that Tract of Land between the Gothick Isle and Procopia, (as now ’tis called) was heretofore inhabited by Goths. Hence we read of the Names of sundry Goths, as West-Goths, and East or Ostro-Goths, who over-ran the World with their Victory, and were the great Seminary of Multitudes of Barbarians. This is all I could hear of these Procopiensians concerning the Tauric Chersonese.

Let me now tell you something of the City and Country of Cathay, which I learned of a certain Turkish Pilgrim, who use to travel over the World on account of Religion, and to worship God on high Mountains and desert Places. He had travelled over a great part of the East-Country, where he was acquainted with the Portuguese;[248] but, having a desire to visit Cathay also, he joined himself to some Merchants, who in great Numbers used to travel to this Country. ’Tis a Journey that not many will undertake, it being so dangerous, and the way thither so full of strange Nations, who use to plunder Travellers in their passage. When he left Persia behind him, he came to Samarchand, to Borchar, and to Taschan, and other Towns inhabited by the Successors of Tamerlane. When he had passed by these Places there were large Desarts, and some Countries inhabited by wild, and others by a more civilized People; yet the Country was generally poor, so that they were forced to carry their Victuals along with them on a drove of Camels: This Company they call Caravans. After some Month’s Travel they came to the Streights, entring into Cathay, (for you must know, that a great part of that Country is Mediterranean, and encompassed by such huge Mountains and Rocks, that it is accessible but in a very few Passages, where their King hath his Guards and Garrisons). When the Merchants come thither, they are asked what they bring? Whence they came? and how many they are? When the Guard is informed of the Truth, they make a Smoak by day, or else kindle a Beacon by night, which gives warning to the next Beacon, and so from one to another, till they come to Cathay. This Advice cost them but some Hours, which otherwise would take up many Days, the way is so long. When News is brought to the King, he sends backward by the same way of Conveyance what his Pleasure is, whether they shall all be admitted to enter, or only some, the rest being either excluded, or made to stay longer. When they are admitted, they are guarded all along to their several[249] Inns or Lodging-places, where they may have all things for their Money, till they come to the King himself. Here every one brings forth his respective Ware, and offers it the King, whose Privilege it is, to buy what Ware he pleaseth in the first Place; and then they sell the rest to the best Chapman. This they must do within certain limits of Time, and then they must return; for the Carthayans cannot endure that Strangers should live long amongst them, for fear they should infect their Country-Manners. Thus the Merchants are dismissed in a very friendly Manner, and return by the same Stages they went.

This Traveller told me, that they were a very wise People, and lived in good Order and Government, having a distinct Religion of their own, differing from the Christian, Jewish or Mahometan; but nearest to the Jewish, except their Ceremonies.

Printing hath been in use among them for many Ages, as appears by their several printed Books: For Paper, they use the Cases of Silk-worms; it is so thin that it will bear Printing on one side only, the other is blank. In this City, he said, there were a great many Shops full of Musk, which was the fresh foame of a certain Beast as big as a Kid. A Lion is highly prized amongst them; there are none of them in that Country, and therefore they value it at a great Rate, and will pay well for it. This is what I could learn of this Wanderer concerning Cathay; believe it as you please. I asked him further, whether he had brought back any rare Root, Fruit or Stone, out of that Country? He told me, he had brought nothing but a little Root for his own Use, which he bit and eat a little of, when he was faint or cold, and it would presently warm[250] and relieve him; and thereupon he gave me a piece of it, telling me I must use it very sparingly: I desired Dr. Williams, my Physician, then alive, to taste of it, who, by its biting and inflaming the Mouth, judged it to be a root of the Wolfleaf-tree.

Let me now tell you another wondrous Story of another wandering Turkish Monk. He wore a Cap and white Cloak down to his Heels, with long Hair, such as Painters draw the Apostles with. He had a promising Countenance, but was a meer Impostor; and, yet the Turks admired him as a miraculous Man. My Interpreters were persuaded to bring him to me, that I might see him. He dined with me soberly and modesty enough; afterwards he goes down into the Yard, and upon his return, he takes up a huge Stone, and struck with it divers times upon his naked Breast, as many Blows as would have felled an Ox: Then he took a piece of Iron, that was heated in the Fire on purpose, and thrust it into his Mouth, where he stirred it up and down so that his Spittle hiss’d again; ’twas a long piece of Iron, thick and quadrangular in that part which he thrust into his Mouth, and it was red-hot as a live Coal: Then he put the Iron into the Fire again, and after I had made him a Present, he saluted me and departed. My Domesticks wonder’d at the Trick, all but one, who pretended he knew more than all the rest; Oh, says he, he is a meer Cheat; and thereupon he takes hold of the stronger part of the Iron, pretending he could do as much as the Juggler. He had no sooner grasped it in his Hands, than he threw it away, and his Fingers were well burnt for his Audaciousness, so that they were many days a curing. This Accident caused his Fellows to laugh, and jearingly to ask, whether[251] the Iron were hot enough yet, and whether he would touch it again or not?

The same Turk, while he was at Dinner, told me, that the Prior of their Monastery was a Man famous for Sanctity and Miracles, for he would spread his Cloak over a Lake near adjoining, and sitting on it, would row up and down whither he pleased: And that he would strip himself naked, and be tied to a Sheep newly kill’d, tying Arms to Arms, and Leg to Leg, and so would be thrown into the hot Oven till the Sheep were bak’d fit to be eaten, then he himself would be taken out without any harm at all: You will not believe this; neither do I, only I relate what he told me; but that part concerning the red-hot Iron I saw with my own Eyes.

And yet I must tell you, the Matter is not so much to be admired; for, without doubt, the Fellow, when he went down into the Yard to fetch a Stone, had fortified his Mouth, against the Violence of the Fire, with some such Medicines as you know are to be met with; for I remember once in the Market-place at Venice, I saw a Juggler take melted Lead, and wash his Hands with it, as if it had been common Water: But enough of this.

I told you before, that I had a little more Freedom some time before Rustan’s Death, which was very grateful to me on one Account, because it gave me an Opportunity to converse with Strangers and others which frequented my House, whole Acquaintance might be instructive to me; and yet this Liberty was not without its Inconvenience; it gave my Servants opportunity to straggle abroad, and sometimes without the Janizaries, and so they met with many Affronts,[252] which cost me some trouble: I’ll tell you of one, by which you may judge of the rest.

Two of my Servants passed over in a Boat to Pera; they went alone, either because the Janizaries were not at home, or else they thought it needless to take them; one was my Apothecary, the other Master of my Wine-Cellar. When they had done what they went for, they hired a Boat to carry them back to Constantinople; they were scarce sat down in the Boat, but there came a Youth from the Caddy, or Judge of that Place, commanding them to come forth, for the Caddy must be wafted over in that Boat: My Servants told him, there were Boats enough to carry over the Caddy, besides that which they had hired, and therefore they would not stir: Hereupon he endeavoured to force them; so that from Words they came to Blows. This being done in sight of the Caddy, who was coming down to the Boat, it made him run to help the Boy, (who was thought to be his Ganymede) but the Steps towards the Sea being slippery, by reason of Ice, (for it was Winter) he fell head-long into the Sea, and had been drown’d if his Companions had not relieved him: Hereupon a Clamour was raised all over Pera, and the Turks would have it that my Servants had laid Violent Hands on the Judge, and had almost drown’d him. My Servants were seized and carried before the Judge in Capital Cases: They fetch out Clubs, and Stocks to put their Feet in, that they might beat them, as their manner is, on the Soles of them. In the interim one of my Servants, an Italian, cried out in a Rage, Beat, strike, Dogs, strike! we are wronged, we are innocent! we are Servants to Cæsar’s Ambassador, and doubtless when your own Emperor shall know how we are abused, he will make you smart for it. One of the Turks, hearing him cry out so boldly: D’ye think, said he,[253] that One-ey’d thing is a Man? No; for certain, he is an One-ey’d Cacodæmon, (for he had a Blemish in one of his Eyes.) The Waywode also, that is, in their Language, the Judge, perceiving the Boldness of the Man, was at a stand what to do; but thought it best to send them to Rustan: Thither went the whole Rout, with a pack of false Witnesses, ready to give their Testimonies against the Innocent; for the Turks count it meritorious to give in false Evidence against a Christian; you need not summon them to appear, they came of their own accords, as it happened in this Case: They all cried out before the Grand Vizier, that those Rogues had beaten their Judge, and, if they had not been seiz’d, would have drowned him: My Servants denied the Crime they were charged with, alledging that they were falsly accused, and that they were my menial Servants. By this Time Rustan perceived that there was more Noise than Truth on his Countrymens side; yet, to still the Fury of the inraged Multitude, he told them he would punish them severely; and he sent them to Prison. The Prison was a Safeguard to them against the Fury of the Multitude; he then examined Witnesses, the most credible among them, and found my Servants were Guiltless, and that all the Fault lay at the Caddy’s Door. In the mean time I sent my Interpreters to demand my Servants; but Rustan thought fit to refer the Matter to the Divan, lest, if the Sultan should hear of it, he might suspect, that a Bribe had made him partial and negligent in the Caddy’s Case. I had at this time some intimate acquaintance with Haly, to whom I sent my Druggerman with a grievous Complaint, that I might not suffer Wrong to the end of the Chapter; Haly undertook my Cause, and bid me rest confident that the Business would soon end to my Satisfaction. But Rustan came not off[254] so handsomely; he feared it might be thought that Money had inclined him more to favour me, and therefore had rather the Business were made up with the Caddy; he wished, therefore, I would offer him a few Ducats to appease him, 25 were enough. I gave him Thanks for his Advice, and told him, that if he desired me to throw so many Ducats into the Sea, I would willingly do it for his sake; but that Money was not so much to be considered in this case, as Example: For, said I, if he that did my Servants an Injury, must be paid for his Labour, a larger Fund than mine would not suffice; for if a Man tear his Clothes, while he is intending to do my People an Injury, he knew where to have Money to buy new ones, which was an unworthy thing, and by no means to be indured by me. Thus were my Servants, by the Mediations of Haly sent home to me. When the Bailo of Venice heard of their Release, he sent for one of my Servants present, and desired to know of him, what that Business had cost me? Not a Doit, said he. Then said the Bailo, It would have cost me 200 Ducats before I could have come off. But the poor Judge suffered most of all; for he was put out of his Office, the Turks accounting it an absurd and hainous thing to be beaten by a Christian, as he confessed he had been.

As for the Release of the Spanish Commanders, it was obtained by my Mediation; they were these, De Sande Commander of the Land Forces, and Leyva, and Requesne, the one Admiral of the Neapolitan, the other of the Sicilian Gallies. In short, I’ll tell you how I compassed their Release: The Peace made between the Kings of Spain and France, did much trouble the Turks, as being inconvenient to their Affairs, especially considering that they were not comprehended in it, as at first they thought they should be; yet they dissembled the matter at present,[255] but sought for an Opportunity to shew their dislike of it. Solyman had writ to the King of France, that he agreed to the Peace, yet would have him remember, That Old Friends are not easily made Enemies, nor Old Enemies, Friends.

This Disgust of the Turks was of no small Advantage to my Affairs: To which Haly Bassa’s Affection, and Ebrahim’s great desire to shew his Gratitude to me, did very much contribute.

You may remember, I told you before, that, when La Vigne did accuse me to the Bashaw, at the same time he forgot not Ebrahim, but told them, that he discovered all the secret Counsels of the Turks to me. This Ebrahim was the chief Druggerman, (i. e. Interpreter of Solyman) a Polander, and therefore more hated by La Vigne, because, in a deadly Feud with Codognatus, a former Ambassador of the same King, he seem’d to take Codognatus his part. I shall not trouble you with the Contest betwixt them, it being little to my purpose: This is certain, that La Vigne was mindful of the Affront, and could never endure Ebrahim; but when he had Access to the Bashaw, every third Word was against him; neither did he desist from complaining, till Ebrahim was remov’d out of his Place. For my part, I was not much concern’d at Ebrahim’s Disgrace; I had never such an extraordinary kindness for him, as to lament his Loss, for I found him many times thwarting my Affairs; only it troubled me, that ’twas noised abroad, he lost his Place for my sake. Hereupon, I assisted him in his Privacy what I could; for I knew it troubled him, to be turned out of his Office, and therefore I us’d him as an Interpreter or Messenger, betwixt me and the Bashaws in my Transactions about the Peace. And Haly admitted him, out of Respect to me, and because he was degraded without any just Cause. In short, I never[256] rested till I got him restored to his Place; and that piece of Service did so oblige him, that in Gratitude he returned me all the good Offices he could, in all Company, and upon all Occasions: And he had the greater Opportunity so to do, because of the Offence the Turks had taken at the French, for making Peace with the Spaniard. On this Account, when the Noble Salviatus was sent by the Most Christian King, to procure de Sande’s Liberty, he was wholly and absolutely refused. De Sande was in great Expectation of that Embassy, believing he should never be released, if that Negotiation did not effect it; and, therefore, he was at a great Expence in Presents for the Grand Seignior, and other great Men upon his Release. All which signified nothing, for Salviatus went away without doing any thing. When he was gone, the Servants and Solicitors of de Sande came to me in a great Fright; and told me, they durst not acquaint their Master with the unsuccessful News of Salviatus’s Intercession for his Liberty; for all his Hopes depending thereon, they were afraid the Transaction would either make him desperate, or bring some fatal Disease upon him; and, therefore, they desired me to acquaint him first by Writing. I refused, alledging, That I had not Common Places enough to draw Comfort from, for a Man in so deep Distress. For de Sande was a Man of a great Spirit, full of Hope, and without any Fear; and Men of such Dispositions, hope for every Thing they desire; and if they meet with any Disappointment of their Hopes, they are so cast down, that ’tis hard to raise them to any tolerable frame of Spirit.

Whilst Matters stood thus at a Hand, in comes Ebrahim, my Interpreter, very opportunely; and falling into Discourse about these Spanish Prisoners, he told me plainly, that if I did but demand their[257] Liberty, I should certainly obtain it; and what he spake was upon good Grounds. He had formerly given me some blind Hopes, that I might procure their Release if I set my self about it: But, I gave little heed to this Suggestion; for not being certain of a Peace, how could I attempt such a Thing? Besides, I was afraid, lest my Interposition might hinder the Success of Salviatus’s Negotiation: But he was gone, and Ebrahim, whom I had so much obliged, persisted in the same Opinion. I began to hearken to him; but told him, he should have a Care he did not engage me, who was his Friend, in a ridiculous Business; for, without doubt, I should be laugh’d at, if I did not succeed in it, the Matter being thought difficult to be compared in common Opinion, and Salviatus having attempted it in vain; yet he advised me to proceed therein, and amused me with the Assurance of good Success.

Upon this Encouragement, I wrote to de Sande, how fruitless Salviatus’s Embassy had been, yet I advised him not to despair; for, if any Credit were at all to be given to a Turk, there was good hope of his Affairs; and then I related what Ebrahim had told me.

Having laid this Foundation, I advised with some Friends who were well skill’d in Turkish Affairs. They wish’d me all good Success, but were very doubtful of it; especially since the King of France’s Ambassador had been denied, and the Issue of a Peace was yet undetermined; and moreover, as the Turks are hardly ever induced to release great Men; yet I wrote to my Master the Emperor, to let him know what Hopes I had, and desired that I might, in his Name, beg the Release of those Prisoners. In short, upon great Gifts, and fair Promises made to the Bashaws, for their Favour in this Case; the Day before St. Laurence’s Day, all the[258] Prisoners were released and sent to my Lodgings. De Sande and Leyva were so odious to each other, that they would not eat together, but I was forced to spread their Tables a-part; Requesne eat with Leyva, and de Sande with me. While we were at Supper, the French Ambassador’s Steward came to me, with a small Pacquet of Letters. De Sande ask’d, if he knew him? Yes Sir, said he, I think you are Don Alvarez. I am so, said he, pray remember me to your Master, and tell him, that I have obtained my Liberty by means of the Emperor’s Ambassador, and that you have seen me Abroad with your own Eyes. I see you, indeed, Sir, said he; but so, that I can scarce believe my own Eyes. De Sande did thus accost him, because his Master, the French Agent, would never believe that Solyman would release those great Men at the Emperor’s Instance: And the Truth is, before they could obtain their Liberty, their Mufti, who is an Archbishop amongst the Turks, was consulted, Whether a great many Turks might not be released for a few Christians; for I had promised, that about forty Turks, of an ordinary Rank, who were Prisoners with us, should be released for them. The Mufti answered, That there were two Opinions on the Case; one Pro, the other Con; but he was for the Affirmative.

It now remains that I acquaint you with the last End of Bajazet, who, I told you before, was put in Prison by the Persians. Many Messages had passed between those two Princes on that Occasion; and an Ambassador came once from Persia with Presents, a Tent curiously wrought, Assyrian and Persian Tapestry, with the Alcoran, and some Beasts of an unusual Sort; as, an Indian Ant, as big as an ordinary Dog; a fierce and biting Present. The Cause of the Embassy was pretended to be, the Reconciliation of Bajazet with his Father; and they were received very honourably, entertained with[259] rich Banquets, of which Haly sent me a part; eight huge Dishes full of Sweetmeats, and plenty of the richest Wines. ’Twas the Custom of the Romans to send Dishes from their Feasts to their Friends; the Spaniards do it to this Day; and the Turks from their great Feasts carry home something, especially if they have Wives and Children. They many times carried home whole Napkins full of good Bits from my Table; and tho’ they pretend to Cleanliness, yet they would sometimes daub their Silk-cloaths with some Collation-drops.

Let me tell you a Story to this purpose, which I know will make you laugh heartily, as it did me at the first hearing it: For we are not such Cato’s, but that sometimes we may season our Care with moderate Laughter, which shews that we are Men.

’Tis the custom of the Turkish Bashaws, some Days before their Fast, (which we call Lent) to make a public Feast or Entertainment for all Comers, none are excluded; yet generally none but Servants, Friends, and Relations come. There is a Napkin made of Leather, spread over a long Tapestry on the Ground, full of Dishes; the Table will hold abundance of Guests; the Bashaw himself sits at the upper end, and the choicest Guests next to him, and then the ordinary Guests, in Ranks, till the Table be full. It will not hold all at once, but some stand by till others have din’d, which they do with great Decency and Silence; and then drinking a draught of Honey diluted with Water, salute their Landlord, and away they go. In their Places, others sit down, and a third Class after them; the Servants still taking off the old Dishes and setting on new. A certain Bashaw making such a Feast, invited a[260] Sinziack to sit next to him; an old Man of the Sect which the Turks call Hogies, (i. e. Learned Men) sat next to him. This Hogi seeing such plenty of Victuals before him, had a mind to carry home some to his Wife, after he had filled his own Belly; but looking for his Handkerchief to fill it with Victuals, he found he had left it at home; being then in a straight, he bethought himself, and resolv’d to fill his Sleeve that hang’d on his Back; but, mistaken the Sinziack’s for his own, he stuft it full of Dainties, and stops it in with a piece of Bread that nothing might fall out. He was not to touch his Sleeve till he had laid his Hands on his Breast or Thigh, and so saluted his Entertainer, as their Custom is; when he had done that, he took up his own Sleeve and finds it empty, at which he was much amaz’d, and return’d home very sad. A while after, the Sinziack also rose from the Table, and having saluted the Bashaw at every Step, his Sleeve cast out the Dainties it was replenished with, unknown to him; and seeing a train of Junkets behind him, he blush’d for shame. The Company fell a laughing, but the Bashaw imagining how it came to pass, desired him to sit down again, and so he sent for the Hogi, and when he came, he accosted him thus: I wonder that you, an old Friend, and having a Wife and Children at home, did carry home nothing to them, seeing my Table was so well furnished. Truly, Sir, said he, ’twas no Fault of mine; but of my Evil Genius; for I stuff’d my Sleeve with Viands, and yet, when I came out, I found it empty. Thus the Sinziack was cleared, and the Disappointment of the Hogi, together with the Novelty of the Case, occasioned[261] no small Laughter throughout all the Company. But to return to Bajazet.

His Case was desperate, between an angry Father that required to have him given up, and a false Friend, who pretended to detain him. Sometimes Solyman dealt mildly with the Persian, putting him in mind of the League between them, that they were to have the same Enemies and Friends: Sometimes he threaten’d him with War, if Bajazet were not surrendered; and thereupon he placed strong Garrisons on all the Confines of Persia; he filled Mesopotamia and the Banks of Euphrates with the Soldiers, especially the Veteran ones, whom he had employed against Bajazet, over whom Mahomet the third of the Vizier’s Bashaws, and Beglerbeg of Greece, was made General, for Selimus was returned home: Moreover, he solicited the Georgians dwelling between the Hircan Sea and Pontus, bordering on Persia to aid him against them: They answered courageously, That they were not strong enough of themselves to cope with the Persian; but if he himself came upon the Place with an Army, they would then shew themselves Men of Courage against the Persian as their common Enemy. The Hircanians also and the Posterity of Tamerlane were solicitous to join Arms. Solyman himself gave out, that he would go to Aleppo, (a City of Syria, seated on the Banks of Euphrates) that from thence he might make War on the Persian: Nor was the Persian himself without Fear; for he had often experienced the Dint of Solyman’s Sword. But the generality of the Turks were averse to the War, and look’d on it as a wicked and detestable one; and this cooled the Sultan. A great many of the Soldiers, especially the Horse, forsook their Colours, and return’d[262] to Constantinople without leave of their Officers; and being commanded immediately to return, they did so; but so unwillingly, that Solyman plainly saw their Aversion from the Service.

Whereupon Solyman, seeing he could not get Bajazet alive out of the Persian’s Hands, (who feared his Revenge, if ever he came off clear,) thought of the next thing, which was, to have him strangled there; and he hop’d to obtain his End this way, because the Persian had lately acquainted him by Letter, that he had been very remiss in so great an Affair. I have sent divers Ambassadors to you, said he, but you send nothing to me but empty Letters, or Messengers; and therefore, to convince me that you are real in the Business, send considerable Ambassadors of your prime Nobility with whom I may transact, according to the greatness of the Affair. As for himself, Bajazet had been a great Charge to him, before he could be taken, and therefore ’twas fit an Account should be had of those Expences. Solyman thereby saw that Money was requir’d, and therefore by the Advice of his Bashaw, he resolved to take any other Course, rather than to involve himself in an unnecessary War with the Persians. Hereupon Hassan Aga, together with an old Bashaw, one of the Bed-Chamber, was sent by Solyman into Persia. They departed with ample Commission, in the midst of Winter; they made great haste, insomuch that they lost several of their Retinue in the way: At last, they came to Casbia to the Sophia, and desired to see Bajazet; they found him in a nasty filthy Prison, his Beard and Hair so long, that till he was shav’d he could hardly be known; but then Hassan knew him by[263] the lineaments of his Face, having been brought up with him from a Child, and therefore he was chosen as the fittest Person for this Embassy. It was agreed, that the Persian should be repaid what he had laid out, and should have many rich Presents besides, and then Bajazet was to be put to Death. Hassan returns and gives an account to his Master, who thereupon sent the Expences by him, with the Gifts, which were guarded by the Turks to the Confines of Persia. Thus Hassan again returned to be the Executioner of unfortunate Bajazet with his own Hand, for so Solyman had commanded. When the Bow-string was about his Neck, he desired but one thing before his Death, which was, to see his Children, and to take his last farewell of them, by the only Thing he had left to give, a parting Kiss; but that was deny’d. This was the end of Bajazet and his unfortunate Designs; the way he took to save himself was his Ruin. His four Children under-went the same Fate. As for the new-born Infant which he left at Amasia, whom his Grandfather had removed to Persia to be educated there, when his Father was dead, a trusty Eunuch was sent to Persia to destroy him too; but the Eunuch being somewhat tender-hearted, procured a certain Porter, a hard-hearted Fellow, who car’d not what desperate things he undertook, to dispatch the Child. This Fellow went into the Room, and as he was fitting the String to the Child’s Neck, the poor Infant lifted up its self as well as he could, and embracing him in his Arms, offered to kiss him; which did so mollifie his wretched Heart, that he fell down in a Swoon. The Eunuch stood at the Door, and wondering at the Delay, went in and found the Fellow lying flat on the Ground; whereupon he was forced to execute the Charge himself, and so[264] strangled the poor innocent Child. By this Passage it appears, that Solyman spar’d his Nephew hitherto, not out of any Principle of Mercy, but out of an Opinion the Turks have, that Matters, if they succeed well, are pleasing to God; and therefore, as long as ’twas uncertain, what might be the event of Bajazet’s Designs, he would not imbrue his Hands in his Child’s Blood, lest, if Bajazet had succeeded, he might seem to have resisted the Will of God: But, when Bajazet was slain, he thought God had determined the Controversie, and that his Son also might not be spared, lest the Proverb should be verified, Of an ill Crow, an evil Egg. I had along Discourse with my Chiaux upon this Subject, when I was in the Island before mentioned, and had liberty to sail from one to the other. It happened once, that as we were returning in our Skiff, the Wind being against us, we could not double a Promontary that reach’d pretty far into the Sea, but were forced to land and take our Dinner a-shoar; for I always carried ready-dress’d Provision along with me in the Vessel for fear of the worst; and their Turks were also forced to land, by the same Stress of Weather. Our Table was spread in a green Meadow; my Chiaux and my Interpreter sate at Table with me. Mention being occasionally made of Bajazet, the Chiaux began to inveigh bitterly against him for taking up Arms against his Brother. I pleaded for him, and said, he was worthy of Pity, who was forced to do what he did: There was an inevitable Necessity upon him, either to submit himself to a certain Death, or to save his Life by taking Arms. However the Chiaux persisted still to call it an execrable Undertaking; whereupon I argued thus; you accuse Bajazet as guilty of an horrid Offence; but you acquit Solyman, the Father of your present Emperor, who took up Arms against his[265] Father. We do so, said the Chiaux, and with Reason; for the Event shew’d, that what he did, was by God’s Approbation, and predestinated in Heaven. If you argue from Success, said I, then the wickedest Fact, if it prosper, may be imputed to God as the Author; and then he may be made the Author of Sin, if Good and Evil must be interpreted only by Events. We dwelt a while on this Discourse, and were very eager upon it, whilst either of us defended his own Opinion. We alledg’d many places of Scriptures; Can the Vessel say to the Potter, why hast thou made me thus? I will harden Pharaoh’s Heart: Jacob have I loved; but Esau have I hated: and others of like import.

The Turks, that were not far from us, wonder’d what we were so earnest about; and after we rose from the Table, my Chiaux went to them. They gathered themselves in a Ring about him, and I saw them hearkening to the Discourse he made, with great Attention; and at last, at Noon, they were all silent, and worshipped God according to their Custom. I thought it long till my Chiaux returned to me, that I might know why he prated so amongst his Comrades; I was afraid, though I had ever found him a good Man, that he might represent what I had spoken to him, to my Prejudice: At last, when the Wind ceased, we went aboard again, and followed our intended Course. The first thing I did, was, to ask of my Chiaux, what serious Discourse he held with his Country-men? He smil’d, and made me this Answer: We were disputing about Predestination, and I told them what you had alledg’d Pro and Con; by which it was plain, that you had read our Books, and was well read in the Scriptures, so that there was nothing wanting to your Happiness,[266] but to turn to our Religion, which, in the Prayers you saw us make, we desired of God. When News was brought to Constantinople that Bajazet was dispatched, I was afraid that our Affairs, which were in a hopeful way of Conclusion, would now meet with a Rub at last; the Misfortune of Bajazet might over-turn all, make the Turks more Insolent, undo what was done, and propose harder Conditions. I had passed over some Difficulties, as the Loss of Gerba, and the Imprisonment of Bajazet, and the Vaivode’s Expulsion out of Moldavia; but there were two terrible ones, Bajazet’s Death, and another, which I shall speak of by and by.

Haly sent one of his Domesticks, to tell me, that Bazajet was dead for certain; that therefore, I should not defer the Peace, in hopes of his Success: That I should remember, Princes of the same Religion are more easily reconcil’d, than those of contrary ones are; and, therefore, I should hesitate no longer, nor seek Knots in a Bulrush, as the Proverb is.

This Message troubled me much; yet, because I thought the Account might not be true, I sent up and down the Town amongst my Friends, to know what Certainty they had of Bajazet’s Death: They all returned me answer, That he was most certainly dispatched: Whereupon, I resolved to draw in my Sails; there were no Hopes for me to obtain better Conditions; it were well, if I could maintain my Ground, and stick to my former without any change: The Emperor of the Turks had seen them, and was not much averse to them; some small Alterations were made; something I wished I could have added; other Things were dubiously expressed, which an ill-natured Interpretation might raise Scruples about. I did my Endeavour that these[267] might be taken out, or corrected, and made more favourable on our Side. My Master Cæsar had seen and approved those Conditions; yet still I could not satisfy my self, till something more favourable was added. Whilst I was doing this, I was accosted with Haly’s Message as aforesaid.

I met also with another grievous Rub; some Noblemen of Hungary had revolted from the Vaivode of Transilvania to the Emperor, that is, to speak the Truth, had returned to their Duty; and the Garrisons also, which they commanded, yielded to Cæsar. This new Accident might have disturbed all; for the Turks had a specious Pretence to alledge, That, while Conditions of Peace were once on foot, such Alteration ought not to have been made; if Peace were cordially desired, all Things were to be returned to their pristine State: but, let Revolters speed as they pleased, what they had possessed ought to be returned to the Vaivode, their Client and Vassal. But, Haly was so far from pressing this, that one express Condition was, that those Things should be ratified; which he willingly assented to. But the Ambassadors who came lately from the Vaivode, were very much troubled at it; they rub’d upon the gall’d Place, and filled the whole Court with their Clamours, that their miserable Matter was deserted, the Law of Allegiance broken, and Enemies preferred before ancient Friends. All the rest of the Bashaws were moved with their Complaints, only Haly stood firm to me, so that the Articles of the Peace were not altered at all. For my part, though I knew that the Terms would be allowed by my Master Cæsar, yet, because there want not Sycophants in Princes Courts, who go about to obscure the best Services of their Ministers, especially if Strangers: I therefore[268] thought it fit to leave all to the Pleasure of my Master: I told Haly, that, though the proposed Condition did not fully answer the Expectation of my Master, I hoped, however, he would acquiesce therein, if an Agent of theirs were sent along with me to explain the Things that were obscure, upon which any Controversy might arise; and that Ebrahim seemed to be the fittest Man for this purpose, by whom Cæsar might write back his full Mind concerning the whole Project; this was easily assented to. Thus an End was put to a long and tedious Business.

’Tis a Custom, that when Ambassadors depart from Constantinople upon fair Terms, the Bashaws do entertain them with a Feast in the Divan; but I was willing to wave that Badge of Esteem, because I would have all left in suspence, and referred to the good Will and Pleasure of my Master.

I had a mind before my Departure, to buy some gallant Horses, and therefore, ordered my Servants to go often to the Markets, to see if they could find any such. Haly being informed thereof, sent one of the best of his own Horses to the Fair to be sold; my Servants had their Eye presently on him, and asking the Price, they told them 120 Ducats; they offered 80, not knowing whose it was; but that was refused. A Day or two after, the same Horse, with two more quite as good, were sent me by Haly, for a Present; one was an Arabian ambling Nag, exceedingly well shaped. When I gave him Thanks for my noble Present, he asked me, whether I did not think that Horse which my Servant’s offered 80 Ducats for, was worth more? Yes, a good deal more, said I; but my Orders were, that they should not exceed that Price, for fear of losing too much, in case of any hidden Defect afterwards shew that I had bought Horses too dear. He advised me[269] also, how to manage their Turkish Horses; as that I should give them but little Meat; that I should make but short Journeys at first, till they were us’d to the Roads; and that I should make nine or ten Days Journey to Adrianople, which used to be performed in five: He gave me also a curious Veil wrought with gold, and a Box full of Alexandrian Treacle, the best in the World; and a Glass full of Balsam, which last he highly prized, complimenting me thus: Any other Present, said he, are such as Money can procure; but this is a rare Gift, that my Master cannot send a choicer to the best Friend or Ally he hath. I got it, said he, when I was Governor of Egypt, which Place I held some Years: There are two sorts of that juicy Substance; one which is drawn from the Oil of the decocted Leaves of the Shrub on which they grow, which is black and not much worth; the other distils from the Bark of the Tree when it is cut, which is yellow and genuine; and mine was of that sort. He desired likewise, that I would send him some Presents, as a Coat of Mail fitted to his large and full Body, and a strong Horse that was sure-footed (for he was so big and pursy, that no Horse could be easily found, fit to carry him) and with all kind of varnishing Matter coming from the Maple, or any other Tree, wherewith our Artists use to inlay their Tables. As for Solyman, he gave me no Gifts but common ones, such as other Ambassadors have had at their Departure, and such as I received from him formerly at my Audience of Leave; only he inveighed against the Heydukes, and the Insolency of the Garrison of Syeth: To what Purpose, is it, said he, to make Peace here, if they continue the War thus? I told him, I would acquaint my Master, and that I did not doubt, but he would redress it; and, thus by good Fortune, about the End of August, I entered[270] upon my desired Journey, carrying with me a Truce of eight Years, the Fruits of my eight Years Abroad there, which may be continued for a longer Time, unless some considerable Change happens.

When we came to Sophia, where the Way parts, one to Rhagusa, the other to Belgrade, Leyva and Requesne desired me to part Company, and go to Rhagusa, that so they might more easily pass to Venice and Italy, and procure those Gifts which they promised to lend to the Bashaws, and repay the Money they had borrowed at Constantinople; and that they would send Letters of Thanks by me to Cæsar, to give him due Acknowledgments for their Release: Which Service they would willingly have performed in Person, if their other Occasions had not hindered. I easily consented to their Requests, and was the better pleased, because Requesne, being a very old Man, died before he came to Rhagusa: If I had denied their Request, it might have been thought my Refusal had contributed to his Disease.

De Sande and my self passed the rest of our Journey without any great Inconvenience; for the Truth is, he is a very facetious Man, and, if he is troubled with Grief, he knows how to cover it, and to pretend Mirth outwardly. In our way, many diverting Things offered themselves; sometimes we would alight, and try which of us could run fastest; I, being lean, could easily out-run him, who was fat and pursy, and just come out of Prison. When we came near to a Village, Ebrahim would ride up to us (for he with his Turks followed gravely on Horseback) and beseeched us, by all that was dear to us, not to be seen on foot by the Villagers, for it would be accounted a Disgrace to us among the Turks. His Advice made us sometimes get into our[271] Chariot again, but the Pleasure of walking afoot still got the better.

One of de Sande’s many facetious Sayings, I must give you. When we came from Constantinople, the Weather was very hot, and it continued so sultry all the Way, that it palled my Appetite, and a very little Food served my Turn; but de Sande, being a robust healthy Person, eat like a Horse, and would ever now and then tell me, that I must follow his Example and eat like a Man of Mettle. Yet, all his Advice was to no Purpose, till about the Beginning of October, I drew near to the Borders of Austria; and there, partly from the Country, and partly from the Season of the Year, I began to be more healthy, and to take a larger proportion of Food.

When de Sande observed that I had a better Stomach than formerly, he began to triumph over me exceedingly, boasting that ’twas by his Advice and Example, that I had learned to eat Meat, and that I, who was so many Years older, had need of a Monitor to advise me to take due Sustenance for my Body; so that if he were obliged to me for his Release, I was as much beholding to him for teaching me to recover my Appetite. In these ludicrous Repartees we came to Tulna, where we met with some Trouble. De Sande used to lye in the same House, if it were large enough to hold us both; if not, he took his Lodgings at some Neighbouring House, that he might not incommode me. He was willing to do so at Tulna, and therefore, desired the Janizaries whom I brought with me from Constantinople to Buda, to be my Harbingers on the Way, and to find out a convenient Lodging for him. One of my Servants a Doctor of Physic, and a Spaniard, whom de Sande had released at Constantinople at his own Charge, went along with the Janizaries.[272] They happened to go to the House of another Janizary hard by, who was appointed as Governor of the Place to guard Passengers; for the Turks use to appoint one or two Janizaries in every noted Town to protect Christian Passengers from Violence; by which Office they get no small Profit: But this Man, for some Offence or other, had been put out of his Office, and therefore, was of a very surly Temper. My People viewed his House, and not finding it for their Turn, were going away; the Janizary first, my Servant next, and the Physician last. In the Interim, the Janizary, Master of the House, walking in his Garden, was told, that some Christian Passengers were seeking for a Lodging at his House: Whereupon, he came in a great Rage, with a Club like Hercules’s, in his Hand, and without speaking a Word, strikes the Physician a great Blow on the Shoulders, as hard as he was able; the Physician, to avoid a second Blow, ran out of the House. My Servant, looking back, saw him lift up his Club to strike him also; but he, having a Thing like a Hatchet in his Hand, held it cross-ways over his Head, and so kept off many a lusty Blow, till at last the Handle of the Hatchet, by his often stricking, began to break. Then my Servant was forced to close in with the Janizary, and was about to cleave his Skull with his Weapon: Whereupon, the Janizary fled, and my Servant not being able to overtake him, threw the Hatchet after him, which cut him in the Hams, and fell’d him to the Ground; by which Accident, my People escaped: But the Physician cryed out, that he was a dead Man, and that all his Bones were broken in Pieces. De Sande heard his Complaint; yet, though he was vext, could not choose but smile, as thinking that the Doctor was more afraid than hurt: But, that which most tormented him,[273] was, lest on this Occasion he should be carried back to Constantinople: He was of Opinion that the Bashaws had not dealt sincerely in his Case, but had made only a Pretence of releasing him to gratify me, and really sought an Occasion to drag him back again, to rot in Prison. For the same Cause, he was much offended with my Servant who had wounded the Janizary, especially for saying, That he was very sorry that he had not killed him upon the Spot. His Words to him were these; Honest Henry, Prithee be not so Passionate; ’tis no Time nor Place to shew thy Valour here; we must bear Affronts patiently, without any just Imputation of Cowardice, whether we will or no; we are in their Power: This unreasonable Passion may bring great Mischief to us; perhaps it may occasion us to be brought back to Constantinople, and there our whole Negotiation may be reversed, or at least become very dubious. I beseech thee, therefore, for my Sake among the rest, govern thy Passion.

But Henry was deaf to all his Persuasions; he being an obstinate Fellow, and when angry, would not hearken to Reason. What care I, replied he, if I had killed him? Did he not design to kill me? If one of his many Blows had gone home, he had knock’d me down like an Ox. Were I to be blamed, if I slew him who would have slain me first? I am sorry with all my Heart, I did not give him his Death’s Wound: But, for the future (take my Word for it) I’ll spare never a Turk of them all; for, if he assaults me, I’ll give him as good as he brings, though it cost me my Life.

De Sande did not like this surly Answer; but the Janizary who had received the Wound, made the worst of it; upon whose Complaint, two Jews, who could speak Spanish, came to me, and told me, that he was dangerously hurt, and if he did not[274] give him Satisfaction, the Matter would not so soon be passed over, but would create great Trouble to me. I answered them as I thought fit; but, because I knew the malicious Natures of the Turks, I thought it best speedily to guard against them; and, therefore, sent presently one of the Youths to Ebrahim, desiring him to let one of his Servants be a Guide to one of mine to Constantinople, a sudden Emergency had made this Journey necessary. Ebrahim wondered what the Matter was, and came presently to me to know. I told him, I desired a better Convoy from Hali Bassa, otherwise I was out of Hopes ever to reach Home, for my two Servants were like to be killed; and then I told him the whole Story, with all its Circumstances. Ebrahim soon perceived how much his own Interest was concerned, and therefore desired me to have a little Patience till he had spoken with the Janizary; to whom he presently went, and found him in Bed. He chid him very warmly for being so abusive to us, and told him I had made Peace with the Port, and was in great Favour with Solyman, and all the Bashaws; that they had denied none of my Requests, but had granted me several Concessions for my own Sake, and that he was sent back to convoy me safe into my own Country, and to take Care that I might be honourably treated by the Way: That he was the first Man that offered me the least Affront; and that I was sending back one to Constantinople to complain thereof; and if I did, it might cost him his Head. This took down my Janizary’s Crest, and put him into a terrible Panick besides.

The next Day we continued our Journey to Buda; and the Physician, notwithstanding his Bruises, was as well able to travel as any of us. When we came in Sight of Buda, the Bashaw[275] thereof sent some of his own Family, with several Chiauxes to meet us; and among the rest, there was a Troop of young Men on Horseback, which drew our Eyes after them in respect of the Novelty of their Garb; their Heads were uncovered, and their Crowns shav’d; there was a long Line cut with a Knife, and in the Wound they stuck Feathers of several Sorts; and, though Drops of Blood distilled down from their Wounds, yet they dissembled their Pain, and rode merrily on, as if they ailed nothing at all. Just before me, there walked some Footmen; one of them had his naked Arms a-kembow, and both had a Knife, (such as we call Pragensian) run through them above the Elbow; another was naked, all the upper Parts, to his Navel, the Skin of his Loyns being so cut in two Places, both above and below, that a Club being run through them, hung down from thence as from a Girdle; another had a Horshoe nail’d to the Crown of his Head, and it was so old, that the Shoe and the Skin grew together.

In this Pomp we entered Buda, and were introduced to the Bashaw, with whom, in the Presence of de Sande, I had a long Discourse concerning the Validity of the Truce I had made. In the Passage to him there stood those hardy Youngsters who were regardless of their Pain; casting my Eye upon them, the Bashaw demanded, what I thought of them? I think, said I, that they are hardy Fellows; only they do that to their Skins, which I would not do to my Cloaths, for I had rather have them whole than slash’d. Whereupon, the Bashaw laughed, and dismissed us.

The Day after we came to Gran; from thence to Comara, the Frontier Garrison of the Empire, situate on the River Wage; on both sides its Banks the Garrison of the Place, with the Seamen, called[276] their Nassadists, waited for us. Before I passed over the River, de Sande came to me, and embracing me in his Arms, gave me Thanks for completing his Liberty: He told me plainly, he thought the Turks had but dissembled with him, and therefore, he was in continual Fear, lest he should be haled back to Constantinople to die in Prison; but now, being in the Emperor’s Territories, he acknowleged himself to be eternally obliged to me.

A few Days more brought us to Vienna. Ferdinand the Emperor, was then at the Imperial Diet, with his Son Maximilian, about Inaugurating him King of the Romans. I acquainted Cæsar with my Return, and with Ebrahim’s coming, and desired to receive his Commands concerning him; for he had a great Desire to wait upon the Emperor at Francfort. His Highness’s first Answer was, That ’twere best for the Turks to stay at Vienna till his Return, it being not adviseable to carry an Enemy thro’ the very Heart of the Country, so long a Way as from Vienna to Francfort. And, on the other side, Delays were dangerous, and might create Suspicion in the Turks of some unfair Dealing. As for Ebrahim, and his Retinue, there was no danger in suffering them to pass through the most flourishing Part of the Empire; it was, indeed, desirable rather, that thereby they might take an Estimate of the Strength and Greatness of it, especially having now so fair an Opportunity of observing at Francfort, with how great Unanimity Prince Maximilian was chosen and designed Successor to the Emperor his Father. When I wrote back to the Emperor according to the Purport aforesaid, he consented that Ebrahim and his Retinue should come to Francfort. We began our Journey thither by the Way of Prague, Bamberg, and Wirtzburg.

[277]

Ebrahim passing through Bohemia, was willing to pay his Court to Arch-Duke Ferdinand; but the Arch-Duke would have it incognito. When we were a few Days Journey from Francfort, I thought proper to ride a Day or two’s Journey before, to acquaint the Emperor with some Things relating to my Embassy; which I did, and came to Francfort that Day seven Years on which I set out from Vienna to Constantinople. I was received by my Master with all imaginable Kindness, (not that I deserv’d it) but ’twas all owing to his innate Goodness and Custom so to do. You may imagine with yourself how joyful a Thing it was to me, after so many Years Absence, to return safe to the Presence of my Royal Master, who was pleased kindly to accept of the Fruits of my Embassy, and told me, that I had done all Things well, and that I should find the Effects of his Favour. He came to Francfort the Day before the Inauguration, late in the Evening, when the Gates were shut; and all the following Day they were not to be opened, by ancient Custom: But his Imperial Majesty gave express Command that they should be opened for the Turks. They had a Place assigned them, from whence they might behold Cæsar Elect pass by with great Pomp and Splendor; it appear’d to them a glorious and magnificent Sight to see, amongst others of Cæsar’s honourable Train, three Princes, who could raise great Armies in their own Territories; to wit, the Dukes of Saxony, Bavaria and Brandenburg: They saw also, many other Monuments of the Dignity and Greatness of the Emperor. A few Days after, Ebrahim was introduced into his Presence, and delivered the noble Presents the Sultan had sent him. The Emperor confirm’d the Peace, rewarded him amply, and sent him back with large Presents to Solyman.

[278]

I am very willing to leave the Court, as not being pleased with that kind of Life; but some private Affairs as yet detain me. I know the Tediousness of Court-Attendance; much Mischief lies under an Appearance of Splendor; much Disguise, but little of Sincerity is there; all Courts are subject to Envy; faithful Friendship is hard to be found, and a change of Mind may occasion a Man’s sudden Ruin: For Princes themselves are but Men. I have seen a Man come to Court with a thousand Attendants, whom his Prince’s Displeasure has sent away with scarce one in his Company. A Court does not know what is truly good, till too late; it is altogether led by Shews, Shadows, Fallacies, and popular Mistakes. Those are fortunate Men who can lead such a Life in safety; but oh! may I live to the Muses and to my self, and grow old in a Country-Cottage, with a few trusty Friends! If any Life be desirable in this earthly Pilgrimage, ’tis this. Look upon the Court, and you will find there a Noble Buffoon preferred before a good Man: So that if you would represent a good Man amongst Courtiers, you may paint an Ass amongst Apes. I speak of common Courts in general; for I know that our Court, as well as some others, are adorn’d with many excellent and noble Personages: However, Solitude and Quiet affording Vacation to Study, is preferr’d by me before the Crowd and Noise of Courts. But, I am afraid, my best of Princes will not vouchsafe me the Retreat I beg for. ’Tis true, he gave me leave to depart, but upon this Condition, that I should return when call’d upon. If he commands me to Court again (for who can withstand the Desire of so gracious a Prince?) this only Comfort will be left me, that I shall every Day behold the Face of the most sacred of all Emperors; or (to phrase it otherwise) shall contemplate the living[279] Image of true Vertue: For assure yourself, that the Sun never shone upon a better Prince than this, nor one who governs more justly. Though his true, that the Majesty of Empire is a glorious Thing, yet to desire Empire, and to carry ones self worthy of it, is more Glorious. I speak not of his Birth, nor of the Nobleness of his Ancestors, he needs not such far-fetch’d Helps; his own Vertue is sufficient. Many Emperors have been (though unworthy) raised to the Throne; but his own Vertue exalted him.

Again, some have managed the Beginning of their Reign innocently and justly, but soon after they have degenerated into Licentiousness and Corruption, Forgetting they are Men, they would be esteem’d as Gods, and ador’d as such, endeavouring to be placed among the Gods; whereas they were unworthy to be reckon’d among Men. All men’s Necks cannot bear the Burthen of a high Estate, to which if they are advanced, they forget themselves: ’Tis a hard Thing to be able to compass all that a Man desires; and yet ’tis as hard to desire nothing but that which is good.

As for our Prince, his Eyes are not dazzled by Greatness; no Man retains Vertue more steadily he, nor takes greater heed that his pure Mind be not defiled by the Taint of his Fortune. He was always of this Opinion, That, as Majestic Robes attract the Eyes of Spectators, the Sanctity of Manners should much more incline their Minds. Therefore, he chiefly studies Piety, worships and adores his God, and lives always as in his Sight and Presence; he squares all his Actions throughout the whole Course of his Life by a Divine Rule and Prescript: Whatever happens either Prosperous or Adverse, he looks upon God as the Author, and receives it gratefully, as proceeding from his Hand.[280] Thus he lives an Heavenly Life even upon Earth; he is not ignorant whole image he bears; and therefore, all his Words and Deeds are directed for the Public Good, for which he thinks he was born, and therefore prefers it before Advantages; He is so intent herein, that some blame him for being overmuch addicted to the Common-wealth, and neglecting his own Children and Family. He is extremely Courteous to all his Subjects, as if they were under his particular Care, and Himself were the Father of so vast a Family. What poor Man hath ever desired his help in vain? Who is there that hath not experienced his Liberality? He thinks that Day lost wherein he hath not done Good to somebody. He is beneficient to all, and in a singular Manner kind to his Domesticks; not a Man of them can say, that ever he was neglected by them. He knows their way of Life, the Deserts, yea, and the very Names even of the meanest of them. Tho’ he is so great a Prince, yet he thinks it not below himself, at convenient Opportunities to warn the negligent, and put them in mind of their Duty; and, if they mend their Manners, to reward them accordingly: So that they depart from him, rather as from a Father than a Master. He administers Justice with great Equity; for he thinks it unreasonable to prescribe Law’s to others, and break them himself; or to punish them in others, which he allows in himself. He never speaks rudely of any Man, and always honourably of the Absent. Probity is safe under his Guardianship; but Malice, Force, Fraud, evil and corrupt Ministers are exterminated, Offences and Wickednesses duly punish’d. The old Romans had Censors of Manners imposed upon them, to keep the People to their Duty; but here there is no need of any Censor, the Life of the Prince is a sufficient Censor, he is a shining Example to all, in what they should[281] avoid, and what they should pursue. Good and learned Men which may profit the Commonwealth, he highly esteems; with these he is conversant, and, laying aside his Majesty, treats them as Friends and Equals; yea, he emulates their Virtues without Respect, whether they are Paternal and Hereditary, or acquired by their own Industry. With these, he spends the little Time he can spare from public Business: These are the Persons highly esteem’d by him, as judging it a public Benefit to restore due Honour to Vertue. He himself being curious by Nature, and desirous to know something worthy of a Man, has always some Questions to propose to the Learned; and sometimes he brings in some smart and genteel Repartees of his own, to the Admiration of his Hearers. Thus he hath laid in so considerable a Stock of Learning, that you cannot question him in any Thing, but he can give you some Account of it. He understands many Languages; first, the Spanish, which is his Mother-Tongue; next the French, German, Latin, and Italian: He can express his Meaning pretty well in the Latin, yet not so exactly, but that sometimes he breaks Priscian’s Head; a Fault blameworthy in a Gramarian, but excusable in an Emperor.

What I have said of him, all Men living know to be true; but, perhaps, some may think it a Defect, that he is not enough given to Arms, and Atchievements worthy of the Laurel: For, say they, the Turks carry all in Hungary, and we do not help nor relieve them, as we ought; we should have join’d Armies in the Field, that it might be known whom Providence would have to bear Rule. I confess this Objection savours of Bravery, more than of Prudence, and therefore, let me trace the Matter a little higher. I am of his Opinion, That[282] the Genius of Emperors are to be judged of rather by their Councils, than by their Fortunes or Events; and that, by those Councils, the Times, our own Strength, the Nature and Power of our Enemies are to be regulated. If a common Enemy, well known to us, and famous for no Victory, should invade our Borders, ’twere Cowardice not to oppose him, if we have Forces enough. But if the Enemy be such as seem to be sent as a Scourge from God (such was Atila of old, Tamerlane in the Days of our Forefathers, and the Ottoman Princes in our Age) whom nothing can withstand, who lays all waste before him; to oppose such an Enemy with small and new-levied Forces, would not only be rash, but even Madness itself. Solyman comes terrible, by his own and his Ancestor’s Successes: He invades Hungary with 200,000 Horse, he draws near to Austria, and threatens the rest of Germany; his Troops are fetched from the very Confines of Persia; his Army is furnished from many Nations; each of the Three known Parts of the World conspire therein for our Destruction: He, like Lightning, strikes down all before him with his battering Army, and fills all Places with the Terror of his Name; he roars and Hovers round our Borders, striving to break in sometimes here, sometimes there. Many Nations of old, when they have been threatned with such Potent Enemies, have left their Native Country, and sought out other Habitations. To be unmoved in small Dangers, is but a mean kind of Praise; but not to be terrify’d by the coming of so great an Enemy, who has laid waste so many bordering Kingdoms, seems to me an Herculean kind of Constancy. Amidst these Dangers, Ferdinand heroically keeps his Station, and being of an unconquered Spirit, will not quit that, or his State. He could wish his Forces were sufficient to put all[283] to the Hazard of a Battel, and that nothing of Madness were imputable to him upon that Account; but Prudence restrains his generous Efforts: He sees with what great Hazard his faithful Subjects, and the Ruin of all Christendom, an unsuccessful Battel would prove, and is very unwilling that the Public should pay for his Rashness. He considers how great the Odds would be, between 25 or 30,000 Foot, with a small Number of Horse, and 200,000 Horse, supported by a Veteran Body of Foot. What Hopes there may be of Success in that Case, the Example of former Times, and the Blood-shed at Nicopolis, and at Varna, and the Fields of Mohac, as yet white with the Bones of Christians slain there, sufficiently inform us. ’Tis the Part of a foolish Commander, without duly weighing his own and the Enemy’s Strength, to rush into Battel, where his Loss can find no wiser an Excuse than, I had not thought. ’Tis all in all, what the Enemy is with whom we are to cope; this is an infallible Rule, laid down by all the gravest Authors that ever wrote of Military Affairs: such was Cæsar; he counted it a Happiness to Lucullus and to Pompey, that they had to do with a slothful Enemy, over whom they got Victories without Dust or Sweat; and when he had obtained such an easy Victory over Pharnaces, he jestingly said, I came, I saw, I overcame: But were to make War with the People of those Countries (then effeminated by Luxury, but now harden’d by Want, Frugality, Hunger, Cold, Heat, continual Fatigue, and Severity of Discipline, to do and suffer any thing) he would tell us another Story. Hence it is, that Livy reasons upon good Grounds, that Alexander the Macedonian would not have had the same Success against the Roman Enemy, as against the Persian, or the Womanish Indian: There is a good[284] deal of Difference between a Warlike, and a Luxurious People, unaccustomed to Arms. ’Tis true, the Multitude of Persians made it an Admiration, That there was more Toil in Killing, than in Overcoming them. In my Judgment, Hannibal’s three Victories at Trebia, at Thrasymene, and at Cannæ, did far exceed all the Exploits of Alexander: For why? the one overcame valiant Warriors, the other had to do with the slothful People of Asia.

Fabius Maximus had as much Courage, as Titus Sempronius, Caius Flaminius, or Varro; and more Judgment: That great Commander knew that he had to do with an Enemy educated in the Camp, well vers’d in Arms, skilful in Military Discipline, who by a singular Fate, or Felicity, had obtained many Victories; therefore he was not rashly to venture all, but to use Delay to weary him out; that was the only Hope left against so great an Enemy, to evade his Assaults, and to drill on the Combat till an Opportunity was afforded for a Remedy. In the mean time, he was to be watch’d, restrain’d, and, as it were, nibbled at; wherein he was so happy, that Fabius was as much Renown’d as Scipio himself, who ended the War against Hannibal; for who knows whether Scipio would have ever overcome him, if Fabius had not first stopped the Course of his Victories? To overcome by Prudence is as highly to be priz’d, as to overcome by Force. The former has nothing common with Beasts, but Force has.

The Emperor Ferdinand had the same Design with Fabius Maximus, if his and Solyman’s Forces had been equal. His first Work would have been, to put all to the hazard of a Battel; but the Inequality considered, his next Design was, to stop an over-flowing Flood in Walls and Banks; and herein he employ’d his utmost Endeavours. ’Tis about[285] Forty Years since Solyman, in the Beginning of his Reign, took Belgrade, slew Lewis King of Hungary, and thereby promised himself the Possession of that and other Countries; in hopes whereof he besieged Vienna, and, renewing the War, he reduced Gonitzium again, threaten’d Vienna at a Distance. But what did he get by this great Armament: He was forced to stick in that Part of Hungary which he had already taken. He that was wont to conquer great Kingdoms by one Expedition, now subdued only some weak Castles and small Towns, which cost him dear: ’Tis true, he saw Vienna once, but never after. ’Tis said, that Solyman wished his Life to be prolonged, to see three Things finished, viz. The Structure of his Temple, a sumptuous and magnificent Work! the repairing of the old Aquæducts to bring Water enough into Constantinople, and the Conquest of Vienna. The two first he hath accomplished; but at the third he sticks, and I hope ever will; so that he always calls Vienna his Ignominy and Disgrace. But to return.

The Emperor Ferdinand may, doubtless, be register’d among the most famous Generals; for, though he had far less Aid than the Danger required, he yet was Master of himself, and principally by his Courage, he hath endured the Efforts of a powerful Enemy, for so many Years together: So that a greater Praise is due to him for preserving a great Part of Hungary for better Times, than to many Warriors, who with multitude of Military Preparations, and favourable Opportunities, have got many Victories over Kings and their Armies. The less Assistance he has had in a necessary Time, by so much the more the Valour of his Mind hath eminently appeared. Whosoever doth not put all upon one Event in the height of Success, not considering the Power of the Enemy, and the Seasonableness[286] of assaulting him, must needs conclude, That ’tis next to a PRODIGY, that the open and extensive Kingdom of Hungary, distracted with long Discords, could be defended so long, and that all of it is not already brought under the Yoke of so powerful an Enemy. ’Tis God’s great Mercy, and our Prince’s infinite Care that hath prevented it; whilst he is combating with one Difficulty, another arises in view greater than the former. The Enemy is in sight, Friends afar off, the Auxiliary Forces of his Brother Charles too at a great Distance; Germany, though next to the Fire, yet weary in sending Aid; the Hereditary Countries exhausted by Contribution, and the Ears of many Christian Princes deaf when Assistance is desired of them, rather doing any thing, than that which is incumbent upon them; so that he is forced to withstand the Enemy only by his own Arms, with the Assistance of some Hungarians, Austrians, and Bohemians, and sometimes by hiring some Italian or Spanish Soldiers at a vast Expence. He defends the Confines of Hungary, with Garrisons fifteen Days Journey long; and has always Soldiers in Pay, even in Time of Truce. A Truce is sometimes necessary, and when the coming of a Tyrant is fear’d, and the Time affords no Opportunity of Resistance, ’tis seasonable to send Embassies to pacify him, that so great a Calamity may be averted from miserable Hungary.

Whilst our Prince has such a Burthen upon his Mind, he can hardly sleep for a whole Night together; he watches for the good of the Commonwealth; so great a Concern requires a perpetual Vigilance and constant Care. Do not think I flatter him: what I write is true. He hath but few Assistants in his Government, but those are very good Men; the chief of whom, not unknown to you by Name, are, Johannes Trantzen, Rudolphus[287] a Harrach, both eminent for their Faithfulness and Prudence.

I shall detain you no longer than to give you some Account of our Prince’s private Deportment. He rises every Day at Five o’Clock in the Morning, even in the coldest Winter Months; and first, he performs his Devotion to God, then he goes to the Council to consult of Matters tending to the Public Good, ’till Dinner-time; he follows the same Course in the Afternoon, till Supper-time; I mean the Time of his Counsellors Supper, not his own: he never sups, he eats but once a Day, and that sparingly too; and is as abstemious in Drinking; he closes his Dinner with a double Glass of Wine: He passes the Night chastly, ever since the Loss of his Royal Consort: He cannot endure the trifling Amusements which many are taken with, and will have nothing to do with Jesters, Jugglers, Buffoons, Parasites, the common Delights, and yet Plagues, of Courts. He hates Idleness, is a very great Husband of his Time; if he has any to spare from public Business, which but rarely happens, he spends it in Conferences with good and learned Men, who (as I told you before) are his chief Delight, and usual Attendants whilst he is at Dinner. I believe that several of the Commons would not change their Life for his, ’tis so thrifty and severe: What Man is there that does not set apart some small Portion of his Time to indulge himself? Who would willingly deprive himself of all Delights? To whom would it not seem irksom to grow old in perpetual Care and Business. This looks more like Servitude than Sovereignty: But our Prince is of another Mind; neither doth he dissemble it in his ordinary Discourse: He says, he was advanced to so great an Office by God, not for his own Sake; that the Reins of Government were not put into[288] his Hands, to wallow in Pleasures and Delights: The case of Succession in Kingdoms and Empires differs from the Condition of private Inheritances; in these latter, no Man is denied to indulge himself in the Conveniencies of his Patrimony. But so many Nations are intrusted to him by God, that he might have the Care and Labour, and they the Benefit of his Care, so as to obtain Rest and Quiet by his Sweat.

In Hunting only he spends a little Time, not so much for Pleasure, as for Health; for when he finds his Body fall away, and his Spirits flag by continual sitting for many Days together, he chooses one Day to refresh himself with the freer Air in the open Field; and in Summer very early in the Morning, and in Winter some Hours before Sun-rising, what Weather soever it be, he goes Abroad to Hunting, and sometimes he does so in the Afternoon; for I remember when I attended him at Dinner, I heard him say, I have done my Duty this Day; I have dispatched all Business that are on the File; I may now spend the rest of the Day for the Health of my Body. Thus he returns late at Night from the Death of a Boar, Stag, or Bear, and betakes his wearied Limbs to rest, without Eating or Drinking. Let no Man then upbraid us with the want of Trajans, Varus’s, and Theodosius’s; those Miracles of the Ancients in our Days: I dare take my Oath, that there is more true Vertue in our Emperor, than there was in all of them put together. But the Admiration of so great a Man transports me: ’Tis not my Design to speak of his Merits, they would make up a Volume rather than an Epistle; besides, they require an Ingenuity far exceeding mine; and, therefore, my Aim was only to give you some Hints, That you may know what a Master I serv’d. I close all with this public Prayer, That he may return[289] late to Heaven, whose vertuous and holy Presence alleviates the Miseries of our Age.

As to the Greek Books which you enquire after, and the Rarities, and the wild Beasts of a strange Kind, which you hear I have brought back, they are hardly worth mentioning: Among them, there is one Ichneumon very gentle, which is known for its deadly Quarrels with the Crocodile and the Asp. I had also a Weesel of that kind they call an Ermine, very beautiful; but I lost it on the Way. I have many brave Horses, such as no Man ever brought from thence before, and six She-Camels. I brought back no Shrubs nor Herbs, but in Painting, which I left to the Care of Matthiolus, with some other Things, many Years ago. I sent him Tapestry and Linnen after the Babylonian Fashion, with Swords, Bows, and other Trappings: I have also many other Things made of Horses-hides, curiously wrought after the Turkish Fashion, or rather I may say, I had them; for in so great an Assembly of principal Men and Women at Francfort, one beg’d one Thing, and another another; so that I have but a small Matter left. The rest of my Gifts was well bestowed; but I am very sorry that I was lavish of one Balsam, because Physicians call the Truth of it in question, as not answering all the Marks that Pliny gives of it: Whether it be that the Virtue of those ancient Plants from whence it flows, be weakned by Age, or from any other Cause; this I know for certain, that it trickles down from Shrubs in the Mattarcan Gardens near Cairo.

Before I left Constantinople, I sent one Albacarus, a Spanish Physician, into Lemnos, on the sixth Day of August, to be present at the digging out that famous Earth, desiring him to write me the Certainty of its Place, Origin, manner of Extracting and Use; which I know he will do, if[290] he is not hindered. I had a Mind to go thither my self to be an Eye-witness of it; but, the Turks not giving me leave, I deputed him in my Stead. I have brought back also abundance of old Coins, the chief of which I shall present my Master with. Besides, I have whole Waggon-loads, if not Ship-loads, of Greek Manuscripts, and about 240 Books, which I sent by Sea to Venice, from thence to be carried to Vienna: I design them for Cæsar’s Library; there are many of them common, but some choice; I rummaged every Corner to procure such Kind of Merchandize, as my last gleaning.

I left one very old Manuscript behind me at Constantinople, all very well written in large Characters; it was Diascorides, with the Figures of Plants, wherein there were some few Things of Crativa, and the Book of Birds; ’tis in the Possession of a Jew, the Son of Hammon, who in his Life-time was Solyman’s Physician: I desir’d to buy it, but the Price frightned me; he rated it at 100 Ducats, a Price fit for Cæsar’s Purse, not mine. However, I will not cease to press Cæsar to redeem so famous an Author from that Bondage: ’tis very much injur’d by Time, and so eaten with Worms on the out-side, that a Man would hardly take it up, if it lay in the Streets.

But to conclude, you may expect me in a very short Time. I shall reserve what remains, till we meet: In the mean Time, do you take Care to provide some good and learned Men, by whose Conversation I may drive away the dull Thoughts remaining in my Mind, from my long Aboad among the Turks. Farewell!

FINIS.