ILLUSTRATION TO VOL. VIII
| I. | Photographic facsimile of title-page, Le Jeune's Relation of 1636 | 202 |
A list of the changes made can be found at the end of the book. In the text, the corrections are underlined by a red dotted line "like this". Hover the cursor over the underlined text and an explanation of the error should appear.
The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents
Travels and Explorations
of the Jesuit Missionaries
in New France
1610-1791
THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALIAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES
EDITED BY
REUBEN GOLD THWAITES
Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin
Vol. VIII
Quebec, Hurons, Cape Breton
1634-1636
CLEVELAND: The Burrows Brothers
Company, PUBLISHERS, M DCCCXCVII
Copyright, 1897
by
The Burrows Brothers Co
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
The Imperial Press, Cleveland
| Editor | Reuben Gold Thwaites |
| Translator from the French | John Cutler Covert |
| Assistant Translator from the French | Mary Sifton Pepper |
| Translator from the Latin | William Frederic Giese |
| Translator from the Italian | Mary Sifton Pepper |
| Assistant Editor | Emma Helen Blair |
| Bibliographical Adviser | Victor Hugo Paltsits |
| Preface to Volume VIII | 1 | |
| Documents:— | ||
| XXV. | Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Novvelle France, en l'année 1635 [Chapters iii., iv., etc., completing the document]. Paul le Jeune; Kébec, August 28, 1635; Jean de Brébeuf; Ihonatiria, May 27, 1635; Julien Perrault; 1634-35 | 7 |
| XXVI. | Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Novvelle France, en l'année 1636 [Chapters i., ii., first installment of the document]. Paul le Jeune; Kébec, August 28, 1636 | 199 |
| Bibliographical Data: Volume VIII | 283 | |
| Notes | 287 | |
Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present volume:
XXV. A summary of the contents of the first two chapters of the Relation of 1635 was given in Volume VII. of our series. Continuing his narrative, Le Jeune urges that French colonies be sent to Canada, to develop and hold the country for the French crown. Still more important, in his view, is the aid which these would afford to his favorite project,—that of rendering the nomadic tribes stationary, by furnishing nuclei for Indian settlements. He then, as usual, closes his yearly letter by a resumé, in the form of a journal, of the chief events during the past year, beginning with the departure of the French fleet, in August, 1634. He relates how he and Buteux went, in September, to Champlain's new settlement at Three Rivers, and describes the region thereabout. An elk-hunt, a funeral, the cruel treatment of an Iroquois prisoner, an Indian dance, and various conversations on religion, with the savages, are narrated. The superior gives a sad account of the famine among the Indians that winter, and the consequent epidemic, which often proves fatal, even among the French. He has heard ill news of his brethren who had ventured into the Huron country, but letters from them show that these reports are in a measure 2 false. In May, Le Jeune and a companion go to Quebec, to meet the French fleet, which, however, is delayed until July, when it brings a reinforcement of six Jesuit priests and two brothers, whereat there is great rejoicing among the missionaries. Champlain holds a council with the Hurons, and recommends to their friendship Fathers Le Mercier and Pijart, who depart with them. Le Jeune remains at Quebec. Again he urges that efforts should be made to render the wandering Indians sedentary,—intimating that not only could they thereby be more easily converted, but that the beaver might thus be kept from extermination. He mentions the crafty attempts of the Iroquois to arouse hostilities among the tribes on the St. Lawrence, and thus to divert the Indian trade from the French to the Dutch and English, at Albany. The journalist describes the conversion of a young French Huguenot, and closes by giving directions to his correspondents in France as to the forwarding of their letters.
In his report on the Huron mission, sent to Le Jeune the preceding May (1635), Brébeuf describes his journey to Lake Huron, with its attendant hardships and perils. He, with his companions, settles at Ihonatiria, near the place where he had formerly lived, when on his first mission to the Hurons. These savages welcome his return, and build a cabin for the French. The former suffer much from the same epidemic that had attacked Three Rivers; but the French keep in good health. Brébeuf describes his cabin, which is at once a dwelling and a church; and relates the astonishment of the natives at the sight of various articles brought by the French,—a small mill, a clock (which the Indians thought was 3 alive), a loadstone, a magnifying glass, etc.,—but especially at the art of writing, which is utterly incomprehensible to their simple minds.
Brébeuf writes of the Huron myths of creation, the morals and superstitions of that tribe, the doings of their medicine men; he praises their spirit of hospitality, their patience in sickness, their courage in view of death,—upon which qualities he hopes to build a Christian faith and life in their hearts. He describes the baptisms and the apparent conversions that had rewarded the efforts of the missionaries; the kind of religious instruction they give the savages; the condition of their affairs; and the friendly relations existing between them and the Hurons. He adds a postscript, to mention a new baptism, and the mildness of the recent winter and spring.
Julien Perrault, of the mission in Cape Breton Island, describes in a letter to his superior (Le Jeune), the situation, climate, resources, and people of that island. He praises the docility and honesty of the natives, and the decency of their behavior and conversation.
The Relation ends with an interesting collection of "various sentiments and opinions of the Fathers who are in New France, taken from their last letters of 1635,"—embodying their religious experiences, observations and opinions concerning their work, and the qualifications they consider necessary in those who would come to Canada as missionaries.
XXVI. Like the preceding document, the Relation of 1636, although throughout styled by bibliographers Le Jeune's, because he was the superior and the editor, is a composite: the first half being a Relation (or annual report) of eleven chapters, sent by Le 4 Jeune to his provincial at Paris, and dated Quebec, August 28, 1636; the second half consists of a Relation on the Huron mission, by Brébeuf, dated at Ihonatiria, July 16 of the same year, and sent down to Le Jeune by a native messenger. Brébeuf's Relation is divided into two parts, one of four chapters, the other of nine.
We have space in the present volume but for the two opening chapters of Le Jeune's own yearly narrative. He begins by describing the arrival of Montmagny, Champlain's successor as governor of New France. The missionaries are rejoiced to find that the new governor has brought with him Chastelain and Garnier, priests of their order, to aid them in their great task; and, still more, that Montmagny is a pious man, and greatly interested in their work. This is evinced by his becoming sponsor in baptism for a savage, almost as soon as he has landed at Quebec. Le Jeune mentions also the arrival of Father Nicolas Adam, as well as several families of colonists, especially those of De Repentigny and La Poterie. He then relates how interest in the Canadian mission is spreading in France, not only in religious circles, but among the nobility, court officers, and persons of wealth. He praises the piety and generosity of the Marquis de Gamache, who largely supports the Quebec mission; and several members of the Hundred Associates, whose letters are quoted, showing their zeal and liberality. He is especially pleased at the intention of a wealthy lady, Madame Combalet, to establish a hospital in New France. He continues, as usual, with circumstantial accounts of conversions among the savages, and the pious deaths of several.
5 The translation of Brébeuf's portion of the Relation of 1635 (Doc. xxv.) is the work of the late James McFie Hunter, M.A., principal of the Collegiate Institute at Barrie, Ont. Mr. Hunter had intended to publish an English translation of all the Relations emanating from the Huron country, but his death in 1893 terminated the project.
R.G.T.
Madison, Wis., May, 1897.
Paris: SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 1636
Chaps, i.-ii., of the opening Relation by Le Jeune, appeared in Volume VII. Chaps, iii.-iv., concluding Le Jeune's part, here follow; the document closes with reports on the Huron and Cape Breton missions, by Brébeuf and Perrault respectively; and a collection of "sentiments and opinions of the Fathers who are in New France."
QUE C'EST VN BIEN POUR L'VNE & L'AUTRE FRANCE, D'ENUOYER ICY DES COLONIES.
IL est à craindre que dans la multiplication de nos François en ces contrées, la paix, la ioye, & la bonne intelligence ne croissent pas [52] à proportion que croistront les Habitans de la Nouuelle France. Il est bien plus facile de contenir vn petit nombre d'hommes, que des peuples entiers; si faut-il neantmoins confesser, que ce seroit vne chose tres-honorable, & tres-profitable à l'Ancienne France, & tres-vtile à la Nouuelle, de faire icy des peuplades, & d'y enuoyer des Colonies.
HOW IT IS A BENEFIT TO BOTH OLD AND NEW FRANCE, TO SEND COLONIES HERE.
It is to be feared that in the multiplication of our French, in these countries, peace, happiness, and good feeling may not increase [52] in the same ratio as do the Inhabitants of New France.1 It is much easier to control a few men than whole multitudes; yet it must be confessed that it would be an enterprise very honorable and very profitable to Old France, and very useful to the New, to establish settlements here, and to send over Colonies.
Les François seront-ils seuls entre toutes les Nations de la terre, priuez de l'honneur de se dilater, & de se respandre dans ce Nouueau Monde. La France beaucoup plus peuplée, que tous les autres Royaumes, n'aura des Habitans que pour soy? ou bien si ses enfans la quittent, s'en vont qui de-çà, qui de-là perdre le nom de François chez l'Estranger.
Shall the French, alone of all the Nations of the earth, be deprived of the honor of expanding and spreading over this New World? Shall France, much more populous than all the other Kingdoms, have Inhabitants only for itself? or, when her children leave her, shall they go here and there and lose the name of Frenchmen among Foreigners?
Les Geographes, les Historiens, [53] & l'experience mesme nous fait veoir, qu'il sort tous les ans de la France vn grand nombre de personnes, qui vont prendre party ailleurs: Car encor que le Sol de nostre patrie soit tres-fecond, les Françoises ont ceste benediction, qu'elles le sont encore dauantage: de là vient que nos anciens Gaulois manquans de terres, en ont esté chercher en diuers endroits de l'Europe. Les 10 Galates tirent d'eux leur origine, ils ont trauersé l'Italie, ils sont passez dans la Grece, & en plusieurs autres endroits. Or maintenant nos François ne sont pas en moindre nombre que nos vieux Gaulois; mais ils ne sortent plus en troupes, ains s'en võt espars, qui d'vn costé, qui d'autre, busquer leur fortune chez l'Estranger. Ne vaudroit-il pas mieux décharger l'Ancienne France dans la Nouuelle, par des Colonies [54] qu'on y peut enuoyer, que de peupler les pays Estrangers?
Geographers, Historians, [53] and experience itself, show us that every year a great many people leave France who go to enroll themselves elsewhere. For, although the Soil of our country is very fertile, the French women have this blessing, that they are still more so; and thence it happens that our ancient Gauls, in want of land, went to seek it in different parts of Europe. The Galatians draw their origin from them; they have crossed Italy, they have passed into Greece, and into many other regions. At present, 11 our French people are no less numerous than our old Gauls; but they do not go forth in bands, but separately, some going in one direction, some in another, to make their fortunes among Strangers. Would it not be better to empty Old France into New, by means of Colonies [54] which could be sent there, than to people Foreign countries?
Adioustez, s'il vous plaist, qu'il y a vne infinité d'artisans en France, qui faute d'employ, ou faute de posseder quelque peu de terre, passent leur vie dans vne pauureté, & dans vne disette pitoyable. Vn tres-grand nombre vont mandier leur pain de porte en porte: plusieurs se iettent dedans les vols & dans les brigandages publics; d'autres dans les larcins & tromperies secrettes, chacun s'efforçant de tirer à soy ce que plusieurs ne sçauroient posseder. Or comme la Nouuelle France est de si grande estenduë, on y peut enuoyer si bon nombre d'habitans, que ceux qui resteront à l'Ancienne auront dequoy employer leur industrie honnestement, sans se ietter dans des vices qui perdent les Republiques; ce n'est pas qu'il fallust [55] enuoyer icy des personnes perduës, & de mauuaise vie: car ce seroit bastir des Babylones; mais les bons faisant places aux méchants, leurs donneroient occasion de fuyr l'oysiueté qui les corrompt.
Add to this, if you please, that there is a multitude of workmen in France, who, for lack of employment or of owning a little land, pass their lives in poverty and wretched want. Many of them beg their bread from door to door; some of them resort to stealing and public brigandage, others to larceny and secret frauds, each one trying to obtain for himself what many cannot possess. Now as New France is so immense, so many inhabitants can be sent here that those who remain in the Mother Country will have enough honest work left them to do, without launching into those vices which ruin Republics; this does not mean that [55] ruined people, or those of evil lives, should be sent here, for that would be to build Babylons; but if the good were to make room for the bad, it would give the latter an opportunity to escape the idleness that corrupts them.
De plus si ces Contrées se peuplent de nos François, non seulement on affoiblit les forces de l'Estranger, qui tient dans ses vaisseaux, dans ses villes, & dans ses armées, grand nombre de François à ses gages: Non seulement on bannit la famine des maisons 12 d'vne infinité de pauures artisans, mais encore fortifie-on la France; car ceux qui naistront en la Nouuelle France, seront François, & qui pourront dans les besoins rendre de bons seruices à leur Roy, ce qu'on ne doit pas attendre de ceux qui s'habituent chez nos voisins, & hors la domination de leur Prince.
Besides, if these Countries are peopled by our French, not only will this weaken the strength of the Foreigner,—who holds in his ships, in his towns, and in his armies, a great many of our Countrymen as hostages,—not only will it banish famine from the houses of a multitude of poor workman, but it will also strengthen France; for those who will be born in New France, will be French, and in case of need can render good service to their King,—a thing which cannot be expected from those who dwell 13 among our neighbors and outside the dominion of their Prince.
[56] En fin si ces pays se peuplent de François, ils s'affermiront à la Couronne, & l'Estranger ne les viendra plus troubler. Et on nous dit que ceste année les Anglois ont rendu à Monsieur le Commandeur de Rasilly l'habitation de Pemptegoüs, qu'ils prirent aux François l'année mil six cens treize. D'icy prouiendra vn bien, qui attirera sur l'vne & l'autre France vne grande benediction du Ciel; c'est la Conuersion d'vne infinité de Nations Sauuages, qui habitent dans les terres, lesquelles se vont tous les iours disposans à receuoir le flambeau de la Foy.
[56] Finally, if this country is peopled by the French, it will be firmly attached to the Crown, and the Foreigner will come no more to trouble it. And they tell us that this year the English have restored to Monsieur the Commander de Rasilly the settlement of Pemptegoüs, that they took from the French in the year one thousand six hundred and thirteen.2 From this will result a good which will draw down upon both old and new France a great blessing from Heaven; it is the Conversion of a vast number of Savage Nations, who inhabit these lands and who are every day becoming disposed to receive the light of the Faith.
Or il ne faut point douter qu'il ne se trouue icy de l'employ pour toutes sortes d'artisans. Pourquoy les grands bois de la Nouuelle France ne pourroient ils pas bien fournir de Nauires à l'Ancienne? qui doute qu'il n'y ait icy des mines de fer, de [57] cuiure, & d'autre metail? On en a desia fait la découuerte de quelques vnes, qu'on va bien-tost dresser; & par consequent tous ceux qui trauaillent en bois & en fer, trouueront icy dequoy s'occuper. Les bleds n'y manqueront non plus qu'en France. Ie ne fais pas profession de rapporter les biens du pays, ny de monstrer ce qui peut occuper icy l'esprit & le corps de nos François. Ie me cõtenteray de dire, que ce seroit vn honneur & vn grand bien à l'vne & à l'autre France, de faire passer des Colonies, & dresser forces peuplades dans les terres, qui sont en friche depuis la naissance du monde.
Now there is no doubt that there can be found here employment for all sorts of artisans. Why cannot the great forests of New France largely furnish the Ships for the Old? Who doubts that there are here mines of iron, [57] copper, and other metals?3 Some have already been discovered, which will soon be worked; and hence all those who work in wood and iron will find employment here. Grain will not fail here, more than in France. I do not pretend to recite all the advantages of the country, nor to show what can give occupation here to the intelligence and strength of our French people; I will content myself by saying that it would be an honor and a great benefit to both old and new France to send over Emigrants and establish strong colonies in these lands, which have lain fallow since the birth of the world.
14 On me dira que Messieurs de la Compagnie de la Nouuelle France se sont chargez de le faire; ie répõds qu'ils s'acquittẽt parfaictemẽt bien de leur deuoir, quoy qu'auec de tres [58] grands frais: mais quand ils feroient passer trois fois autant de personnes qu'ils ont promis, ils déchargeroient de fort peu l'Ancienne France, & ne peupleroient qu'vn petit Canton de la Nouuelle. Neantmoins auec le temps il se fera progrés, & aussi-tost que par le défrichement on pourra recueillir de la terre, ce qui est necessaire pour la vie, on trouuera mille vtilitez sur le pays, qui seront encore profitables, à la Frãce: mais il semble qu'il soit necessaire qu'vne grande estenduë de bois soit changée en terres labourables, auparauant que d'introduire plus grand nombre de familles, autrement la faim les pourroit égorger.
They will tell me that the Gentlemen of the Company of New France have taken it upon themselves to do this; I answer that they are discharging their 15 duty perfectly, although at very [58] great expense;4 but even if they should bring over three times as many people as they have promised, they would but slightly relieve Old France, and would people only a little Canton of the New. Nevertheless, in time they will make some progress; and as soon as, through the clearing of the land, they can obtain from it what is necessary for life, thousands of useful things will be found in the country which will also be profitable to France. But it seems necessary that a great extent of forest should be converted into tillable land, before introducing many families, otherwise famine might consume them.
Ie m'estens trop sur vn point, qui sẽble éloigné de mon sujet, quoy qu'il y soit tres-conforme; car si ie voyois icy quelques villes ou bourgades, recueillir suffisamment des fruicts de [59] la terre pour leurs besoins, nos Sauuages errans se rangeroiẽt bien-tost à leur abry, & se faisans sedẽtaires à nostre exemple, notamment si on leur rendoit quelque assistance, on les pourroit aisément instruire en la Foy. Pour les peuples stables qui sont bien auant dans les terres, on iroit en grand nombre les secourir, & auec d'autant plus d'authorité & moins de crainte qu'on se sentiroit appuyé de ces Villes ou Bourgades. Plus la puissance de nos François aura d'éclat en ces Contrées, & plus aisément feront-ils receuoir leur creance à ces Barbares, qui se menent autant & plus par les sens que par la raison.
I enlarge upon a point which seems remote from my subject, although it is closely related thereto; for if I could see here a number of towns or villages, gathering enough of the fruits of [59] the earth for their needs, our wandering Savages would soon range themselves under their protection; and, being rendered sedentary by our example, especially if they were to be given some help, they could easily be instructed in the Faith. As to the stationary tribes farther back in the interior, we would go in great numbers to succor them; and would have much more authority, and less fear, if we felt that we had the support of these Towns or Villages. The more imposing the power of our French people is made in these Countries, the more easily they can make their belief received by these Barbarians, who are influenced even more through the senses, than through reason.
RAMAS DE DIUERSES CHOSES DRESSÉ EN FORME DE IOURNAL.
TOVT ce qui se dira en ce Chapitre, n'est qu'vn mélange qui n'aura pas beaucoup de suitte, ny de liaison, sinon peut-estre du temps auquel les choses sont arriuées: encore ne se suiura-il que de loin à loin.
A COLLECTION OF VARIOUS MATTERS PREPARED IN THE FORM OF A JOURNAL.
ALL that will be said in this Chapter is a mere medley, in which there will be but little sequence or connection, except perhaps that of the time in which the things happened; and still they will follow each other only at wide intervals.
Le douziesme d'Aoust de l'année precedente mil six cens trente quatre, Monsieur du Plessis Bochard General de la flotte, leua l'ancre, & quitta la Rade de Kebec, pour tirer à Tadoussac, & de là en France, où l'on nous dit qu'il arriua enuiron la my-Septembre, n'ayant esté qu'vn mois à trauerser la mer.
On the twelfth of August of the preceding year, one thousand six hundred and thirty-four, Monsieur du Plessis Bochard,5 Commandant of the fleet, weighed anchor and left the Roadstead of Kebec, to go to Tadoussac and thence to France, where we are told he arrived about the middle of September, having been only a month in crossing the sea.
[61] Le vingt-sixiesme du mesme mois d'Aoust, quelques Sauuages passans proche de nostre Maison nous firent veoir des prunes qu'ils auoient cueilly dans les bois, non pas bien loin de nostre Maison: elles estoient aussi grosses que les petits abricots de France, leur noyau est plat comme celuy de l'abricot: cela me fait dire que les froids de ces Contrées, n'empescherõt pas qu'on n'en retire des fruits. Nous en verrons l'experience dans quelques années; car nous auons greffé quelques antes qui ont fort bien repris.
[61] On the twenty-sixth of the same month of August, some Savages who were passing our House showed us some plums they had gathered in the woods not far from there; they were as large as the little apricots of France, their stone being flat like that of the apricot. This leads me to say that the cold of these Countries does not prevent fruit from growing. We shall know from experience, in a few years, for we have grafted some cuttings which have started very well.
Le troisiesme de Septembre nous nous embarquasmes le Pere Buteux & moy, pour aller secourir nos François en la Nouuelle Habitation, qu'on commençoit aux trois Riuieres. Nous passasmes proche 18 de l'Islet de Rich[e]lieu, nommé des [62] Sauuages Ka ouapassiniskakhi. Monsieur de Champlain y a fait dresser vne platte-forme, sur laquelle on a posé du Canon, pour commander à toute la Riuiere. Depuis cet Islet iusques à vne bonne traite de chemin an de-là, le passage est fort dangereux, à qui n'a cognoissance du vray chenal, nous touchasmes vne fois, eschoüasmes vne autre, & nostre barque, dans vn grand nordest, frisa vne roche, qui donna de l'horreur à tous ceux qui la virent. Dieu semble auoir armé ce passage pour la conseruation du Pays, entre les mains des François qui le possedent.
On the third of September, we, Father Buteux and I, embarked to go and help our French in the New Settlement they are beginning at the three Rivers. We passed near the Island of Rich[e]lieu, called by 19 the [62] Savages Ka ouapassiniskakhi. Monsieur de Champlain has had a platform erected there, upon which they have placed some Cannon in order to command the whole River.6 From this Islet to a considerable distance above, the passage is very dangerous to any one who does not know the real channel. Once we touched bottom, another time we were stranded; and in a strong northeaster our bark grazed a rock, which filled with horror all those that saw it. God seems to have armed this passage for the preservation of the Country in the hands of the French, who now possess it.
Le huictiesme nous arriuasmes aux trois Riuieres, le seiour y est fort agréable, la terre sablonneuse, la pesche en son temps tres-abõdante. Vn Sauuage rapportera quelquefois dans son Canot douze ou quinze [63] Esturgeons, dont le moindre sera par fois de la hauteur d'vn homme. Il y a quantité d'autres poissons tres-excellens. Les Français ont nõmé ce lieu les trois Riuieres, pource qu'il sort des terres vn assez beau fleuue, qui se vient dégorger dans la grande Riuiere de sainct Laurens par trois principales emboucheures, causées par plusieurs petites Isles, qui se rencontrent à l'entrée de ce fleuue, nommé des Sauuages Metaberoutin. Ie décrirois volontiers la beauté de ce lieu, mais ie crains d'estre long; Tout le pays entre Kebec & ceste nouuelle Habitation, que nous appellerõs la Residence de la Conception, m'a semblé fort agreable, il est entrecoupé de ruisseaux & de fleuues, qui se déchargent d'espaces en espaces dans le Roy des fleuues, c'est à dire, dans la grande riuiere de S. Laurens, [64] qui a bien encore en ce lieu là quelque deux à trois mille pas de large quoy qu'il soit à trente lieuës au dessus de Kebec.
On the eighth, we arrived at the three Rivers. We found living there very agreeable; the ground is sandy, the fish very abundant in its season. A Savage will sometimes bring in his Canoe twelve or fifteen [63] Sturgeon, the smallest of which is occasionally as long as the height of a man; besides these, there are also a number of other very good fish. The French have named this place the three Rivers, because there emerges here a very beautiful river which flows into the great River saint Lawrence through three principal mouths, caused by several little Islands which are found at the entrance of this river, which the Savages call Metaberoutin.7 I would like to describe the beauty of this place, but I am afraid of being tedious. The whole country between Kebec and this new Settlement, which we will call the Residence of the Conception, seems to me very pleasant; it is intersected by brooks and streams, which empty at short distances from each other into the King of rivers, that is, into the great river St. Lawrence, [64] which is, even at this place, fully two or three thousand paces wide, although it is thirty leagues above Kebec.
20 Le vingt-septiesme du mesme mois de Septembre vn Elan parut de l'autre bord de ceste grande riuiere, nos François en donnerent aduis à quelques Sauuages cabanez proche de l'Habitation, quelques-vns d'eux s'en vont attaquer ce grand animal, qui se rafraichissoit dedans l'eau, l'allant prendre du costé des terres, pour le pousser plus auant dans le fleuue, ils voloient apres dans leurs petits Canots d'écorce, ils l'approcherent à la portée d'vn iauelot, & l'vn d'eux luy lança vne espée qui le fit bondir, & chercher le chemin de la terre pour se sauuer; ce qu'il eust fait aisément, s'il eust peu aborder; mais voyant ses ennemis de ce costé là, il [65] se iette à l'eau, où il fut bien-tost lardé de coups d'espées. Comme il tiroit à la mort, ils le repousserent vers le bord du fleuue, & là le mirent en vn momẽt en pieces, pour le pouuoir apporter en leur cabane. Nous voyons ceste chasse de nostre Habitation esleuée sur vne platte forme naturelle, qui a veuë sur la grande Riuiere. Ie consideray particulierement la teste de cest animal, il auoit poussé vn bois de la longueur seulement des cornes d'vn bœuf; car il estoit encore tout ieune ce bois estoit tout velu, assez mince, & d'vne grosseur quasi égale partout.
21 On the twenty-seventh of the same month of September, an Elk appeared on the other bank of this great river; our Frenchmen gave notice of it to some Savages who were encamped near the Settlement, and some of them went to attack this great animal, which was standing in the water drinking. Approaching it from the land side, to drive it farther into the water, they flew after it in their little bark Canoes; and, approaching it within range, one of them launched a javelin at it, which made it give a bound and start for the shore to save itself; it might easily have done this if it had been able to touch the shore; but seeing its enemies there, it [65] rushed into the water where it was soon run through with javelins. When it was near its death, they drove it to the shore, and there in a moment they had cut it in pieces, to be able to carry it to their cabin. We saw this chase from our Settlement, which is on a natural elevation and commands a view of the great River. I carefully examined the head of this animal; its antlers had grown only as long as the horns of an ox, for it was still young; these antlers were covered with hair which was quite fine and almost equally thick throughout.
Le vingt-huictiesme le Pere Buteux & moy trouuasmes vne troupe de Sauuages, qui faisoient festin auprés des fosses de leurs parens trespassez; ils leur donnerent la meilleure part du banquet qu'ils ietterent [66] au feu, & s'en voulans aller vne femme rompit des branches, & des rameaux d'arbres, dont elle couurit ces fosses; ie luy en demanday la raison, elle repartit qu'elle abrioit l'ame de ses amis trespassez, contre l'ardeur du Soleil, qui a esté fort grande cet 22 Automne. Ils philosophent des ames des hommes & de leurs necessitez, comme des corps, conformément à leur doctrine, se figurans que nos ames ont les mesmes besoins que nos corps; nous luy dismes assez que les ames des creatures raisonnables descendoiẽt aux enfers, ou montoient au Ciel; elle ne laissa pas, sans nous rien respondre, de garder la vieille coustume de ses ayeux. Ceux qui ne resentent pas les obligations qu'ils ont à Dieu, d'auoir pris naissance en vn lieu où il est cogneu & adoré, peuuent icy veoir à l'œil quel preciput [67] ils ont par dessus vn monde de barbares.
On the twenty-eighth, Father Buteux and I found a band of Savages who were having a feast near the graves of their deceased relatives; they gave them the best part of the banquet, which they threw [66] into the fire; and, when they were about to go away, a woman broke some twigs and branches from the trees, with which she covered these graves. I asked her why she did this, and she answered that she was sheltering the souls of her dead friends from the heat of the Sun, which has been very great this Autumn. 23 They reason about the souls of men and their necessities as they do about the body; according to their doctrine, they suppose that our souls have the same needs as our bodies. We told her repeatedly that the souls of reasonable beings descended into hell or went up into Heaven; but, without giving us any answer, she continued to follow the old custom of her ancestors. Those who do not appreciate the obligations they are under to God, for having been born in a place where he is known and worshiped, can see here at a glance what an advantage [67] they have over a world of barbarians.
Le vingt-troisiesme iour d'Octobre, quinze ou vingt Sauuages reuindrent de la guerre, amenans vn prisonnier. Si tost qu'il peurent découurir nostre Habitation & leurs cabanes, ils rassemblerent leurs canots, & s'en vindrent doucement par le milieu du grand fleuue, poussant de leur estomach des chants tout remplis d'allegresse; si tost qu'on les apperceut, il se fit vn grand cry dans les cabanes; chacun sortit au deuant pour veoir ces gueriers, qui firent leuer tout debout le pauure prisonnier, & le firent danser à leur mode au milieu d'vn canot; il chãtoit & eux frappoient de leurs auirons à la cadence; il estoit lié d'vne corde qui luy passoit de bras en bras derriere le dos, & d'vne autre aux pieds, & encore d'vne autre [68] assez longue par le trauers du corps; ils luy auoient arraché les ongles des doigts, afin qu'il ne se peust délier. Admirez ie vous prie la cruauté de ces peuples, vne Sauuage nous ayant apperceu le Pere Buteux & moy dans la meslée auec les autres, nous vint dire toute remplie de ioye & de contentement, Tapoue kouetakiou nigamouau; en vérité ie mangeray 24 de l'Hiroquois. En fin ce pauure homme sorty du canot fut conduit dans vne cabane, à l'entrée les enfans, les filles & les femmes le frappoient, qui d'vn baston, qui d'vne pierre: vous eussiez dit qu'il estoit insensible, passant chemin, & receuant ces coups, sans destourner la veuë: si tost qu'il fust entré, on le fit dancer à la cadence de leurs hurlemens. Apres auoir fait quelques tours, frappant la terre, & s'agitant le corps, en quoy consiste toute [69] leur dance, on le fit asseoir, & quelques Sauuages nous apostrophans, nous dirent que cet Hiroquois estoit l'vn de ceux qui l'année precedente auoient surpris & massacré trois de nos François, c'estoit pour estouffer en nous la compassion que nous en pouuiõs auoir, ils oserent bien demander à quelques-vns de nos François, s'ils n'en mangeroient pas bien leur part, puis qu'ils auoient tué de nos Compatriotes. On leur repartit que ces cruautez nous déplaisoient, & que nous n'estions point des antropophages. Il ne mourut point neantmoins; car ces Barbares ennuyez de la guerre, parlerent à ce ieune prisonnier, qui est homme fort, & d'vne riche & haute taille, de faire la paix; ils ont esté long-tẽps à la traiter, mais en fin ils l'ont concluë. Ie croy bien qu'elle ne durera gueres, [70] car le premier vertige qui prendra à quelque estourdy, sur le souuenir que l'vn de ses parens aura esté tué par les Hiroquois, en ira surprendre quelqu'vn, & le massacrera en trahison: & ainsi recommencera la guerre. Il ne faut pas attendre de fidelité des peuples qui n'ont point la vraye Foy.
On the twenty-third day of October, fifteen or twenty Savages returned from the war, bringing a prisoner. As soon as they could descry our Settlement and their cabins, they collected their canoes and sailed slowly down the middle of the great river, uttering from their chests songs full of gladness; as soon as they were seen, there was a great outcry among the cabins, each one coming out to see these warriors, who made the poor prisoner stand up and dance in their fashion in the middle of a canoe. He sang, and they kept time with their paddles; he was bound with a cord which tied his arms behind his back, another was around his feet, and still another, [68] a long one, around his body; they had torn out his finger-nails, so that he could not untie himself. Marvel, I pray you, at the cruelty of these people. A Savage, having perceived Father Buteux and me mingling with the others, came up to us and said, full of joy and satisfaction, Tapoue kouetakiou nigamouau; "I shall really eat some Hiroquois." Finally this poor man came out of the canoe, and was taken into a cabin, the children, girls, and women 25 striking him, some with sticks, others with stones, as he entered; you would have said he was insensible, as he passed along and received these blows without looking around; as soon as he entered, they made him dance to the music of their howls. After having made a few turns, striking the ground and agitating his body, which is all there is of [69] their dancing, they made him sit down; and some of the Savages, addressing us, told us that this Hiroquois was one of those who the year before had surprised and killed three of our Frenchmen; this was done to stifle in us the pity that we might have for him, and they even dared to ask some of our French if they did not want to eat their share of him, since they had killed our Countrymen. We replied that these cruelties displeased us, and that we were not cannibals. He did not die, however; for these Barbarians, weary of the war, spoke with this young prisoner, who was a strong man, tall and finely formed, about making peace; they have been treating about it for a long time, but at last it is concluded. In truth, I believe it will not last long; [70] for the first impulse that seizes some hot-headed fellow, at the remembrance that one of his relations was killed by the Hiroquois, will make him go and surprise one of them, and treacherously assassinate him; and thus the war will begin again. Fidelity cannot be expected from people who have not the true Faith.
Le vingt-quatriesme du mesme mois grand nombre d'Algonquains estans arriuez, ie m'en allay chercher 26 par leur[s] cabanes, vne petite fillette que i'auois baptisée, & nommée Marguerite l'ã passé: sa mere me recogneut bien, & me dit qu'elle estoit morte, c'est autant de gaigné pour le Ciel, ie ne l'auois pas fait Chrestienne qu'à fin qu'elle y allast. Cõme ie vins à demãder des nouuelles du pere de cét enfant que i'auois cõmencé d'instruire, vn Sauuage me respondit qu'il estoit mort; à ceste [71] parole vne sienne fille aagée de dix-huict à vingt ans, fit vn grand cry toute éplorée; on me fit signe que ie ne parlasse point de la mort, dont le seul nom leur semble insupportable.
On the twenty-fourth of the same month, a great many Algonquains having arrived, I went through their cabins, looking for a little girl I had baptized and named Marguerite, the year before. Her mother readily recognized me, and told me that she was dead; that was so much gained for Heaven; I had 27 only made her a Christian that she might go there. When I came to ask news of the father of the child whom I had begun to instruct, a Savage told me that he was dead; at this [71] answer, one of his daughters, about eighteen or twenty years old, uttered a loud cry and burst into tears; they made me a sign that I should not speak of death, its very name seeming to them unbearable.
Le vingt-neufiesme il arriua vne chose assez facetieuse, que ie coucheray icy, pour faire veoir la simplicité d'vn esprit qui ne cognoist point Dieu. Deux Sauuages estans entrez en nostre Habitation, pendant le Diuin Seruice, que nous faisions à la Chapelle, se disoient l'vn à l'autre, Ils prient celuy qui a tout fait, leur donnera-il ce qu'ils demandent? Or comme nous tardions trop à leur gré, Asseurément, disoient-ils, il ne leur veut pas donner: voyla ils crient tous tant qu'ils peuuent (nous chantions Vespres pour lors). Or vn ieune truchement venant à sortir, ils l'aborderent, & [72] luy dirent, Hé bien! celuy qui a tout fait, vous a-il accordé ce que vous demandiez? Ouy, respond-il, nous l'aurons. Asseurémẽt, repartent-ils, il ne s'en est gueres fallu qu'il ne vous ait éconduit; car vous auez bien crié & bien chanté pour l'auoir: nous disions à tous coups, que vous n'auriez rien; mais encore que vous a-il promis? Ce ieune homme soufriant, leur respondit, conformément à leur grande attente, Il nous a promis que nous n'aurions point faim: c'est la grande beatitude des Sauuages d'auoir dequoy contenter leur ventre.
On the twenty-ninth, a rather amusing thing happened, which I shall relate here to show the simplicity of a mind that does not know God. Two Savages having entered our Settlement during Divine Service, which we were holding in the Chapel, said to each other, "They are praying to him who made all things; will he give them what they ask?" Now as we were going rather slowly, according to their ideas, "Certainly," they said, "he does not want to give it to them, see how they are all shouting as loud as they can," (we were singing Vespers at the time). Now, as a young interpreter was going away, they approached him and [72] said "Well, now, he who made all things, has he granted what you ask?" "Yes," he answered, "we shall get it." "Certainly," they replied, "he must have very nearly refused you, for you have cried and sung so hard to get it; we were saying all the time that you would not get anything; but tell us now, what did he promise you?" This young man, smiling, answered them according to their expectations, "He promised us that we should not be hungry." It is the highest state of happiness for the Savages to have something with which to satisfy their stomachs.
Le cinquiesme de Nouembre, i'allay veoir les reliquas 28 d'vne bonne-pallissade, qui a autrefois entouré vne Bourgade, au lieu mesme où nos François ont planté leur Habitation. Les Hiroquois ennemis de ces Peuples ont tout bruslé; on voit encore [73] le bout des pieux tous noirs; il y a quelques arpens de terre défrichée, où ils cultiuoient du bled d'Inde. I'espere qu'auec le temps nos Canadiens reprendront cet exercice, qui leur sera autant profitable pour le Ciel, que pour la terre; car s'ils s'arrestent, on aura moyen de les instruire.
On the fifth of November, I went to see the remains of a good palisade, which formerly surrounded 29 a Village in the very place where our French have established their Abode. The Hiroquois enemies of these Tribes have burned everything; there can still be seen [73] the ends of the blackened stakes; there are some arpents of cleared land, where they cultivated Indian corn. I hope in the course of time our Canadians will resume this industry, which will be as profitable to them for Heaven as for earth; for, if they stop their wanderings there will be opportunities of instructing them.
Le septiesme on nous décriuit vne façon de dance des Sauuages que nous n'auions point encore veuë. L'vn d'eux commence, pendant que les autres chantẽt; la chanson finie, il va donner le bouquet, c'est à dire, qu'il va faire vn present à celuy qu'il veut faire dancer apres soy; l'autre finissant la dance en fait de mesme, & si nos François se trouuent auec eux, on leur porte le bouquet & le present aussi bien qu'aux autres.
On the seventh we had described to us a kind of Savage dance that we had not yet seen. One of them begins while the others sing; the song finished, he goes and gives the bouquet, that is, he goes and makes a present to the one whom he wishes to dance after him; the other does the same thing when he finishes the dance; and, if our French are with them, they bring the bouquet and the present to our men as well as to the others.
Le dix-huictiesme de ce mois, [74] tous les Sauuages s'escarterent, qui deça, qui de là dans les bois, pour aller pendant l'hyuer chercher l'Elan, le Cerf & le Caribou, dont ils viuent; Si bien que nous demeurasmes sans voisins, nos seuls François restans en nostre nouuelle Demeure.
On the eighteenth of this month, [74] all the Savages dispersed, some here and some there into the woods, to go during the winter to hunt the Elk, the Deer and the Caribou, upon which they live; so that we were without neighbors, our French alone remaining in our new Dwelling place.
Le trentiesme de Decembre la neige n'estant ny assez dure ny assez profonde, pour arrester les grandes iambes de l'Elan, vne troupe de ces pauures Barbares, s'en vindrent crier misericorde en nostre Habitation; la famine qui fut cruelle l'an passé les a encore traicté plus rudement cet hyuer, du moins en plusieurs endroits; on nous a rapporté que vers Gaspé les Sauuages ont tué & mangé vn ieune garçon que 30 les Basques leur auoient laissé pour apprẽdre leur langue. Ceux de Tadoussac auec lesquels i'hyuernay il y a vn an, se sont mangez les vns les autres [75] en quelques endroits. Monsieur du Plessis Bochart montant à Kebec, nous a dit qu'il y en auoit encore quelques-vns dans les bois, qui n'osoient paroistre deuant les autres, à raison qu'ils ont meschamment surpris, massacré, & mangé leurs compagnons. Nous auons esté témoins de leur famine aux trois Riuieres: ils venoient par bandes, tous défigurez, décharnez comme des squelets, aymans, disoient-ils autant mourir auprés des François, que dans leurs Forests: le malheur pour eux, estoit, que comme ceste Habitation ne faisoit que de commencer, il n'y auoit point encore de magasins aux trois Riuieres, nos François & nous n'ayans apporté de Kebec que les viures necessaires pour le nombre des hommes qui y residoient: nous nous efforçasmes pourtant de les secourir, chacun de son costé leur [76] faisant la charité selon ses forces, ou selon son affection, pas vn de ceux qui vindrent vers nous ne mourut de faim.
On the thirtieth of December, the snow having been neither hard nor deep enough to arrest the long legs of the Elk, a troop of these poor Barbarians came crying for pity at our Settlement; the famine, which was cruel last year, has treated them still worse this winter, at least in several places; we have heard a report that, near Gaspé, the Savages killed and ate a young boy whom the Basques left with them to learn their language. Those of Tadoussac, with whom I31 passed the winter a year ago, have eaten each other [75] in some localities. Monsieur du Plessis Bochart, on his way to Kebec, told us that there were still some in the woods who do not dare appear before the others because they had wickedly surprised, massacred, and eaten their companions. We have been witnesses to their famine at the three Rivers; they came in bands, greatly disfigured and as fleshless as skeletons, liking, they said, as well to die near the French as in their own Forests; the misfortune for them was that, as this Settlement was only in its first stages, there was not yet a storehouse at three Rivers, our French and we having brought from Kebec only the food necessary for the number of men who were residing there; we tried, however, to help them, each on his side [76] exercising charity according to his means, or according to his inclinations; not one of those who came to us died of hunger.
Le Pere Buteux & moy entrans dans vne cabane, vne femme nous dit, qu'il n'estoit resté qu'elle & sa compagne, de tous ceux auec lesquels elles auoient hyuerné dans les bois. On a trouué des Chasseurs roides morts sur la neige, tuez du froid & de la faim, entre autres, celuy qui auoit pris le prisonnier Hiroquois duquel i'ay parlé cy dessus.
When Father Buteux and I entered a certain cabin, a woman told us that no one remained but she and her companion, of all those with whom they had wintered in the forest. Hunters had been found stiff in death upon the snow, killed by cold and starvation,—among others, the one who had taken prisoner the Hiroquois of whom I have spoken above.
Vn Sauuage me dit dans ceste famine, que sa femme & sa belle sœur estoient en deliberation de tuer leur propre frere: I'en demanday la raison, nous craignons, fit-il, qu'il ne nous assomme pendant nostre sommeil pour nous manger. Nous vous apportons,32 luy dis-je, tous les iours vne partie de nos viures [77] pour vous secourir. Cela est vray, respond-il, tu nous donne la vie, mais cét homme est à demy fol; il ne mange point, il a quelque méchant dessein, nous le voulons preuenir, en seras-tu marry? Ie me trouuay vn peu en peine, de consentir à sa mort, ie ne pouuois: ie croyois d'ailleurs qu'ils auoient iuste occasion de craindre. Nous luy donnasmes conseil de ne point laisser de haches ny d'espees en sa cabane, sinon celle dont il auroit à faire, laquelle il poseroit sous sa teste en dormant; il s'accorda à cela, & nous donna ses haches & ses espees, pour les emporter en nostre chambrette. A trois iours de là ce pauure miserable s'en alla à Kebec, où ayant voulu tuer quelque François, Monsieur le Gouuerneur recognoissant sa folie, le fit enchaisner pour le rendre aux premiers Sauuages qui [78] viendroient.
A Savage told me, during this famine, that his wife and sister-in-law contemplated killing their own brother; I asked him why, "We are afraid," he replied, "that he will kill us during our sleep, to eat us." "We supply you," said I, "a part of our food every day [77] to help you." "That is true," he replied, "thou givest us life; but this man is half-mad; he does not eat, he has some evil design; we wish to prevent him, wilt thou be displeased at 33 that?" I found myself a little troubled; I could not consent to his death, and yet I believed they had good cause for their fear. We advised him not to leave any hatchets or javelins in his cabin, except one which he would have to use, and he should place that under his head when he was sleeping; he agreed to this, and gave us his hatchets and javelins, to put them away in our little room. Three days later, this poor wretch went to Kebec, where, having tried to kill some Frenchman, Monsieur the Governor, seeing that he was mad, had him put in chains, to surrender him to the first Savages that [78] might come along.
Or ces allées & venuës des Sauuages affamez ont duré quasi tout l'hyuer; nous faisions ordinairement quelque festin de pois & de farine boüillie à toutes les nouuelles bandes; i'en ay veu tel d'entre-eux qui en mangeoient plus de huict escuellées, deuant que de sortir de la place.
Now these comings and goings of famished Savages lasted almost all winter; we usually made a little feast of peas and boiled flour for all the new bands, and I have seen certain ones among them eat more than eight bowlfuls of this before leaving the place.
Pendant qu'on leur preparoit le banquet, nous leur parlions de Dieu, nous leur representions leurs miseres; ils auoient tous la meilleure volonté du monde de cultiuer au Printemps, ce qu'ont fait quelques vns: mais ils ne demeurerent pas assiduëment auprés de leurs bleds d'Inde, les abandonnans pour aller pescher, qui deça, qui delà.
While the banquet was being prepared, we talked to them about God, we represented to them their poverty; they all had the best intentions in the world to cultivate the land in the Spring, as some of them have done; but they did not remain constantly near their Indian corn,—abandoning it to go fishing, some in one direction, some in another.
Quand aux propositions que nous leur faisions de croire en Dieu, l'vn d'eux me dit vn iour. Si nous [79] croyons en vostre Dieu, neigera-il? Il neigera, 34 luy dis je. La neige sera-elle dure & profonde? Elle le sera. Trouuerõs nous des Orignaux? Vous en trouuerez. Les tuerons nous? Ouy; Car comme Dieu sçait tout, qu'il peut tout, & qu'il est tres bon, il ne manquera pas de vous assister, si vous auez recours en luy, si vous receuez sa Foy, & luy rendez obeyssance. Ton discours est bon, repart-il, nous penserons à ce que tu nous as dit. Cependant ils s'en vont dans les bois, & mettẽt bien-tost en oubly ce qu'on leur a dit: Il est bien vray qu'à la parfin on fera quelque impression sur leur esprit, s'il n'est plus dure que la pierre qui se caue par des gouttes d'eau.
As to the proposals we make to them to believe in God, one of them said to me one day, "If we [79] believe in your God, will it snow?" "It will snow," I said to him. "Will the snow be hard and deep?" "It will be." "Shall we find Moose?" "You will find them." "Shall we kill some?" "Yes; for as God knows all things, as he can do all things, and as he is very good, he will not fail to help you, if you 35 have recourse to him, if you receive the Faith, and if you reader him obedience." "Thy speech is good," answered he, "we will think upon what thou hast told us." Meanwhile, they go off into the woods, and soon forget what has been said to them. It is indeed true that, in the end, some impression will be made upon their minds, if they are not harder than the stone hollowed out by drops of water.
Vne autrefois ayant vn assez long-temps discouru sur nostre creance à vne escouade, qui s'en retournoit chercher dequoy nourrir [80] leurs femmes & leurs enfans, ie leur conseillay, au cas qu'ils ne peussent rien trouuer, de se mettre à genoux, & de s'addresser à celuy qui a fait le Ciel & la terre, de luy promettre qu'ils croiront en luy, s'il les vouloit secourir: ils me promirent qu'ils le feroient; nous leur presentasmes à cet effect vne petite Image de nostre Seigneur Iesus-Christ, & les aduertismes de la façon qu'ils la deuoient placer dans leur[s] grandes necessitez, des prieres qu'ils deuoient faire à celuy qu'elle representoit, leur donnant bonne esperãce qu'ils seroient secourus. Ie mis cette Image entre les mains d'vn nommé Sakapouan, dont i'ay fait mention cy-dessus. Il me promit qu'il feroit de point en point ce que nous luy auions ordonné: mais le miserable ne tint pas sa promesse; car il n'osa iamais produire ceste Image, de [81] peur d'estre gaussé de ses Compagnons, voire mesme il se rioit auec les autres de ce que nous leur auions presché. Aussi Dieu le chastia-il, car il tomba 36 malade, & fut contraint de venir rechercher les François; nous luy redemandasmes l'Image & la rendit. Interrogé pourquoy il n'auoit point prié le Fils du Tout-puissant, Ie m'en estois allé, respond-il, auec bonne volonté de le prier, i'auois conceu vne bonne esperance, qu'il nous donneroit à manger, i'auois mesme retenu la meilleure de toutes les oraisons que tu nous as enseigné: mais estant arriué à nos cabanes, i'ay eu peur que si ie produisois l'Image, qu'on ne s'en moquast, & que celuy qui a tout fait ne se faist chast cõtre moy, & nous fist mourir. En vn mot le respect humain retiẽt ce peuple. I'eus beau luy dire, que s'il eust esté fidele dans [82] ces gausseries, s'il n'eust point adheré à ces mocqueurs, que Dieu l'auroit puissamment assisté, Il faut, dit-il, parler à nos Capitaines. Et en effet qui les auroit gaignez, il auroit tout gagné. Ie reuiens tousiours sur mes brisées, qui sçauroit parfaictement la langue pour les accabler de raisons, & pour refuter promptement leurs niaiseries, seroit bien puissant parmy eux. Le temps apportera tout, & Dieu donnant sa benediction, Populus qui est in tenebris videbit lucem magnam.
Another time, having talked a long time upon our belief with a squad of them, who had returned to seek food for [80] their wives and children, I advised them, in case they could not find anything, to fall upon their knees and to address themselves to him who has made Heaven and earth, to promise him they would believe in him if he would relieve them; they promised that they would do so; we gave them for this purpose a little Image of our Lord Jesus Christ, and instructed them in the way in which they were to place it in the time of their great need, and in some prayers they were to make to him whom it represented, giving them strong hope that they would be helped. I placed this Image in the hands of a certain one named Sakapouan, of whom I have spoken above. He promised me that he would do everything just as we had directed; but the wretch did not keep his promise, for he never dared produce this Image, lest [81] he should be sneered at by his Companions; yes, he even laughed with the others about what we had preached to them. And indeed God chastised him, for he fell sick and was obliged to come seeking the French; we asked for the Image and he returned it. When asked why he had not prayed to the Son of the All-powerful, "I went away," he replied, "with the good will to pray to 37 him; I felt a strong hope that he would give us something to eat, I had even kept in mind the best of all the prayers thou hast taught us; but, when I arrived at our cabins, I was afraid that if I brought out the Image they would make sport of me, and that he who has made all would be angry with me, and make us die." In one word, these people are restrained by worldly considerations. It was in vain I told him that if he had been faithful in [82] the midst of these mockeries, if he had not clung to these mockers, God would have given him powerful assistance; "It is necessary," he said "to talk to our Captains." And, in fact, one who could gain them could gain all. I am always retracing my footsteps, in saying, that one who knew the language perfectly, so that he could crush their reasons and promptly refute their absurdities, would be very powerful among them. Time will bring all things; God giving his blessing, Populus qui est in tenebris videbit lucem magnam.
Or pour vuider tout cét article; ie demanday à ce Sauuage, quelle estoit ceste Oraison qu'il preferoit aux autres. Tu nous dis plusieurs choses, me fit-il, mais ceste priere m'a semblé la meilleure de toutes. Mirinan oukachigakhi nimitchiminan: donne nous auiourd'huy nostre nourriture: donne nous à manger; [83] voyla vne excellente Oraison, disoit-il. Ie ne m'estonne pas de ceste Philosophie; Animalis homo, non percipit ea quæ sunt Spiritus Dei. Qui n'a iamais esté qu'à l'escole de la chair, ne sçauroit parler le langage de l'esprit.
Now to end this whole story, I asked this Savage what this Prayer was that he preferred to all others. "Thou hast told us many things," he replied; "but this prayer has seemed to me the best of all: Mirinan oukachigakhi nimitchiminan, 'Give us to-day our food, give us something to eat.' [83] This is an excellent Prayer," he said. I am not surprised at this Philosophy; Animalis homo, non percipit ea quæ sunt Spiritus Dei. He who has never been at any school but that of the flesh, cannot speak the language of the spirit.
38 Le vingt-septiesme du mesme mois de Ianuier vn Sauuage me vint apprendre vn secret bien cogneu des Algonquains, mais non pas des Montagnais; aussi n'est-il pas de ce pays-cy, ains de bien auant dans les terres. Il me dit donc, que si quelqu'vn de nos François vouloit l'accompagner, qu'il s'en iroit pescher sous la glace d'vn grand estang, placé à quelque cinq mille pas au delà de la grande Riuiere, vis-à-vis de nostre Habitation. Il y alla en effet, & rapporta quelques poissons; ce qui consola fort nos François: car ils peuuent maintenant au plus fort [84] des glaces, tendre des rets dans cét estang. I'ay veu ceste pesche: voicy comme ils s'y comportent. Ils sont à grands coups de hache vn trou assez grandelet dans la glace de l'estang; ils en font d'autres plus petits, d'espaces en espaces, & auec des perches ils passent vne fiscelle de trous en trous par dessous la glace: ceste fiscelle aussi longue que les rets qu'on veut tendre, se va arrester au dernier trou, par lequel on tire, & on estend dedans l'eau toute la rets qui luy est attachée. Voyla comme on tend les filets pour la premiere fois, quand on les veut visiter, il est fort aisé: car on les retire par la plus grande ouuerture, pour en recueillir le poisson, puis il ne faut que retirer la fiscelle pour les retendre, les perches ne seruans qu'à passer la première fois la fiscelle. Quand Dieu aura beny ces contrées d'vne peuplade de François, [85] on trouuera mille biens, & mille commoditez sur le pays, que ces Barbares ignorent.
On the twenty-seventh of the same month of January a Savage came to acquaint me with a secret well known among the Algonquains, but not among the Montagnais; neither is it known in this part of the 39 country, but farther into the interior. He told me that, if some one of our Frenchmen would accompany him, he would go and fish under the ice of a great pond, located some five thousand paces beyond the great River, opposite our Settlement. One of them did, in fact, go there, and brought back some fish, which greatly comforted our French people, for they can now, in the thickest [84] ice, stretch their nets in this pond. I have seen them fish in this way; now see how they do it. With great blows of the axe they make a tolerably large hole in the ice of the pond; then at intervals they make other smaller ones, and by the use of poles they pass a cord from hole to hole under the ice; this cord, which is as long as the nets they wish to stretch, stops at the last hole, through which it is drawn, and they spread out in the water the whole net which is attached to it. This is the way they spread the nets the first time. When they wish to examine them, it is very easily done, for they draw them out through the largest opening, to collect the fish from them; then it is only necessary to draw back the cord to respread the nets, the poles serving only to put the cord through the first time. When God has blessed these countries with a colony of French, [85] there will result a thousand benefits and a thousand conveniences for the country, of which these Barbarians are ignorant.
Le sixiesme de Feurier la grande Riuiere fut gelée tout à fait, en sorte qu'on passoit dessus en asseurance; elle gela mesme deuant Kebec, ce qui est fort extraordinaire, à raison que les marées sont là fort 40 violentes. Il me semble que la rigueur de l'hyuer s'est fait sentir particulièrement en ce mois cy.
On the sixth of February, the great River was completely frozen over, so that one could walk over it in safety; it even froze opposite Kebec, which is very extraordinary, as the tides there are very strong. It seems to me that the severity of the winter makes itself especially felt during this month.
Le huictiesme de Mars mourut ceste femme Sauuage nommée Anne, dont i'ay parlé au Chapitre second: cõme les douleurs de la mort approchoient, elle disoit par fois toute seule, nitapoueten, nitapoueten, Ie croy, ie croy, nisadkihau, nisadkihau. Ie l'ayme, ie l'ayme: ouaskoucki nioui itoutan. Ie veux aller au Ciel: & vne fois elle me dit, comme ie la quittois, après l'auoir instruite & [86] visitée en sa maladie; Tu m'as seruy de père iusques icy, continuë iusques à ma mort, qui ne tardera pas; retourne moy voir au plustost, & si tu me vois si bas, que ie ne puisse parler, souuienne toy que ie penseray tousiours à ce que tu m'as dit, & que ie croiray tousiours en mon cœur. Vn Sauuage m'ayant informé qu'elle n'estoit point de ce pays-cy, ie l'interrogeay quelques iours deuant sa mort de sa patrie: elle me dit, que ceux de sa Nation s'appelloient ouperigoue ouaouakhi, qu'ils habitoiẽt bien auant dans les terres plus bas que Tadoussac, de mesme costé; qu'on pouuoit par des fleuues descendre de leur pays dans la grande riuiere de sainct Laurens; que ses Compatriotes n'auoient aucun commerce auec les Europeans; c'est pourquoy, disoit-elle, ils se seruent de haches de pierres; qu'ils ont des [87] Cerfs, & des Castors en abondance, mais fort peu d'Elans; qu'ils parlent le langage Montagnais, & qu'ils ne manqueroient de venir à la traitte auec les François, n'estoit que les Sauuages de Tadoussac les veulent tuer quand ils les rencontrent. Ie ne sçay si ce ne sont point ceux que nous appellons Bersiamites, dont quelques-vns ont esté cruellement massacrez cette année à Tadoussac. Ces perfides Sauuages les accueillirent 42 fort humainement, & quand ils les eurent en leur puissance, ils les mirent à mort traistreusement.
On the eighth of March occurred the death of the 41 Savage woman named Anne, of whom I have spoken in Chapter second; as the anguish of death approached, she said at times to herself, nitapoueten, nitapoueten, "I believe, I believe;" nisadkihau, nisadkihau, "I love him, I love him;" ouaskoucki nioui itoutan, "I wish to go to Heaven;" and once she said to me, as I was leaving her after having instructed and [86] visited her in her sickness; "Thou hast been a father to me up to the present; continue so until my death, which will not be long; come back and see me very soon, and if thou seest me so low I cannot speak, remember that I shall always think of what thou hast said to me, and that I shall always believe in my heart." As a Savage had informed me that she did not belong to this region, I asked her a few days before her death about her native country: she told me that the people of her Nation were called ouperigoue ouaouakhi, that they dwelt farther back in the interior, below Tadoussac, and on the same side; that they could descend through the rivers from their country to the great river saint Lawrence; that her Countrymen had no commerce with the Europeans; "that is why," she said, "they use hatchets made of stone;" that they have [87] Deer and Beavers in abundance, but very few Elk; that they speak the Montagnais language, and that they would certainly come and trade with the French, were it not that the Savages of Tadoussac try to kill them when they encounter them. I do not know whether these are the ones that we call Bersiamites, some of whom have been cruelly massacred this year at Tadoussac. These perfidious Savages received them very kindly, and, when they had them in their power, treacherously put them to death.
Le cinquiesme d'Auril vn Sauuage Montaignais vint rapporter au Pere Buteux, que nos Peres, & nos François qui les accompagnoient auoient esté delaissez dans les bois, & liez à des arbres par les Hurons qui les menoient en leur pays, lesquels [88] s'estans trouuez mal d'vne certaine epidemie qui affligea l'Automne passé toutes ces Nations, creurent que ceste maladie leur estoit causée par les François, ce qui les auoit reduits à les traitter de la sorte, & ce sauuage asseuroit auoir appris ceste nouuelle de la bouche de quelques Bissiriniens, voisins des Hurons. Nous remismes toute ceste affaire entre les mains de N. Seigneur, qui prendra nos vies dans les temps, & dans les occasions qu'il luy plaira. Nous auiõs desia appris, comme i'escriuy l'an passé des mauuaises nouuelles du P. Anthoine Daniel qu'on nous faisoit quasi mort: mais en fin la bonté de Dieu nous a consolez; car la pluspart de ces bruits se sont trouuez faux. Il est vray que le Pere Daniel, & tous les autres, ont souffert incomparablement en leur voyage, comme V. R. pourra veoir [89] par la Relation du Pere Brebeuf.
43 On the fifth day of April, a Montaignais Savage came to report to Father Buteux that our Fathers and our Frenchmen who accompanied them had been abandoned in the woods and tied to trees, by the Hurons who were taking them to their country,—who, [88] falling ill with a certain epidemic which last Autumn afflicted all these Nations, believed that this malady was caused by the French, and it was this which made them treat the French in this way; this savage declared that he had heard the news from the lips of some Bissiriniens, neighbors of the Hurons. We placed the whole matter in the hands of Our Lord, who will take our lives at the time and in the manner that shall please him. We had already learned, as I wrote last year, the bad news about Father Anthoine Daniel, who had been reported to us as almost dead; but at last the goodness of God has comforted us, for most of these reports are found to be false. It is true that Father Daniel and all the others have endured incomparable sufferings in their voyage, as Your Reverence can see [89] by the Relation of Father Brebeuf.
Le quatorziesme du mesme mois, toutes les glaces estant parties, ie m'embarquay dans vn canot auec vn de nos François, & vn Algonquain, pour aller veoir ce beau lac ou estang, dont i'ay parlé cy dessus, que i'auois veu tout glacé pendant l'hyuer. En chemin ie vis la chasse du Rat musqué; cét animal a vne fort longue queuë, il y en a de gros comme des lapins: quand il[s] paroissent sur l'eau les Sauuages les suiuent dans leurs petits canots; aussi-tost ces Rats se 44 voyant poursuiuis se plongent en l'eau, & leurs ennemis s'en vont viste, où ils preuoyent qu'ils reuiendront au dessus pour prendre haleine: bref ils les poursuiuent tant qu'ils les lassent, en sorte qu'ils sont contraints de rester quelque tẽps au dessus de l'eau, pour n'estre suffoquez: alors ils les [90] assomment auec leurs auirons, ou les tuent à coups de fleches. Quand cét animal a gaigné la terre, il se sauue ordinairement dans son trou. On l'appelle Rat musqué, pource qu'en effect vne partie de son corps prise au Printemps sent le musc, en autre temps elle n'a point d'odeur.
On the fourteenth of the same month, as the ice was completely broken up, I embarked in a canoe with one of our Frenchmen and an Algonquain, to go and see the beautiful lake or pond of which I have spoken above, and which I had seen all frozen over during the winter. On the way, I saw a Muskrat hunt. Some of these animals are as large as rabbits; they have very long tails. When they appear upon the water, the Savages follow them in their little canoes; these Rats, upon seeing themselves pursued, immediately dive into the water, their enemies hurrying quickly to the place where they expect 45 them to come up again to take breath; in short, they pursue them until they are tired out, so that they must remain above the water a little while, in order not to suffocate; then they [90] knock them down with their paddles, or kill them with arrows. When this animal has gained the land, it usually saves itself by hiding in its hole. It is called Muskrat because, in fact, a part of its body smells of musk, if caught in the Spring,—at other times, it has no odor.
Le vingt-vniesme, ie partis des trois Riuieres pour venir à Kebec, afin de m'y trouuer, selon le desir de nos Peres, à la venuë des vaisseaux. Nous les attendions de bonne heure, ils sont venus bien tard, le mauuais temps leur a causé vne rude trauerse; nous esperions de les veoir sur la fin de May, & nous n'en auons eu nouuelle que le vingt-cinquiesme de Iuin; auquel temps arriua vn canot enuoyé de Tadoussac, qui rapporta qu'vn vaisseau estoit à l'Isle du Bic, & qu'il en venoit encore cinq ou six, auec bonne [91] deliberation de combattre tous ceux qu'ils trouueroient dans la Riuiere sans Commission.
On the twenty-first, I left three Rivers to come to Kebec, in order to be there, according to the wish of the Fathers, at the coming of the ships. We expected them early, but they came very late, the bad weather having caused them to have a rough passage; we hoped to see them towards the end of May, and we had no news of them until the twenty-fifth of June, when a canoe arrived, sent from Tadoussac, which reported that a ship was at the Island of Bic, and that five or six more of them were coming, with the firm [91] determination to attack all those they found in the River without Commissions.
Le quatriesme de Iuillet, vne chalouppe enuoyée de la part de Monsieur du Plessis Bochart, general de la flotte, resioüit tous nos Frãçois, & nous asseura de sa venuë, & qu'il estoit suiuy de huict forts nauires, six pour Tadoussac, & deux pour Mifcou, sans ce que l'on enuoyoit au Cap Breton, & coste de l'Acadie à Mr le Com. de Razilly.
On the fourth of July, a shallop sent from Monsieur du Plessis Bochart, commandant of the fleet, gladdened all our French,—assuring us of his coming, and that he was followed by eight strong ships, six for Tadoussac and two for Miscou, not including the one sent to Cape Breton and the coast of Acadia, to Monsieur the Commandant de Razilly.
Le dixiesme vne barque montant en haut, nous apporta le Pere Pijart. A mesme temps deux de nos François descendant des Hurons, nous presenterent 46 les lettres de nos Peres qui sont en ce pays-là; c'estoit nous réjoüyr de toutes parts. D'vn costé le Pere nous témoignoit que V. R. nous enuoyoit 4. de nos Peres, & 2. de nos Freres pour renfort, [92] & deux autres Peres pour la Residẽce de S. Charles. Qu'vne infinité de personnes cherissoient ceste Mission, & que V. R. toute pleine de cœur, nous donneroit tous les ans autant d'ouuriers Euangeliques, que la Mission en pourroit nourrir; l'ardeur de venir souffrir quelques choses en ces contrées pour la gloire de nostre Seigneur, estant quasi incroyable. D'autre costé la sãté de nos Peres dans les Hurons, où on les faisoit morts, les bonnes dispositions de ces Peuples, pour receuoir les veritez Chrestiennes; l'affection qu'ils nous portent, nous faisoit benir le sainct Nom de Dieu, & luy rendre graces de tant de benedictions, qu'il va respandant sur ceste entreprise.
On the tenth, a bark which was ascending the river brought us Father Pijart.8 At the same time, two of our Frenchmen, coming down from the Hurons. presented to us the letters of our Fathers who are in that country; so we received cheering news 47 from all sides. On the one hand, the Father testified to us that Your Reverence was sending us 4 of our Fathers, and 2 of our Brothers, as a reinforcement, [92] and two other Fathers for the Residence of St. Charles; that a vast number of people cherished this Mission, and that Your Reverence, in the fulness of your heart, would every year give as many Gospel workers as the Mission could support; the zeal to come and suffer something in these countries for the glory of our Lord, being almost incredible. On the other hand, the good health of our Fathers among the Hurons, where they were reported dead, and the good disposition of those Peoples to receive the Christian truths, and the affection they bear us, make us bless the holy Name of God, and render him thanks for so many blessings as he is about to pour down upon this enterprise.
Le douziesme, Monsieur le Cheualier de la Roche-Iacquelin, commandant le nauire nommé le Sainct [93] Iacques, vint moüiller l'ancre deuant Kebec. Nostre Frere Pierre Feauté l'ayant remercié de sa bienueillance, nous vint veoir en nostre petite Maison de nostre Dame des Anges. Le lendemain nostre ioye s'accreut par la venuë du Père Claude Quantin & de nostre Frere Pierre Tellier, portez dans le vaisseau du Capitaine de Nesle.
On the twelfth, Monsieur the Chevalier de la Roche-Jacquelin, commandant of the ship called "Sainct [93] Jacques," cast anchor before Kebec. Our Brother Pierre Feauté,9 having thanked him for his kindness, came to see us in our little House of nostre Dame des Anges. The next day our joy was increased by the arrival of Father Claude Quantin10 and of our Brother Pierre Tellier, who were brought in the ship of Captain de Nesle.
Le vingtiesme, Monsieur le General nous rendit le Pere le Mercier, qu'il amena dans sa barque; tous ces iours nous estoient des iours de ioye & de contentement, voyant & nos François & nos Peres en bonne santé, apres beaucoup de tourmente sur la mer.
On the twentieth, Monsieur the General conveyed to us Father Mercier,11 whom he had brought in his bark. All these days were for us days of joy and contentment, seeing both our French and our Fathers in good health after much suffering upon the sea.
Le vingt-deuxiesme de Iuillet se fit vne Assemblée ou vn Conseil entre les François & les Hurons. Le 48 Pere Buteux qui estoit descendu de la Residence de la Conception, & moy [94] y assistasmes. Apres les affaires communes, Monsieur de Champlain nostre Gouuerneur, recommanda auec vne affection energigue nos Peres, & les François qui les accompagnoient à ces Peuples; il leur fit dire, que s'ils vouloient conseruer & accroistre l'amitié qu'ils ont auec les François, qu'il falloit qu'ils receussent nostre creance, & adorassent le Dieu que nous adorons; que cela leur seroit grandement profitable: car Dieu pouuant tout, les benira, les protegera, leur donnera la victoire contre leurs ennemis; que les François iront en bon nombre en leur Pays; qu'ils épouseront leurs filles quand elles seront Chrestiennes: qu'ils enseigneront à toute leur nation à faire des haches, des cousteaux, & autres choses qui leur sont fort necessaires, & qu'à cet effet ils deuroient dés l'an prochain [95] amener bon nombre de leurs petits garçons, que nous les logerons bien, que nous les nourrirons, & que nous les instruirons & cherirons comme s'ils estoient nos petits Freres. Et pour autant que tous les Capitaines ne pouuoient des descendre en bas, qu'ils tiendroient Conseil sur ce sujet en leur Pays, auquel ils appelloient Echom, c'est ainsi qu'il[s] appellent le Pere Brebeuf: & là dessus leur donnant vne lettre pour luy porter, il adiousta: Voicy que i'informe le Pere de tous ces points. Il se trouuera en vostre Assemblée, & vous fera vn present que ses Freres luy enuoyent: là vous ferez paroistre si veritablement vous aymez les François. I'auois suggeré ces pensées à Monsieur nostre gouuerneur qu'il approuua; mais encore il les amplifia auec mille loüanges & mille tesmoignages d'affectiõ enuers nostre [96] Compagnie. Monsieur 50 le General prit aussi la parole sur ce sujet, & fit tout son possible pour donner à cognoistre à ces Peuples, l'estime que sont les grands Capitaines de France des Peres qu'on leur enuoye; & tout cela pour les disposer à recognoistre le Dieu des François, & de tout l'Vniuers. A ce discours vn Capitaine repartit, qu'ils ne manqueroient pas de rendre ceste lettre, & de tenir Conseil sur les Articles proposez. Qu'au reste que toute leur Nation aymoit tous les François, & qu'il sembloit neantmoins, que les François n'aymoient qu'vne seule de leurs Bourgades, puisque tous ceux qui montoient en leur Pays la prenoient pour leur demeure. On leur respondit, que iusques icy ils n'auoient eu qu'vn petit nombre de nos François, & que s'ils embrassoient nostre creance, qu'ils en auroient [97] en toutes leurs Bourgades.
On the twenty-second of July, there was held an Assembly or Council between the French and the Hurons. Father Buteux, who had come down from 49 the Residence of the Conception, and I [94] participated therein. After public affairs, Monsieur de Champlain, our Governor, very affectionately recommended our Fathers, and the French who accompanied them, to these Tribes; he told them, through an interpreter, that if they wished to preserve and strengthen their friendship with the French, they must receive our belief and worship the God that we worshiped; that this would be very profitable to them, for God, being all-powerful, will bless and protect them, and make them victorious over their enemies; that the French will go in goodly numbers to their Country; that they will marry their daughters when they become Christians; that they will teach all their people to make hatchets, knives, and other things which are very necessary to them; and that for this purpose they must next year [95] bring many of their little boys, whom we will lodge comfortably, and will feed, instruct and cherish as if they were our little Brothers. And that, inasmuch as all the Captains could not come down there, they should hold a Council upon this matter in their Country, to which they should summon Echom,—it is thus they call Father Brebeuf;12 and then, giving them a letter to bear to him, he added, "Here I inform the Father of all these points. He will be in your Assembly, and will make you a present that his Brothers send him; there you will show whether you truly love the French." I suggested these thoughts to Monsieur our governor, and he approved them; but he also amplified them with a thousand praises and a thousand proofs of affection towards our [96] Society. Monsieur the General also said a few words upon this subject, and did all he could to 51 let these Peoples know the high estimation in which the great Captains of France hold these Fathers that they send over to them; and all this was done to dispose them to recognize the God of the French and of the whole Universe. To this discourse a Chief replied that they would not fail to deliver this letter, and to hold a Council upon the Matters proposed. That, as to the rest, their whole Nation loved all the French; and yet, notwithstanding this, the French loved only one of their Villages, since all those who had come up to their Country selected that as their dwelling place. They were answered that, up to the present, they had had only a few of our Frenchmen; and that, if they embraced our belief, they would have some of them [97] in all their villages.
Au sortir du Conseil nous allasmes veoir ceux qui voudroient embarquer le P. le Mercier & le Pere Pijart auec leur petit bagage, pour les porter en leur Pays: le Pere Brebeuf m'en auoit assigné quelquesvns dans ses lettres, mais plusieurs se presentoient; ils regardoient les Pères attentiuement, les mesuroient de leurs yeux, ils demandoient s'ils n'estoient point meschants, s'ils rameroient bien, ils les prenoient par les mains, & leur faisoient signe qu'il faudroit bien remuer l'auiron.
At the conclusion of the Council, we went to see those who were to take on board Father le Mercier and Father Pijart, with their little baggage, to convey them into their Country; Father Brebeuf had designated certain ones to me in his letter, but several presented themselves. They gazed attentively at the Fathers, measured them with their eyes, asked if they were ill-natured, if they paddled well; then took them by the hands, and made signs to them that it would be necessary to handle the paddles well.
En fin le vingt-troisiesme du mesme mois de Iuillet nos Sauuages bien contens, embarquerent nos deux Peres, & vn ieune garçon François, qui a desia passé vne année dans le pays: iamais ie ne vy personnes plus ioyeuses que ces bons Peres, on les fit mettre pieds nuds à l'entrée [98] de leur nauire d'escorce, 52 de peur de les gaster, ils s'y mettent gayement, portans vn œil, & vn visage tout ioyeux, dans les souffrances qu'ils vont rencontrer. Ie me represente vn S. André volant à la Croix; on les separa en trois canots; celuy qui portoit le Pere Pijart estant le premier prest tira droit au bord, c'est à dire au vaisseau de Monsieur le Cheualier, pour luy donner le dernier adieu, & le remercier encore vne fois, des courtoisies fort particulieres qu'il auoit receu de luy, passant dans son nauire depuis la France iusques à Tadoussac. Apres l'auoir salüé Monsieur le Cheualier fit ietter des pruneaux dãs son canot pour les Sauuages qui le menoient, & fit tirer trois volées de canon par honneur. Ces pauures Barbares tressailloiẽt d'aise, mettant la main sur leur bouche en signe d'estonnement.
At last, on the twenty-third of the same month of July, our Savages, well pleased, embarked our two Fathers and a young French boy who has already passed a year in the country. I never saw persons more joyful than were these good Fathers; they had to go barefooted into the [98] bark ships, for fear of spoiling them, and they did this gayly, with glad eyes and faces, notwithstanding the sufferings they were about to encounter. I was reminded of St. Andrew 53 flying to the Cross. They were taken in three different canoes; the one that carried Father Pijart being the first ready, it went directly alongside, that is, of the ship of Monsieur the Chevalier, to say to him his last adieus and to thank him once more for very especial courtesies received from him while crossing in his ship from France to Tadoussac. After having saluted him, Monsieur the Chevalier had some prunes thrown into his canoe for the Savages who were taking him, and had the cannon fired off three times in his honor. These poor Barbarians were thrilled with delight, placing their hands over their mouths as a sign of astonishment.
[99] Le Pere le Mercier vint apres dans son canot, pour recognoistre les obligations qu'il a à Monsieur le General, & prendre congé de luy; il ne sçauoit en quels termes nous tesmoigner le soin qu'il a des nostres, qui passent auec luy dans son vaisseau. Apres les adieux, on ietta aussi des prunes à ses conducteurs, le canon du vaisseau & de la barque, faisant entendre aux Sauuages, qu'ils deuoient auoir grand soin de ceux que nos Capitaines François honoroient auec tant d'affection.
[99] Father le Mercier came afterward in his canoe, to acknowledge the obligations he was under to Monsieur the General, and to take leave of him; the latter did not know how to express the interest he felt in those of our society who had come over with him in his ship. After the farewells, they also threw some prunes to his boatmen, the cannon of the ship and of the bark making these Savages understand that they must take good care of those whom our French Captains honored with so much affection.
Il arriua vne chose plaisante en ces entrefaites, le Pere Buteux en mesme temps remontoit aux trois Riuieres dans vn canot, les Sauuages qui le conduisoient, voyans l'accueil qu'on faisoit aux Peres, & aux Sauuages qui alloient aux Hurons, tirerent comme auoient fait [100] les deux autres canots au vaisseau où estoit Monsieur le General, & Monsieur le Cheualier. Le Pere Buteux leur crie, Ce n'est pas là où il faut aller, ie ne vay pas aux Hurons. Il n'importe, 54 puis qu'on faisoit là du bien à ceux qui portoient nos Peres, ceux-cy en vouloient gouster aussi bien que les autres; aussi leur fit on la mesme courtoisie.
In the midst of these ceremonies a laughable incident occurred. Father Buteux was starting at the same time to return to the three Rivers in a canoe; the Savages who were taking him, seeing the honors bestowed on the Fathers and the Savages who were going to the Hurons, turned, as [100] the other two canoes had done, to the ship where Monsieur the General and Monsieur the Chevalier were. Father Buteux called to them, "You must not go there; I am not going to the Hurons." It did not matter; since favors had there been bestowed upon those who 55 were taking our Fathers, these wished to taste some of them, as well as the others; so they were shown the same courtesy.
Le premier iour d'Aoust le Pere Buteux m'escriuit des trois Riuieres, ou il estoit allé, comme i'ay dit, que les Sauuages Montaignais auoient esleu vn nouueau Capitaine, celuy qu'ils auoient auparauant nõmé Capitanal estant mort dés l'Automne passé: ce Capitanal estoit vn homme de bon sens, grand amy des François; assemblant les Principaux de sa Nation à la mort, il leur enioignit de conseruer cette bonne [101] intelligence auec ses amis, leur disant que pour preuue de l'amour qu'il nous portoit, qu'il desiroit encore apres sa mort demeurer auec nous, & sur l'heure il se fit rapporter de delà le grand fleuue où il estoit, pour mourir auprés de la nouuelle Habitation. Il demanda aussi qu'il fust porté en terre par les mains de nos François, ausquels il destina vn petit present; bref il supplia, qu'on luy donnast sepulture auprés de ses amis. Tout cela luy fut accordé, Monsieur de Champlain a fait mettre vne petite closture à l'entour de son tombeau, pour le rendre remarquable. Si nous eussions esté pour lors aux trois Riuieres, ie ne doute point qu'il ne fust mort Chrestien: I'ay vn grand regret à la mort de cét homme: car il auoit témoigné en plein Conseil, que son dessein estoit d'arrester ceux [102] de sa Nation aupres du fort de la riuiere d'Anguien; il m'en auoit aussi donné parole en particulier, il estoit aymé des siens & des François: c'est ce Capitaine qui rauit il y a deux ans tous ses auditeurs en vne Harangue, dont ie fis mention pour lors. S'il viuoit encore, il fauoriseroit sans doute ce que nous allons entreprendre ce 56 Printemps, pour les pouuoir rendre sedentaires petit à petit.
On the first day of August, Father Buteux wrote me from the three Rivers,—where he had gone, as I have said,—that the Montaignais Savages had elected a new Captain, the one whom they had formerly called Capitanal having died the previous Autumn. This Capitanal was a man of good sense, and a great friend of the French. Assembling the Principal Men of his Nation at the time of his death, he charged them to preserve this good [101] understanding with his friends, telling them that, as a proof of the love he bore us, he would like, even after death, to live with us; and he straightway had himself carried from beyond the great river, where he was, to die near the new Settlement. He also asked to be borne to the grave by the hands of our French, for whom he designated a little present; in short, he begged that he might be buried near his friends. All this was granted him; Monsieur de Champlain has had a little enclosure placed around his grave, to distinguish it. If we had then been at three Rivers, I do not doubt that he would have died a Christian. I was very sorry when this man died; for he had shown in open Council that his purpose was to have the people [102] of his Nation settle near the fort of the Anguien river;13 he had spoken to me also about this in private. He was loved by his people and by the French; it was this Captain who delighted all his hearers by a Speech he made two years ago, which I mentioned at the time. If he still lived, he would without doubt favor what we are going to undertake this Spring, to be able 57 to make them, little by little, a sedentary people.
Comme ainsi soit que ces pauures Barbares soient dés long temps accoustumez à estre faineants, il est difficile qu'ils s'arrestent à cultiuer la terre, s'ils ne sont secourus. Nous auons donc dessein de voir, si quelque famille veut quitter ses courses; s'il s'en trouue quelqu'vne, nous employerons au renouueau trois hommes à planter du bled d'Inde, proche de la nouuelle Habitation [103] des trois Riuieres, où ce peuple se plaist grandement. Si cette famille s'arreste pendant l'hyuer, nous la nourrirons de bled de nostre recolte & de la sienne; car elle mettra aussi la main à l'œuure: si elle ne s'arreste point nous retirerons nostre part, & la laisserons aller.
As it happens that these poor Barbarians have been for a long time accustomed to be idlers, it is hard for them to locate and cultivate the soil unless they are assisted. Our plan now is to see if some family is not willing to give up these wanderings; if one be found, we will in the spring employ three men to plant Indian corn near the new Settlement [103] at the three Rivers, with which these people are greatly pleased. If this family settles there during the winter, we will maintain them with corn from our harvest and from theirs, for they will also work; if they do not stay with us, we will withdraw our assistance and let them go.
Ce seroit vn grand bien, & pour leurs corps, & pour leurs ames, & pour le trafique de ces Messieurs, si ces Nations estoient stables, & si elles se rẽdoient dociles à nostre direction; ce qu'elles feront comme i'espere auec le temps. S'ils sont sedentaires, & s'ils cultiueut la terre, ils ne mourront pas de faim comme il leur arriue souuent dans leurs courses; on les pourra instruire aisément, & les Castors se multiplieront beaucoup; ces animaux sont plus feconds que nos brebis de France, [104] les femelles portent iusques à cinq & six petits chaque année: mais les Sauuages trouuans vne cabane tuent tout, grands & petits, & masles & femelles: il y a danger qu'en fin ils n'exterminent tout à fait l'espece en ces Pays, comme il en est arriué aux Hurons, lesquels n'ont pas vn seul Castor, allans traitter ailleurs les pelleteries qu'ils apportẽt au Magazin de ces Messieurs. Or on fera en 58 sorte que nos Montaignais, auec le temps, s'ils s'arrestent, que chaque famille prenne son cartier pour la chasse, sans se ietter sur les brisees de ses voisins: de plus on leur conseillera de ne tuer que les masles, & encore ceux qui seront grands. S'ils goustent ce conseil, ils auront de la chair & des peaux de Castor en tres-grande abondance.
It would be a great blessing for their bodies, for their souls, and for the traffic of these Gentlemen, if those Tribes were stationary, and if they became docile to our direction, which they will do, I hope, in the course of time. If they are sedentary, and if they cultivate the land, they will not die of hunger, as often happens to them in their wanderings; we shall be able to instruct them easily, and Beavers will greatly multiply. These animals are more prolific than our sheep in France, [104] the females bearing as many as five or six every year; but, when the Savages find a lodge of them, they kill all, great and small, male and female. There is danger that they will finally exterminate the species in this Region, as has happened among the Hurons, who have not a single Beaver, going elsewhere to buy the skins they bring to the storehouse of these Gentlemen. Now it will be so arranged that, in the course of time, each family of our Montaignais, if they become located, will take its own territory for hunting, without 59 following in the tracks of its neighbors; besides, we will counsel them not to kill any but the males, and of those only such as are large. If they act upon this advice, they will have Beaver meat and skins in the greatest abundance.
Quant aux hommes que nous desirons employer pour l'assistance [105] des Sauuages, Monsieur de Champlain nous a promis qu'il nous en accommoderoit de ceux qui sont en l'habitation des trois Riuieres, à raison que ne faisant point défricher pour nous là haut, nous n'y tenons point d'hommes, mais deux Peres tant seulement qui ont soin du salut de nos François. Nous satisferons pour les gages, & pour la nourriture de ces ouuriers, à proportion du temps que nous les occuperons à défricher & cultiuer auec les Sauuages: si i'en pouuois entretenir vne douzaine, ce seroit le vray moyen de gaigner les Sauuages: Nostre Seigneur pour lequel nous entrons dans ce dessein la veille benir par sa bonté, & ouurir les oreilles à ce pauure Peuple abandonné.
As to the men whom we wish to employ for the assistance [105] of the Savages, Monsieur de Champlain has promised us that he would let us have those who are at the settlement of the three Rivers; for, as they have not cleared any land there for us, we do not keep any workmen there, but merely two Fathers who care for the religious needs of our French. We will arrange for the wages and food of these workmen, according to the time we shall employ them in clearing and cultivating the land with our Savages; if I had the means of supporting a dozen, this would be the true way to gain the Savages. May Our Lord, for whom we enter into this project, bless it through his goodness, and open the ears of these poor abandoned People.
Le dixiesme de ce mois le Pere Masse, & le Pere Buteux nous écriuent [106] de la Residence de la Conception, que le bruit est la haut, que les Hiroquois ont défait sept canots de la petite Nation des Algonquains; si cela est la paix dont i'ay parlé cy-dessus est desia rompuë: Car nos Montagnais alliez des Algonquains suiuront leur party.
On the tenth of this month, Father Masse and Father Buteux wrote me [106] from the Residence of the Conception that it was reported there that the Hiroquois had destroyed seven canoes of the petite Nation of the Algonquains;14 if this be true, the peace, of which I have spoken above, is already broken, for our Montagnais allies of the Algonquains will take sides with them.
On m'a rapporté, ie ne sçay s'il est vray, qu'vn certain Sauuage nommé la Grenoüille, qui fait icy du Capitaine, a dit que les Hiroquois, auec lesquels il auoit traitté la paix, les ont incité à tuer quelques Hurons, & de prendre guerre auec eux.
I have heard a report, I do not know how true it is, that a certain Savage named "the Frog" [la Grenoüille], who acts as Captain here, has said that the Hiroquois, with whom he had made a treaty of peace, have incited them to kill some of the Hurons, and to make war against them.
60 Les plus auisez croient que c'est vne ruse de ceux qui traittent auec ces Peuples, & qui s'efforcent par leur entremise, de diuertir les Hurons de commerce qu'ils ont auec nos François; ce qui arriueroit, si nos Montagnais leur faisoient la [107] guerre, & alors ils les attireroient à leurs Habitations, d'où s'ensuiuroit vn tres-notable detrimẽt pour Messieurs les Associez de la Compagnie de la Nouuelle France.
61 Those best informed believe that this is a ruse of those who trade with these Tribes, and who are striving to divert, through their agency, the Hurons from their commerce with our French; which would happen if our Montagnais made [107] war against them; and then they [the traders] would attract them to their Settlements, and there would result a very considerable injury to the Associated Gentlemen of the Company of New France.
Le dix-septiesme du mesme mois d'Aoust, le Pere de Quen arriua à Kebec dans vne chalouppe, qu'enuoyoit le Capitaine Bontemps pour donner aduis de sa venuë à Tadoussac. Or comme on a veu ceste année les glaces espouuantables sur la mer; vne entre autres de trente à quarante lieuës, d'autres disent de soixante lieuës d'estenduë; vn Pilote m'a asseuré qu'ils la costoierent trois iours & trois nuits ayans vn assez bon vent en poupe, & qu'en quelques endroits elle auoit des campagnes toutes rases, & en d'autres elle se releuoit en collines, & en hautes montagnes. De plus on a veu quelques vaisseaux Turcs, au sortir [108] de la Manche, & quelques nauires degradez voguer en mer çà & là sans vergues & sans voiles, qu'on croit auoir esté pris de ces infideles, lesquels abandonnent souuent les vaisseaux qu'ils rauissent, apres auoir enleué tout ce qui est dedans. Comme disie tous ces bruits couroient, nous auions tous perdu l'esperance de veoir le Capitaine Bontemps, la saison de voguer icy se passant; c'est pourquoy sa venuë inesperée a causé d'autant plus de ioye, qu'on eust esté marry qu'vn si braue Capitaine & vn si bel equipage se fust perdu. Le Pere de Quen nous raconta l'occasion de leur retardement, & nous donna sujet de loüer Dieu, qui les a tiré des ombres de la mort, 62 les sauuant d'vn naufrage qui sembloit ineuitable.
On the seventeenth of the same month of August, Father de Quen15 arrived at Kebec in a shallop which Captain Bontemps sent to give the news of his arrival at Tadoussac. Now as frightful icebergs have been seen this year upon the sea,—among others, one from thirty to forty, others say sixty leagues in extent, so large that a Pilot has assured me that he coasted along it for three days and three nights having a fair wind astern, and that in some places it had level plains, in others it rose into hills and high mountains: and since some Turkish vessels had been seen sailing out [108] of the English Channel, and some damaged ships floating here and there on the sea without masts and without sails,—which are believed to have been captured by those infidels, who often abandon ships which they plunder, after having robbed them of all they contain:16 now as all these reports were being circulated, we had all lost hope of seeing Captain Bontemps, the season for sailing to this country having passed. It was this that made his unexpected arrival give us all the more joy, for we would have been sorry if so brave a Captain and so fine a crew had been lost. Father de Quen related to us the cause of their delay, and gave us reason to thank God, who drew them back 63 from the shades of death, saving them from a shipwreck which seemed inevitable.
Le vingt-sixiesme du mesme mois [109] vn ieune homme qui est passé en la Nouuelle France, comme Soldat volontaire dans le vaisseau commãdé par Monsieur le Cheualier de la Roche Iacquelin, a abiuré publiquement les erreurs de Caluin, & embrassé les veritez Chrestiennes & Catholiques. Monsieur le Cheualier le voyant d'vn assez bon naturel, & l'ayant disposé à nous prester l'oreille, prit la peine luy-mesme de l'amener en nostre petite Maison, où par apres il m'est venu trouuer plusieurs fois luy tout seul, pour conferer auec moy; en fin apres luy auoir éclaircy les principaux points de nostre creance, il a voulu reporter à l'Ancienne France, le thresor de la verité que Dieu luy a fait trouuer en la Nouuelle.
On the twenty-sixth of the same month [109] a young man who came over into New France as a volunteer Soldier, in the ship commanded by Monsieur the Chevalier de la Roche Jacquelin, publicly abjured the errors of Calvin, and embraced the Christian and Catholic truths. Monsieur the Chevalier, seeing he had a very good disposition, and having inclined him to lend us an ear, himself took the trouble to bring him to our little House, where he afterwards came to see me several times alone, to confer with me. Finally, after having enlightened him upon the principal points of our belief, he desired to carry back to Old France the treasure of truth which God had led him to find in the New.
Le vingt-septiesme du mesme mois, nous auons veu sur les neuf [110] heures du soir ou enuiron vne grande éclypse de Lune, laquelle à mon aduis n'aura paru en France que sur les deux ou trois heures apres minuit.
On the twenty-seventh of the same month, we saw, towards nine [110] o'clock in the evening or thereabout, a great eclipse of the Moon, which in my opinion did not appear in France until two or three hours after midnight.
Mais il est temps d'arrester ma plume, laquelle ne pourra pas cette année respondre à plusieurs lettres, qu'vne barque qui descend à Tadoussac nous apportera apres le depart des vaisseaux. Il arriue par fois, soit par oubliance ou autrement, qu'on nous rend les lettres quand la flotte a desia fait voile, ce qui fait qu'on ne peut enuoyer les responses la mesme année. Pour nos Francois, & pour nos Peres qui sont au pays des Hurons, on ne doit attendre la response des lettres qu'on leur enuoye de France que deux ans apres: voire mesme si on nous donne icy les lettres qu'on leur adresse [111] pour leur faire tenir, apres le depart des Hurons qui ne descendent à Kebec qu'vne fois 64 l'an, les responses ne seront portées en France qu'au bout de trois ans. I'ay donné cét aduis tout exprés, pour nous excuser enuers plusieurs personnes qui nous font l'honneur de nous escrire, & qui ne voyent point de réponses la mesme année, & quelques-fois n'en voyent point du tout, les lettres ou les responses se perdans dans vne si grande longueur de temps & de chemin. Ie prie Dieu que celles-cy arriuent à bon port auec toute la flotte, elles porteront à vostre Reuerence, pour derniere conclusion, vne supplication tres-humble de se souuenir à l'Autel, & à l'Oratoire de nos pauures Sauuages, & de nous tous qui sommes ses enfans, & de moy particulierement [112] qui en ay plus de besoin que les autres, & qui me diray auec vostre permission, ce que ie suis,
Mon R. P.
Elle nous permettra, s'il luy plaist, d'implorer les prieres de tous nos Peres & de tous nos Freres de sa Prouince, ce que nous faisons encore tous tant que nous sommes, moy qui suis
En la Residence de nostre Dame des Anges, proche Kebec, en la Nouuelle France, ce 28. d'Aoust 1635.
Vostre tres-humble, & tres-obligé seruiteur en nostre Seigneur,
Pavl le Ievne.
ET
66 Et nos Freres Gilbert Burel, Iean Liegeois, Pierre le Tellier, Pierre Feauté.
But it is time to drop my pen, which will not be able this year to answer several letters that a bark which goes down to Tadoussac will bring us after the departure of the ships. It sometimes happens, either from forgetfulness or for some other reason, that they deliver the letters after the fleet has already set sail, so that we cannot send the answers the same year. As to our Frenchmen and our Fathers who are in the country of the Hurons, answers to letters sent from France should not be expected until two years afterwards; indeed, even if letters addressed to them are given to us here [111] to hold for them, after the departure of the Hurons, who come down 65 to Kebec only once a year, the answers will not be carried to France until the end of three years. I have given this information purposely, so as to excuse ourselves to persons who have done us the honor of writing to us, and who do not get their answers the same year, and sometimes do not get them at all, the letters or the replies being lost in so great a lapse of time and so long a journey. I pray God that these may arrive safely, together with all the fleet; they will bear to your Reverence, as a final conclusion, a very humble supplication to remember, at the Altar and in the Oratory, our poor Savages, and all of us who are your children,—especially me, [112] who have more need of it than the others, and who will call myself, with your permission, what I am,
My Reverend Father,
You will permit me, if you please, to implore the prayers of all our Fathers and of all our Brothers in your Province,—as, moreover, do all of us,—I who am,
At the Residence of nostre Dame des Anges, near Kebec, in New-France, this 28th of August, 1635.
Your very humble and greatly obliged servant in our Lord,
Paul le Jeune.
AND
67 And our Brothers Gilbert Burel, Jean Liegeois,20 Pierre le Tellier, Pierre Feauté.
Enuoyée à Kebec au Pere le Ieune, par le P. Brebeuf.
Mon R. Pere,
C'est pour vous rendre compte de nostre voyage en ce Pays des Hurons, lequel a esté remply de plus de fatigues, de pertes & de cousts que l'autre, mais aussi qui a esté suiuy & le sera, Dieu aidant, de plus de benedictions du Ciel.
Sent to Kebec to Father le Jeune, Father Brebeuf.
My Reverend Father,
I send you an account of our journey into this Huron Country. It has been filled with more fatigues, losses and expenses than the other, but also has been followed, and will be, God aiding, by more of Heaven's blessings.
[114] Dés que l'an passé mil six cens trente quatre, nous arriuasmes aux trois Riuieres, où se faisoit la traitte, nous-nous trouuasmes dans plusieurs difficultez & perplexitez. Car d'vn costé il n'y auoit qu'onze canots de Hurons pour nous embarquer dix personnes que nous estions de surcroist, & qui pretendions aller en leur Pays. D'autre costé on estoit extremement en doute s'il en descendroit cette année là d'autres, attendu le grand eschet qu'ils auoient receu en guerre par les Hiroquois, nommez Sonontrerrhonons au Printemps dernier, & la crainte qu'ils auoient d'vne nouuelle armée. Cela nous mettoit fort en doute, si nous deuions prendre l'occasion d'aller telle qu'elle s'offroit, ou en attendre vne meilleure.
[114] When last year, one thousand six hundred and thirty-four, we arrived at the three Rivers, where the trading post was, we found ourselves in several difficulties and perplexities. For, on the one hand, there were only eleven Huron canoes to embark our ten additional persons who were intending to go into their Country. On the other, we were greatly in doubt whether any others would descend this year, considering the great loss they had experienced in war with the Hiroquois, named Sonontrerrhonons,21 last Spring, and the fear they had of a new invasion. This placed us much in doubt whether we ought to take advantage of the opportunity which was presented, or wait for a better one.
En fin tout bien consideré nous [115] resolusmes de tenter fortune, iugeans qu'il importoit du tout, d'auoir vn pied dans le Pays, afin d'en ouurir la porte, qui sembloit estroittement fermée à la Foy. Cette resolution fut encore plus aisée que l'execution, qui 70 parauanture eust esté impossible sans le soin, la faueur & la liberalité de Monsieur du Plessis Bochard General de la flotte: car incõtinent après son arriuée, qui fut le cinquiesme Iuillet 1634. il fit tenir Conseil auec les Bissiriniens, ausquels il proposa le dessein qu'il auoit d'enuoyer quelques-vns auec eux, & de nous ioindre aux Hurons. Ils en firẽt plusieurs difficultez, & l'vn des Capitaines de l'Isle nommé la Perdrix par dessus tous; neantmoins les raisons & les presens les gagnerent.
At last, after full consideration, we [115] resolved to try our fortune, judging that it was of vital importance to have a footing in the Country in order to open the door which seemed firmly closed to the Faith. This resolution was far easier than the execution 71 of it, which perchance would have been impossible without the care, the favor, and the liberality of Monsieur du Plessis Bochard, General of the fleet. For immediately after his arrival, which was on the fifth of July, 1634, he held a Council with the Bissiriniens, to whom he proposed the plan he had of sending some men with them, and of joining us to the Hurons. They made several objections, and one of the Chiefs of the Island, named "the Partridge" [la Perdrix],22 more than all the rest; nevertheless, arguments and presents won them over.
Le lendemain matin l'Assemblée se fit de rechef, par le commandement [116] de Monsieur du Plessis Bochard, où les Bissiriniens & les Hurons se trouuerent. Le mesme dessein leur fut representé; mais pour respect les vns des autres ils resolurẽt tous ensemble de n'embarquer aucun François, & n'y eut pour lors aucune raison qui les peust fléchir. Surquoy nostre entreprise sembloit encore estre rompuë pour ce coup; mais au depart de l'Assemblée vn des Attiguenongha, me tirant à quartier, me dit que ie l'allasse veoir en sa cabane. Là il me fait entendre que luy & son camarade en embarqueroient trois; ie respons que nous ne pouuions aller moins de cinq, sçauoir nous trois, & deux de nos hommes.
The next morning, the Assembly met again, by the command [116] of Monsieur du Plessis Bochard, and both the Bissiriniens and the Hurons were present. The same plan was again presented to them; but out of respect for one another they all agreed not to embark any Frenchmen; and no arguments could, for the time being, move them. Thereupon our enterprise seemed again cut off, by this action. But, at the close of the Assembly, one of the Attiguenongha,23 drawing me aside, asked me to visit him in his cabin. There he gave me to understand that he and his companion would embark three of us. I replied that we could not go unless five went, namely, we three and two of our men.
Sur cela les Arendarhonons s'estant eschauffez à nous embarquer, nous trouuasmes place pour six; si bien que nous resolusmes de [117] partir, & laisser les deux petits garçons que nous deuions mener iusqu'à quelque autre occasion: aussi tost nous distribuasmes nos pacquets, & fismes des presens à vn chacun pour les encourager, & le lendemain septiéme du mois, Mr du Plessis Bochard leur en fit encore d'autres, en consideration seulement de ce qu'ils nous embarquoiẽt, & les festoya tous ensemble d'vn festin de 72 trois grandes chaudieres. Mais la contagion qui a couru l'année passée parmy tous ces Peuples, auec de grands rauages, ayant en vn instant saisi plusieurs de nos Sauuages, & remply tout le reste de peur, nous causa derechef vne grande confusion, & nous mit en de grandes peines, veu qu'il falloit partir sur le champ. Nos six canots estans reduits à trois, & nos deux Peres & moy nous trouuans desembarquez; [118] il me falloit chercher de nouueaux hommes; reprendre nostre petit equipage; deliberer qui s'embarqueroit, & qui demeureroit; choisir entre nos pacquets ceux que nous porterions, & donner ordre pour le reste, & tout cela en moins de demye-heure, où il eust esté besoin des iournées entieres. Neantmoins recognoissans bien que nostre embarquement estoit vn coup de partie pour le Ciel, nous pensasmes qu'il falloit y faire tous nos efforts, pour resister à ceux de l'ennemy commun du salut des hommes, que nous ne doutions nullement s'estre meslé dans cét affaire. I'y fis tout mõ pouuoir, nous redoublasmes les presens, nous diminuasmes nostre petit bagage, & prismes seulement ce qui concernoit le sainct Sacrifice de la Messe, & ce qui estoit absolument necessaire pour la vie. Monsieur [119] du Plessis y interposa son authorité, Monsieur Oliuer & Monsieur Coullart leur industrie, & tous les François leur affection. Cependant ie vis par plusieurs fois tout renuersé & desesperé, iusqu'à ce que i'eus particulierement recours à nostre Seigneur Iesvs, pour l'vnique gloire duquel nous entreprenions ce penible voyage, & que i'eus fait vn vœu au glorieux sainct Ioseph nouueau Patriarche des Hurons. Car aussi-tost ie vis tout se calmer, & nos Sauuages si contens, que ceux qui embarquerent 74 le Pere Daniel l'auoient desia mis dans leur canot, & sembloit qu'ils l'alloiẽt emmener, sans auoir encore receu la paye ordinaire. Mais ledit Pere voyant qu'ils n'auoient point de capots comme les autres, sort du canot, m'en aduertit, & ie leur en fais donner.
Thereupon the Arendarhonons24 became eager to embark us; we found place for six, and so we resolved to [117] set out, and leave until some other time the two little boys we were to take. We began to distribute our baggage, and made presents to each one, to encourage them; and on the morrow, the seventh of the month, Monsieur du Plessis Bochard gave them still others, on the single consideration that they would embark us, and feasted all of them at a great feast of three large kettles. But the contagion 73 which spread among all these Tribes last year, with great destruction, having suddenly seized several of our Savages, and filled the rest with fear, again threw us into confusion, and put us to great trouble, seeing that we had to set out immediately. Our six canoes being reduced to three, and our two Fathers and I being disembarked, [118] I had to find new men, to unload our slender baggage, to decide who should embark and who should remain, to choose among our packages those we were to carry, and to give orders as to the rest,—and all this in less than half an hour, when we would have needed entire days. Nevertheless, recognizing clearly that our embarkment was a decisive stroke for Heaven, we thought it necessary to put forth our utmost energies to resist the efforts of the common enemy of man's salvation, who, we doubted not, was mixed up in this matter. I therefore did everything I could; we doubled the presents, we reduced the amount of our baggage, and took only what belonged to the holy Sacrifice of the Mass, and what was absolutely necessary for life. Monsieur [119] du Plessis interposed his authority, Monsieur Oliver and Monsieur Coullart their ingenuity, and all the Frenchmen their affection. Yet several times I was completely baffled and desperate, until I had special recourse to our Lord Jesus, for whose glory alone we were undertaking this painful journey, and until I had made a vow to glorious saint Joseph, the new Patriarch of the Hurons. Immediately I saw everything become quiet, and our Savages so satisfied that those who embarked Father Daniel had already placed him in their canoe, and it seemed as if they were going to take him without even receiving the ordinary pay. 75 But the Father, seeing that they had not cloaks like the others, stepped out of the canoe, told me about it, and I had some given to them.
En fin donc apres auoir briéuement [120] remercié Mr du Plessis, luy auoir recommandé l'embarquement du reste de nos gens, si l'occasion se presentoit, & luy auoir dit adieu, & à tous nos François: Ie m'embarquay auec le Pere Antoine Daniel, & vn de nos hommes; les deux autres venoient auec les Algonquains. Monsieur du Plessis honora nostre depart de plusieurs canonnades, afin de nous rendre encore plus recommandables à nos Sauuages. Ce fut le septiesme Iuillet. Le P. Ambroise Dauost s'embarqua huict iours apres auec deux autres de nos gens. Le reste suiuit huict iours apres, pour prendre sa part des fatigues d'vn voyage tres fascheux, non seulement à raison de sa longueur, & de la mauuaise chere qu'on y fait, mais encore pour les circuits qu'il faut faire de Kebec iusques icy par les Bissiriniens & la petite Nation; ie [121] croy qu'il y en a pour plus de trois cens lieuës. Il est vray que le chemin est plus court par le Saut de S. Louys, & par le Lac des Hiroquois, mais la crainte des ennemis, & le peu de commodité qui s'y rencontre, en rẽd le passage desert. De deux difficultez ordinaires, la premiere est celle des sauts & portages. Vostre Reuerence a desia assez veu de sauts d'eau vers Kebec, pour sçauoir ce qui en est: toutes les riuieres de ces Pays en sont pleines, & notamment la riuiere de S. Laurens, depuis qu'on a passé celle des Prairies. Car de là en auant elle n'a plus son lit égal, mais se brise en plusieurs endroits, 76 roulant & sautant effroyablement, à guise d'vn torrent impetueux, & mesmes en quelques endroits elle tombe tout à coup de haut en bas, de la hauteur de plusieurs brasses. Ie me souuenois [122] en passant des Catadoupes du Nil, à ce qu'en disent nos Historiens. Or quand on approche de ces cheutes ou torrens, il faut mettre pied à terre, & porter au col à trauers les bois, ou sur de hautes & facheuses roches, tous les pacquets & les canots mesmes. Cela ne se fait pas sans beaucoup de trauail, car il y a des portages d'vne, de deux & de trois lieuës, ioint qu'il faut en chacun faire plusieurs voyages, si on a tãt soit peu de pacquets. En quelques endroits, qui ne sont pas moins rapides que ces portages; mais neantmoins plus aisez à l'abord, les Sauuages entrans dans l'eau, trainent & conduisent à la main leurs canots, auec d'extremes peines & dangers; car ils en ont par fois iusques au col, si bien qu'ils sont contraints de quitter prise, & se sauuer comme ils peuuent de la rapidité de l'eau, qui emporte & [123] leur arrache le canot. Cela est arriué à vn de nos François, qui demeura seul dans le canot, tous les Sauuages l'ayans laissé aller au gré du torrent mais son adresse & sa force luy sauuerent la vie, & le canot aussi, auec tout ce qui estoit dedans. I'ay supputé le nombre des portages, & ie trouue que nous auons porté trente cinq fois, & traisné pour le moins cinquante. Ie me suis quelquefois meslé d'aider à mes Sa[u]uages: mais le fond de la riuiere est de pierres si tranchantes, que ie ne pouuois marcher long-temps estant nuds pieds.
At last, then, after having briefly [120] thanked Monsieur du Plessis, having entrusted to him the embarkation of the rest of our people, if opportunity presented itself, and having bid him and all our Frenchmen adieu, I embarked with Father Antoine Daniel and one of our men; the two others were coming with the Algonquains. Monsieur du Plessis honored our departure with several volleys, to recommend us still more to our Savages. It was the seventh of July. Father Ambroise Davost embarked eight days later, with two others of our people. The rest followed eight days after, to take their part in the fatigues of a journey extremely wearisome, not only on account of its length and of the wretched fare to be had, but also on account of the circuits that have to be made in coming from Kebec to this place by way of the Bissiriniens and the petite Nation; I [121] believe that they amount to more than three hundred leagues. It is true the way is shorter by the Saut de St. Louys and the Lake of the Hiroquois; but the fear of enemies, and the few conveniences to be met with, cause that route to be unfrequented. Of two ordinary difficulties, the chief is that of the rapids and portages. Your Reverence has already seen enough of the rapids near Kebec to know what they are. All the rivers of this Country are full of them, and notably the St. Lawrence after that of the Prairies25 is passed. For from there onward it has no longer a smooth bed, but is broken up in several places, rolling and leaping in a frightful way, like an impetuous torrent; and even, in some places, it falls 77 down suddenly from a height of several brasses. I remembered, [122] in passing, the Cataracts of the Nile, as they are described by our Historians. Now when these rapids or torrents are reached, it is necessary to land, and carry on the shoulder, through woods or over high and troublesome rocks, all the baggage and the canoes themselves. This is not done without much work; for there are portages of one, two, and three leagues, and for each several trips must be made, no matter how few packages one has. In some places, where the current is not less strong than in these rapids, although easier at first, the Savages get into the water, and haul and guide by hand their canoes with extreme difficulty and danger; for they sometimes get in up to the neck and are compelled to let go their hold, saving themselves as best they can from the rapidity of the water, which snatches [123] from them and bears off their canoe. This happened to one of our Frenchmen who remained alone in the canoe, all the Savages having left it to the mercy of the torrent; but his skill and strength saved his life, and the canoe also, with all that was in it. I kept count of the number of portages, and found that we carried our canoes thirty-five times, and dragged them at least fifty. I sometimes took a hand in helping my Savages; but the bottom of the river is full of stones, so sharp that I could not walk long, being barefooted.
La deuxiesme difficulté ordinaire est pour le viure; souuent il faut ieusner, si l'on vient à perdre les caches qu'on a faites en descendant, & quand on les 78 retrouue, on ne laisse pas d'auoir bon appetit apres s'y estre traicté. Car le manger ordinaire n'est que d'vn peu de bled d'Inde [124] cassé assez grossierement entre deux pierres, & quelquefois tout entier dans de l'eau pure. Cela n'est pas de grand goust. Quelquesfois on a du poisson, mais c'est hazard, excepté quand on passe quelque Nation où l'on en peut acheter. Adioustez à ces difficultez, qu'il faut coucher sur la terre nuẽ, ou sur quelque dure roche, faute de trouuer dix ou douze pieds de terre en quarré pour placer vne chetiue cabane; qu'il faut sentir incessammẽt la puanteur des Sauuages recreus, marcher dãs les eaux, dãs les fanges, dans l'obscurité & l'embaras des forests, où les piqueures d'vne multitude infinie de mousquilles & cousins vous importunent fort.
The second ordinary difficulty, is in regard to provisions. Frequently one has to fast, if he misses the caches that were made when descending; and, even if they are found, one does not fail to have a good appetite after indulging in them; for the ordinary food is only a little Indian corn [124] coarsely broken 79 between two stones, and sometimes taken whole in pure water; it is no great treat. Occasionally one has fish, but it is only a chance, unless one is passing some Tribe where they can be bought. Add to these difficulties that one must sleep on the bare earth, or on a hard rock, for lack of a space ten or twelve feet square on which to place a wretched hut; that one must endure continually the stench of tired-out Savages; and must walk in water, in mud, in the obscurity and entanglement of the forest, where the stings of an infinite number of mosquitoes and gnats are a serious annoyance.
Ie laisse à part vn long & ennuyeux silence où l'on est reduit. I'entends pour les nouueaux qui n'ont par fois en leur compagnie personne de leur langue, & ne sçauent [125] celle des Sauuages. Or ces difficultez comme elles sont ordinaires, aussi nous ont elles esté communes auec tous ceux qui viennent en ces Pays. Mais en nostre voyage nous en auons eu tous d'extraordinaires. La premiere a esté qu'il nous a fallu continuellement ramer, ny plus ny moins que les Sauuages: de sorte que ie n'auois le loisir de reciter mon Breuiaire sinon à la couchée, lors que i'eusse eu plus de besoin de repos que de trauail. L'autre a esté qu'il nous falloit porter nos pacquets, és portages, ce qui nous estoit aussi dur que nouueau, & encore plus aux autres qu'à moy, qui sçait desia vn peu ce que c'est que de fatigue. A chaque portage il me falloit faire au moins quatre voyages, les autres n'en 80 faisoiẽt gueres moins. I'estois desia venu aux Hurõs vne autre fois, mais ie n'auois point manié [126] l'auiron, ny porté de fardeaux non plus que les autres Religieux, qui auoient aussi fait le mesme chemin. Mais en ce voyage il nous a fallu tous commencer par ces experiences à porter la Croix que Nostre Seigneur nous presente pour son honneur, & pour le salut de ces pauures Barbares. Certes ie me suis trouué quelquesfois si las, que le corps n'en pouuoit plus. Mais d'ailleurs mon ame ressentoit de tres-grands contentemens, considerant que ie souffrois pour Dieu: nul ne le sçait, s'il ne l'experimente. Tous n'en ont pas esté quittes à si bon marché.
I say nothing of the long and wearisome silence to which one is reduced, I mean in the case of newcomers, who have, for the time, no person in their company who speaks their own tongue, and who do not understand [125] that of the Savages. Now these difficulties, since they are the usual ones, were common to us as to all those who come into this Country. But on our journey we all had to encounter difficulties which were unusual. The first was that we were compelled to paddle continually, just as much as the Savages; so that I had not the leisure to recite my Breviary except when I lay down to sleep, when I had more need of rest than of work. The other was that we had to carry our packages at the portages, which was as laborious for us as it was new, and still more for others than it was for me, who already knew a little what it is to be fatigued. At every portage I had to make at least four trips, the others had scarcely fewer. I had once before made the journey to the Hurons, but I did not then ply [126] the paddles, nor carry burdens; nor did the other Religious who made the same journey. 81 But, in this journey, we all had to begin by these experiences to bear the Cross that Our Lord presents to us for his honor, and for the salvation of these poor Barbarians. In truth, I was sometimes so weary that the body could do no more, but at the same time my soul experienced very deep peace, considering that I was suffering for God; no one knows it if he has not experienced it. All did not get off so cheaply.
Le Pere Dauost, entre autres, a esté tres-mal mené; on luy a dérobé beaucoup de son petit equipage; on l'a contraint de ietter vn petit moulin d'acier, & quasi tous nos liures, quelques linges, & vne bonne partie [127] du papier que nous portions, dont nous auons grand besoin. On l'abandonna à l'Isle parmy les Algonquains, où il a eu dequoy souffrir à bonnes enseignes. Quand il arriua aux Hurons, il estoit si défait & abbatu, que de long-temps il ne pût se remettre.
Father Davost, among others, was very badly treated. They stole from him much of his little outfit. They compelled him to throw away a little steel mill, and almost all our books, some linen, and a good part [127] of the paper that we were taking, and of which we have great need. They deserted him at the Island, among the Algonquains, where he suffered in good earnest. When he reached the Hurons, he was so worn-out and dejected that for a long time he could not get over it.
Le Pere Daniel fut delaissé & contraint de changer de canot, comme aussi pareillemẽt Pierre l'vn de nos hommes; le petit Martin fut bien rudement traitté, & en fin abandonné aux Bissiriniens, où il demeura si long-temps, qu'il fut quelques deux mois en chemin, & n'arriua aux Hurons que le dix-neufiéme de Septembre. Baron fut volé par les siens la mesme iournée qu'il arriua en ces contrées, & eust encore bien plus perdu, s'il ne les eust contraints par la peur de ses armes luy en rendre quelque partie. Bref [128] tous les François y ont souffert de grandes peines, 82 fait de grosses dépenses, eu égard à leurs petites commoditez, & couru de notables dangers. Et quiconque montera icy haut, se doit resoudre à tout cela, & à quelque chose de plus; mesme à la mort, dont on voit à chaque moment l'Image deuant les yeux. Pour moy qui ne sçais point nager ie m'en suis veu vne fois fort proche: car au partir des Bissiriniens en descendant vn saut, nous-nous en allions tomber dedans vn precipice, si mes Sauuages n'eussent promptement & habilement sauté en l'eau, pour destourner le canot que le courant emportoit. Il est croyable que les autres en pourroient bien dire autant & plus, veu le nombre qu'il y a de semblables rencontres. Trois autres difficultez m'ont donné de la peine en mon particulier. La premiere, [129] l'importunité que mes gens me firent du commencement, pour cacher en quelque part vne quaisse qu'vn de nos François auoit mise dãs nostre canot. La seconde, le soing de ceux de nos gens, que nous auions laissé derriere. La troisiesme, que les Algonquains par où nous passions taschoient de nous intimider, disans que les Hurons nous tueroiẽt, comme ils auoient fait en la personne de Brulé, desirans de nous retenir chez eux, auec beaucoup de demonstration de bienueillance. Depuis nostre arriuée, i'ay appris que le Maistre de mon canot auoit ietté en auant de me degrader en quelque part, auec mon petit bagage; mais que sa proposition auoit esté aussi-tost rebuttée; aussi ne m'en fit-on iamais aucun semblant. Tout cela, Dieu mercy, ne me tourmenta pas beaucoup. Car leur ayant declaré [130] que ie porterois moy-mesme la quaisse dont il estoit question, quoy qu'ils en eussent receu le port; ie me resigné, quant au reste, à la volonté de Dieu, prest à 84 mourir pour l'honneur de son Fils nostre bon Seigneur, & pour le salut de ces pauures Peuples.
Father Daniel was abandoned, and compelled to seek another canoe, as also was Pierre, one of our men. Little Martin was very roughly treated, and at last was left behind with the Bissiriniens, where he remained so long that he was about two months on the road, and only arrived among the Hurons on the nineteenth of September. Baron26 was robbed by his savages on the very day he arrived in these regions; and he would have lost much more if he had not compelled them, through fear of his arms, to give him back a part of what they had taken. In short, [128] all the Frenchmen suffered great hardships, incurred great expense, considering the few goods they had, and ran remarkable risks. And whosoever will come up here must make up his mind 83 to all this, and to something more, even to death itself, whose Image we see every moment before our eyes. For myself, not knowing how to swim, I once had a very narrow escape from drowning. As we were leaving the Bissiriniens, while descending a rapid we would have gone over a precipice, had not my Savages promptly and skillfully leaped into the water, to turn aside the canoe which the current was sweeping on. It is probable that the others might say as much, and more, considering the number of such incidents there are. Three other difficulties gave trouble to me in particular. The first [129] was the importunity of my men, at the start, to hide somewhere a box that one of our Frenchmen had put into our canoe. The second was anxiety for those of our men we had left behind. The third, that the Algonquains, through whose territory we were passing, tried to intimidate us, saying that the Hurons would kill us as they had Brulé, and desiring to keep us among them, with abundant demonstrations of good will. Since our arrival, I have learned that the Master of my canoe had proposed to land me somewhere with my little baggage, but that his proposal had been at once repelled, and so I saw no sign of anything of the kind. All that, thank God, did not trouble me much; for having declared to them [130] that I would myself carry the box about which the trouble arose, although they had received pay to carry it, I resigned myself as far, as everything else was concerned, to the will of God, ready to die for the honor of his Son, our good Lord, and for the salvation of these poor Peoples.
Ie ne sçay pas quand on parla de me quitter; mais mes Saunages me témoignoient tãt d'affection, & disoiẽt tãt de bien de nous aux autres, qu'ils faisoiẽt enuie à tous les Hurõs que nous rencõtrions, d'embarquer quelqu'vn des nostres. Cela me fait douter, si ce qu'on m'a dit du Maistre de mon canot est vray. Car ceux qui auoiẽt embarqué le Pere Daniel & Baron, voulurent les quitter à l'Isle; mais le Maistre du canot où estoit le Pere Daniel, le voyant mescontent de cela, le fit aussi-tost embarquer, & le porta iusques à ce qu'ils eussent rencontré [131] le Capitaine de la Rochelle, lequel estant de la cognoissance du Pere, pour l'auoir voulu conduire l'an passé, le mit volontiers dans son canot, auec ses deux pacquets. Il luy fit plaisir, & aux Sauuages aussi; car le Pere eust eu encore bien de la peine dans vn canot fort chetif, qui n'auoit que trois hommes languissans, & dont la demeure estoit à douze lieuës loing de la nostre: là où ce Capitaine demeuroit au village, où nous auiõs quelque dessein de nous habituer, & assez proche du lieu où nous sommes; & d'ailleurs son canot estoit fort, & equippé de six puissans Sauuages tous sains & gaillards. Ce bon eschange luy arriua la veille de sainct Ignace au matin, ayant fait le iour precedent naufrage par deux fois. Pour Baron, n'eust esté le Capitaine de l'Isle qui fit remettre ses pacquets dans les canots, [132] il y fust demeuré. Encore ses gens ne luy furent pas si barbares, comme furent autresfois à vn de nos François, ceux qui le ramenoient des Hurons à Kebec. Ce ieune homme surnommé la Marche fust mort dans les bois, si nous n'eussions eu le soin 86 & le credit de le renuoyer chercher plus d'vne lieuë loing du lieu où nous-nous en apperceusmes.
I do not know when they spoke of leaving me; but my Savages exhibited so much affection for me, 85 and said so much that is kind about us to others, that they excited the desire in all the Hurons we met to embark some one of our people. This makes me doubt the truth of what has been said about the Master of my canoe. For those who had embarked Father Daniel and Baron wished to leave them at the Island; but the Master of the canoe in which Father Daniel was, seeing him dissatisfied at that, caused him to embark at once, and carried him until they met [131] the Captain of la Rochelle,27 who, knowing the Father from having wished to take him last year, willingly received him with his two packages into his canoe. It pleased him, and the Savages also; for the Father would have still had much trouble in a wretched canoe which had only three sick men in it, whose home was twelve leagues distant from ours; this Captain lived at a village where we had some intention of settling, and quite near the place where we are. Besides, his canoe was strong, and manned by six powerful Savages, quite healthy and good-natured. This happy exchange happened to him the morning of the day before the festival of saint Ignace, he having been shipwrecked twice the previous day. As to Baron, had it not been for the Captain of the Island, who caused his baggage to be put back into the canoes, [132] he would have remained there. Still, his people were not so barbarous as formerly were those who brought back one of our Frenchmen from the Hurons to Kebec. This young man, surnamed la Marche, would have died in the woods, if we had not had the care and the interest to send back in search of him more than a league from the place where we missed him.
Il ne faut quelquefois qu'vn mot, quelquefois qu'vn songe, quelque fantaisie, ou la moindre pensée d'incommodité, pour faire dégrader ou mettre à terre, i'ose dire, pour faire massacrer vn hõme, ainsi qu'il arriua l'an passé à vn pauure Algõquain, qui fut abandonné en vn saut par son propre neueu: & il n'y a pas vn mois qu'vn pauure ieune homme aussi Algonquain, estant tombé dans le feu, fut tué auprés de nostre village par ceux de sa Nation, de peur qu'ils auoient [133] d'en estre incommodez dans le canot. Ce qui me persuade qu'ils l'assommerent, c'est la coustume qu'ils en ont; que les Hurons le disoient; & que le soir auparauant il mangeoit bien, & en bonne quantité de ce que nous luy donnions; outre que deux Algonquains nous asseurerent, qu'on estoit dans la pensée de le trépaner d'vn coup ou deux de hache. Vostre Reuerence a veu ou sceu de semblables cas en son hyuernement auec les Sauuages. En vn mot, il faut se resoudre à beaucoup de dangers euidens, & de grandes fatigues, qui veut venir icy. I'attribue neantmoins toutes ces difficultez extraordinaires à la maladie de nos Sauuages. Car nous sçauons assez combien les maladies alterent les humeurs, & les complexions mesmes des plus sociables. Ie ne sçay pas à quel prix nos François, & les Montagnais [134] en aurõt esté quittes. Biẽ sçay je que la pluspart des Mõtagnais qui estoient aux trois Riuieres quand nous-nous embarquasmes, estoient malades, & que plusieurs en mouroient; comme aussi, qu'il n'est quasi point reuenu de canot de la traitte, qui n'aye esté affligé de ceste contagiõ. Elle a esté si vniuerselle 88 parmy les Sauuages de nostre cognoissance, que ie ne sçay si aucun en a euité les atteintes. Tous ces pauures gents en ont esté fort incommodez, notamment pendant l'Automne, tant en leurs pesches qu'en leurs moissons. Plusieurs bleds sont demeurez sous les neiges, grand nombre de personnes sont mortes; il y en a encore à present qui ne sont pas gueris. Cette maladie commençoit par des ardeurs violentes, qui estoient suiuies d'vne espece de rougeolle, ou petite verolle, differente [135] toutesfois de celle de Frãce, accompagnée en plusieurs d'aueuglement pour quelques iours, ou obscurcissement de veuë, & en fin se terminoit en vn flux de ventre, qui en a conduit plusieurs, & en conduit encore quelques-vns au tombeau.
Sometimes a word, or a dream, or a fancy, or even 87 the smallest sense of inconvenience, is enough to cause them to illtreat, or set ashore, and I dare say to murder one,—as happened last year to a poor Algonquain, who was abandoned in a rapid by his own nephew; and, not a month ago, a poor young man, also an Algonquain, having fallen into the fire, was killed near our village by his own Tribesmen, for fear he might [133] be an inconvenience in the canoe. What makes me believe they killed him is that it is the custom among them; that the Hurons said so; and that, the evening before, he ate heartily a good quantity of what we gave him; besides, two Algonquains assured us that they had a mind to brain him with one or two blows of an axe. Your Reverence has seen or known of similar cases in your winter's stay among the Savages. In a word, he who thinks of coming here must make up his mind to many obvious dangers and to great fatigues. I attribute, nevertheless, all these extraordinary difficulties to the sickness among our Savages. For we know very well how sickness alters the disposition and the inclinations even of the most sociable. I know not at what price our French and the Montagnais [134] will have become rid of it. I know, indeed, that the greater part of the Montagnais who were at the three Rivers when we embarked were sick, and that many of them died; and also that almost no one who returned by canoe from trading, was not afflicted with this contagion. It has been so universal among the Savages of our acquaintance that I do not know if one has escaped its attacks. All these poor people have been much inconvenienced by it, particularly during the Autumn, as much in their fishing as in their harvesting. Many crops are lying beneath the 89 snow; a large number of persons are dead; there are still some who have not recovered. This sickness began with violent fever, which was followed by a sort of measles or smallpox, different, [135] however, from that common in France, accompanied in several cases by blindness for some days, or by dimness of sight, and terminated at length by diarrhœa which has carried off many and is still bringing some to the grave.
Parmy ces peines & dangers, nous auons de grandes obligations à la prouidence & bonté paternelle de nostre Seigneur: car ny par les chemins, ny dedans le Pays, pas vn de nous n'a esté pris de ce mal, ny cedé à la faim, ou perdu l'appétit. Quelques-vns ont eu du depuis quelque legere atteinte de maladie, mais cela s'est passé en peu de iours. Nostre Seigneur soit loüé à iamais, & la tres-immaculée Vierge, auec son tres-chaste Espoux, de cette singuliere faueur, qui nous a beaucoup aidé pour authoriser nostre Foy parmy ces Peuples.
Among these troubles and dangers, we owe much to the care and fatherly goodness of our Lord; for neither on the journey hither, nor while in this Country, has one of us been taken with this sickness, nor yielded to hunger, nor lost appetite. Some have had since then light attacks of sickness, but they have passed away in a few days. Our Lord be forever praised, and the most immaculate Virgin with her most chaste Spouse, for this singular favor, which has aided us much in giving authority to our Faith among these Peoples.
[136] I'arriué aux Hurons le cinquiesme d'Aoust, iour de nostre Dame des Neiges; ayant demeuré trente iours par les chemins, en continuel trauail, excepté vn iour de repos que nous prismes au pays des Bissiriniens. Tous les autres, excepté Robert le Coq & Dominique, demeurerent bien dauantage, quoy que d'ordinaire le voyage ne soit que de 20. iours ou enuiron. Ie pris terre au port du village de Toanché 90 ou de Teandeouïata, où autresfois nous estions habituez; mais ce fut auec vne petite disgrace, nostre Seigneur nous voulant faire cognoistre dés l'entrée, qu'il nous appelle icy afin d'y endurer. Mes Sauuages s'oublians des caresses que ie leur avois fait, & de l'assistance que ie leur auois rendu, pendant leurs maladies, & outre cela des belles paroles & promesses qu'ils m'auoient faites, apres m'auoir [137] debarqué, auec quelques ornemens d'Eglise, & quelque autre petit equipage, m'abandonnerent là tout seul, sans viures, ny sans cabane, & reprindrent leur route vers leurs villages, distans de quelques sept lieuës; le mal estoit, que le village de Toanché auoit changé depuis mon depart, & que ie ne sçauois pas bonnement en quel endroit il estoit situé, & que ce riuage n'estant plus hanté, ie ne pouuois pas bien m'asseurer du chemin, & que quand ie l'eusse sceu, ny ma foiblesse ne m'eust pas permis de porter tout mon petit bagage à la fois, ny le hazard du lieu d'en faire à deux. C'est pourquoy ie priois mes Sauuages de m'accompagner iusques au village, ou au moins de coucher en ce bord pour cette nuiét, & garder mes hardes tandis que i'irois prendre langue. Mais leurs oreilles estoient sourdes [138] à mes prieres, & à mes remonstrances. Pour toute consolation ils me dirent que quelqu'vn me viendroit trouuer là. Il fallut auoir patience: ils partent, & ie me prosterne aussitost à genoux, pour remercier Dieu, nostre Dame, & sainct Ioseph, des faueurs & des graces que i'auois receu durant le voyage. Ie saluay l'Ange tutelaire du Pays, & m'offris à nostre Seigneur, auec tous nos petits trauaux, pour le salut de ces pauures Peuples, prenant esperãce que Dieu ne m'abandonneroit point 92 là, puis qu'il m'auoit conserué & conduit auec tant de faueurs. Apres ayant consideré que cet abbord estoit desert, & que i'y pourrois bien demeurer longtemps, auant qu'aucun du village m'y vinst trouuer; ie caché mes pacquets dedans les bois, & prenant auec moy ce que i'auois de plus precieux, ie m'en allé chercher le [139] village, que ie rencontré heureusemẽt enuiron à trois quarts de lieuës, ayant en passant veu auec attendrissement & ressentiment le lieu où nous auions habité, & celebré le S. sacrifice de la Messe trois ans durant, cõuerty en vn beau champ; comme aussi la place du vieux village, où excepté vne cabane rien ne restoit que les ruines des autres. Ie vis pareillement l'endroit où le pauure Estienne Brulé auoit esté barbarement & traistreusement assommé; ce qui me fit pẽser que quelque iour on nous pourroit bien traitter de la sorte, & desirer au moins que ce fust en pourchassant la gloire de N. Seig. Dés aussi-tost que ie fus apperceu au village, & qu'on eust crié, voyla Echom reuenu, c'est ainsi qu'ils me nommẽt, tout le monde sortit pour me salüer & bienueigner, chacun m'appellant par mon nom, & me [140] disant: Quoy Echom, mon nepueu, mon frere, mon cousin, es tu donc reuenu? Mais sans m'arrester, parce que la nuict s'approchoit, ie prends logis, & m'y estant bien peu de temps rafraischy, ie sors aussi-tost auec vne bande de ieunes gens volontaires, pour aller reprendre mon petit bagage. Il estoit vne heure de nuict quand nous fusmes de retour au village. Ie me logeay chez vn nommé Aouandoïé, lequel est, ou au moins a esté vn des plus riches des Hurons. Ce que ie fis à dessein, par ce qu'vn autre moins fort eust pû estre incommodé du grand nombre 94 de François que i'attendois, & qu'il falloit nourrir iusques à ce que nous fussions tous assemblez, & que nostre cabane fust faite. Vous pouuez vous loger où vous voulez, car ceste Nation entre toutes les autres, est fort hospitaliere enuers toute sorte [141] de personnes, mesmes enuers les Estrangers: & vous y demeurez tant qu'il vous plaist, tousiours bien traité à la façon du pays, & au partir de là vous en voyla quitte pour vn, ho, ho, ho, outoécti, ou vn grand mercy, au moins par entre-eux. Car des François ils attendent quelque recompense, à discretion toutesfois. Il est bien vray que tous ne sont pas également hospitaliers, il y a du plus & du moins. Mon hoste est des premiers en ceste vertu, & peut-estre est-ce pour ce sujet que Dieu l'a cõblé iusques à present de benedictiõs temporelles, & l'a preserué entre tous ses Concitoyens. Car leur village nommé Teandeouïhata, ayant esté bruslé par deux fois, il n'y a eu en toutes les deux fois, que sa seule maison exempte de l'embrasement. Quelques vns attribuent cela au fort; pour moy ie le rapporte à vne [142] cause plus noble; & si ie me souuiens d'vn bon trait, soit de prudence, soit d'humanité, dont il se seruit au premier embrasement; car l'enuie s'estant allumée contre luy, & quelques-vns voulant perdre sa cabane, que le feu auoit espargnée, aussi tost il fait mettre chaudiere haute, appreste vn bon festin, conuie tout le village, & les ayant assemblez, leur fait ceste harangue. Mes freres, i'ay vn tres-sensible déplaisir de l'accident qui est arriué; mais qu'y ferions nous, c'en est fait. Pour moy ie ne sçay pas ce que i'ay fait au Ciel, pour auoir esté espargné entre tous les autres. Or pour vous tesmoigner mon déplaisir, & le desir que i'ay de 96 participer à la calamité commune, voyla deux quaisses de bled (elles tenoient pour le moins cent ou six vingts boisseaux) i'en donne vne de bon cœur à tout le [143] village. Cette action appaisa l'enuie, & esteignit les mauuais desseins que l'on couuoit desia contre luy. C'est faire sagement, que de perdre vne partie pour sauuer le reste.
[136] I arrived among the Hurons on the fifth of August, the day of our Lady of the Snows, after being thirty days on the road in continual work, except one day of rest, which we took in the country of the Bissiriniens. All the others, except Robert le Coq and Dominique, took much longer; although usually the journey is only 20 days, or thereabout. I landed at the port of the village of Toanché or of Teandeouïata, where we had formerly lived; but it was with a little misfortune, our Lord wishing us to recognize from the beginning that he is calling us here to suffer. My Savages,—forgetting the kindness I had lavished upon them and the help I had afforded them in their sickness, and notwithstanding 91 all the fair words and promises they had given me,—after having [137] landed me with some Church ornaments and some other little outfit, left me there quite alone, without any provisions and without shelter, and resumed their route toward their villages, some seven leagues distant. My trouble was that the village of Toanché28 had changed since my departure, and that I did not know precisely in what place it was situated. The shore being no longer frequented, I could not easily ascertain my way; and, if I had known it, I could not from weakness have carried all my little baggage at once; nor could I risk, in that place, doing this in two trips. That is why I entreated my Savages to accompany me as far as the village, or at least to sleep on the shore for the night, to watch my clothes while I went to make inquiries. But their ears were deaf [138] to my prayers and my remonstrances. The only consolation they gave me was to tell me that some one would find me there. I was obliged to be patient; they went away, and I prostrated myself at once upon my knees to thank God, our Lady, and saint Joseph, for the favors and mercies I had received during the voyage. I saluted the tutelary Angel of the Country, and offered myself to our Lord, with all our little labors, for the salvation of these poor Peoples, taking hope that God would not abandon me there, since he had preserved and led me with so many favors. Then, having considered that this shore was deserted, and that I might indeed remain there a long time before any one in the village would come to find me, I hid my packages in the woods; and, taking with me what was most precious, I set out to find the [139] village, which fortunately I came upon at about 93 three-quarters of a league,—having seen with tenderness and emotion, as I passed along, the place where we had lived, and had celebrated the Holy sacrifice of the Mass during three years, now turned into a fine field; and also the site of the old village, where, except one cabin, nothing remained but the ruins of the others. I saw likewise the spot where poor Estienne Brulé was barbarously and traitorously murdered, which made me think that perhaps some day they might treat us in the same manner, and to desire at least that it might be while we were earnestly seeking the glory of Our Lord. As soon as I was perceived in the village, some one cried out, "Why, there is Echom come again" (that is the name they give me); and at once every one came out to salute and welcome me, each calling me by name and [140] saying: "What, Echom, my nephew, my brother, my cousin, hast thou then come again?" But without stopping, for night was approaching, I found a place to lodge; and, having rested a short time, I quickly set out with a volunteer band of young people to bring my slender baggage. It was an hour after sunset when we returned to the village. I lodged with a man named Aouandoïé, who is, or at least was, one of the richest of the Hurons. I did this on purpose, because another with smaller means might have been inconvenienced with the large number of Frenchmen whom I was expecting, and who had to be provided with food and shelter until we had all gathered together, and our cabin was ready. You can lodge where you please; for this Nation above all others is exceedingly hospitable towards all sorts [141] of persons, even toward Strangers; and you may remain as long as you please, being always 95 well treated according to the fashion of the country. On going away, one acknowledges their hospitality by a ho, ho, ho, outoécti, or "many thanks!" at least among themselves; but from Frenchmen they expect some recompense, always at one's discretion. It is quite true that not all are equally hospitable, there are some more and some less so. My host is one of the first in this virtue; and perhaps it is on this account that God has crowned him until now with temporal blessings, and has preserved him among all his Fellow Countrymen; for their village, named Teandeouïhata, having been burned twice, each time his house alone escaped the conflagration. Some attribute this to chance; for myself, I ascribe it to a [142] nobler cause, and so I recall a fine trait, call it prudence or call it humanity, which he displayed on the occasion of the first conflagration. For jealousy having been enkindled against him, and some wishing to destroy his cabin that the fire had spared, at once he caused a large cauldron to be hung, prepared a good feast, invited the whole village, and, having assembled them, delivered this harangue: "My brethren, I am very deeply grieved at the misfortune that has happened; but what can we do about it? It is over. For myself, I know not what I have done for Heaven, to be spared before all others. Now, in order to testify to you my deep grief and my desire to share in the common misfortune, I have two bins of corn" (they held at least one hundred to one hundred and twenty bushels); "I give one of them freely to the whole [143] village." This action calmed their jealousy, and put an end to their wicked designs which they were already forming against him. It was a wise action, this losing a part to save the rest.
Ie me logeay donc chez cét homme, où ie demeuray auec nos deux Peres, & vn de nos gens, l'espace de plus d'vn mois & demy, iusques à ce que nous-nous transportasmes en nostre nouuelle cabane. Cependant ces pauures Sauuages nous faisoient toutes les caresses possibles, les vns portez par leur bon naturel, les autres par la consideration de quelques petits presens que ie leur auois fait, & l'esperance de quelques autres.
97 I lodged therefore with this man, and lived there with our two Fathers and one of our people, for the space of more than a month and a half, until we took possession of our new cabin. Yet these poor Savages lavished upon us all possible kindnesses,—some influenced by their good natural disposition; others, by a few trifling gifts I made them, and the hope of some others.
Ie departis le reste de nos gens en vne autre cabane, pour éuiter l'importunité & l'incommodité, si nous eussions esté tous en vn seul logis.
I distributed the rest of our people in another cabin, to avoid the annoyance and inconvenience of being all in one lodging.
[144] Le soir & le lendemain se passa en caresses, visites, salutations & applaudissemens de tous ceux du village. Les iours suiuans plusieurs des autres villages, qui estoient de ma cognoissance, me vindrent veoir, & remporterent tous en eschange de leur visite quelques petits presens; c'est peu de chose en détail, mais tout mis en gros fait beaucoup, & monte assez haut pour les lieux. Les vns me disoient; Quoy Echom? és tu donc reuenu? A la bonne heure, nous te souhaittions & demandions grandement, adioustans les raisons telles qu'ils iugeoient, & nous fusmes fort resioüis, quand on nous dist que tu estois à Kebec à dessein de remonter icy. D'autres disoient. Nous voyla bien aises. Les bleds ne mourront plus, 98 pendant ton absence nous n'auions eu que famine. Et en effet, ie croy qu'à nostre arriuée, [145] il n'y auoit que deux familles en tout le village, qui eussent prouision de bled. Tout le reste en alloit acheter ailleurs, ce qui estoit commun à plusieurs autres villages. Depuis nostre arriuée il y en a eu tres-grande abondance par tout le Pays, quoy qu'au Printemps il aye fallu semer par trois fois, à l'occasion des gelées blanches, & des vers.
[144] That evening and the next day passed in the exchanges of affection, visits, salutations, and encouraging words from the whole village. On the following days, several from other villages, who were of my acquaintance, came to see me; and all took away with them, in exchange for their visit, some trifling presents. This is a small thing in detail, but on the whole it exerts a great influence and is of great importance in these regions. Some said to me: "What, Echom, and so thou hast come back! That's right; we were wishing and asking earnestly for thee" (adding their reasons), "and we were heartily glad when they told us that thou wert at Kebec, with the purpose of coming up here." Others said: "We are indeed very glad; the crops will no longer fail; during thy absence we have had nothing but famine." And, in truth, at our arrival there were, I believe, [145] only two families in the whole village who had a store of corn; all the others were going to buy elsewhere, and this was the case in several other villages. Since our arrival, there has been a very 99 great abundance throughout the whole Country, although in the Spring it was necessary to sow three times by reason of white frosts and worms.
Bref ceux de nostre village me disoient, Si tu ne fusses reuenu, la traite des François estoit perduë pour nous: car les Algonquains, & mesmes les Hurons des autres villages, ne nous menaçoiẽt que de mort, si nous y allions, à cause du massacre de Brulé; mais maintenant nous irõs traiter sãs crainte. I'ay esté quelques quinze iours à visiter les villages, & à ramasser auec beaucoup de frais & de peine tout nostre monde, qui abordoit ça & là, & qui ne sçachant [146] pas la langue, n'eust pu venir nous trouuer qu'apres beaucoup d'ennuy. Il est vray qu'vn de nos hommes n'a pas laissé de venir sãs autre adresse, que de ces deux mots, Echom Ihonatiria, qui sont mon nom, & celuy de nostre village. Entre tous les François, ie n'en trouue point qui aye eu plus de peine que le P. Dauost & Baron. Le Pere pour le mauuais traitement de ses Sauuages, Baron pour la longueur du voyage. Il a demeuré quarante iours par les chemins, souuent il estoit luy seul auec vn Sauuage, à nager dans vn canot fort grand & fort chargé. Il luy falloit porter luy-mesme tous ses pacquets. Il a couru risque trois ou quatre fois dans les torrens, & pour comble de ses peines, on luy a dérobé beaucoup de ses marchandises. 100 Certes il faut icy auoir bien de la force & de la patience, & qui croira y venir [147] chercher autre que Dieu, n'y trouuera pas son conte.
In short, those of our village told me, "If thou hadst not returned, the trade with the French was lost for us; for the Algonquains and even the Hurons of the other villages, threatened us with death if we went there on account of the murder of Brulé; but now we shall go to trade without fear." I was occupied some two weeks in visiting the villages, and bringing together, at much expense and trouble, all our party, who landed here and there, and who, not knowing [146] the language, could only have found us out after much toil. It is true that one of our men was able to come without any other address than these two words, Echom, Ihonatiria, which are my name and that of our village. Among all the French I do not find any who had more trouble than Father Davost and Baron; the Father from the wicked treatment of his Savages, Baron from the length of the journey. He occupied forty days on the road; often he was alone with a Savage, paddling in a canoe very large and very heavily laden. He had to carry all his packages himself; he had narrow escapes three or four times in the torrents; and, to crown his difficulties, much of his property was stolen. Truly, to come here much strength and patience are needed; and he who thinks of coming here [147] for any other than God, will have made a sad mistake.
Iean Nicolet, en son voyage qu'il fit auec nous iusques à l'Isle, souffrit aussi tous les trauaux d'vn des plus robustes Sauuages. Estans en fin tous ralliez, nous prismes resolution de nous habituer icy à Ihonatiria, & y bastir nostre cabane, pour les raisons suiuantes. La premiere est, qu'apres auoir serieusement recommandé cét affaire à Dieu, nous iugeasmes que telle estoit sa volonté, parce que la moisson des ames y est plus meure qu'en aucun-autre endroit, tant à cause de la cognoissance que i'ay auec les habitans du lieu, & de l'affection qu'ils m'ont tesmoignée autresfois, que pource qu'ils sont desia à demy instruits en la Foy. En effet nous y en auons baptizé huict, dont les sept sont allez au Ciel, auec la grace du Baptesme, [148] & tout le village est en telle disposition, qu'il ne tient qu'à nous de le baptiser. Mais nous attendons qu'ils soient mieux instruits, & qu'ils ayent quitté par effect leurs principales superstitions.
Jean Nicolet,29 in the voyage that he made with us as far as the Island, suffered also all the hardships of one of the most robust Savages. Being at last all gathered together, we decided to dwell here at Ihonatiria, and to build here our cabin, for the following reasons: First, after having earnestly recommended 101 the matter to God, we judged that such was his will, because the harvest of souls is more ripe here than in any other place,—as much because of the acquaintance I have with the inhabitants of the place, and of the affection they showed for me formerly, as because they are already partly instructed in the Faith. In truth, we have baptized eight of them, of whom seven have gone to Heaven with the grace of Baptism, [148] and the whole village is of such a disposition that it is only a question of our readiness to baptize it. But we are waiting until they are better instructed, and until they have forsaken for good their principal superstitions.
La seconde raison est, que horsmis ce village, il n'y auoit que la Rochelle où nous deussions auoir inclination de nous arrester; & ç'auoit esté nostre pensée dés l'an passé. Tous les habitans qui le desiroiẽt fort, nous y inuitoient, disans que nous serions comme au centre de la Nation, & adioutans d'autres motifs & raisons qui nous aggreoient assez. Mesme sur le chemin ie m'entretenois en ceste pensée, que ie ne quittay que long-temps apres estre icy arriué; si bien que nous laissasmes assez bon espace de temps à ce village de la Rochelle, les pacquets du Pere Daniel chez le Capitaine, qui [149] l'auoit accueilly dans son canot, en intention d'y faire porter les autres, & nous y loger. 102 Mais ayant consideré, qu'ils deuoient à ce Printemps changer de place, comme ils ont déja fait, nous ne voulusmes point bastir vne cabane pour vn hyuer. D'ailleurs, quoy qu'il nous soit fort à desirer, pour cueillir plus de fruit, d'auoir beaucoup d'auditeurs en nos assemblées, ce qui nous peut faire choisir les grand[s] villages, plustost que les petits; neantmoins pour le commencement, nous auons trouué plus à propos de nous tenir comme à l'ombre, prés d'vne petite bourgade, où les habitans sont déja faits à hanter les François, que de nous mettre tout à coup en vne grãde, où l'on ne fust point accoustumé à nos façous de faire. Autrement c'eust esté exposer des hommes nouueaux & ignorans en la langue, à vne [150] ieunesse nombreuse, qui par ses importunitez & mocqueries eust peû apporter quelque desordre. De plus si nous fussions allez ailleurs, ceux de ce village eussent creû estre encore en la disgrace des François, & eussent peut-estre abandonné le commerce auec eux, veu mesmement que cét Hyuer dernier le Borgne de l'Isle a fait icy courir le bruit, que Monsieur de Champlain n'en vouloit pas demeurer là, pour la mort de Brulé, & qu'il demandoit quatre testes; & il est croyable que si nous n'eussions esté icy, & si nous n'y demeurions comme pour gages, plusieurs craignans d'estre arrestez, soit pour leurs fautes, soit pour celles d'autruy, ne retourneroient plus à la traicte. En outre ces bonnes gents ont pretendu que nous deuiõs demeurer chez eux, s'il estoit vray que nous les aimassions: car, disoiẽt-ils, [151] si vous allez ailleurs, nõ seulemẽt nous aurions sujet de craindre pour nostre particulier, mais encore pour tout le Pays, nos interests estans vnis ensemble; mais maintenãt que vous nous prenez pour vos hostes, 104 nous n'auons plus que craindre comme nous eussions fait: car si vous eussiez choisi vn autre lieu, & que quelque meschant vous eust fait du mal, non seulement les François, mais encore les Hurons s'en fussent pris à nous. Ie pourrois encore icy alleguer quelques autres raisons & considerations qui ne sont pas à mépriser, comme seroit vne plus grãde commodité, tant pour le poisson & pour le gibier, comme pour l'embarquement. Mais la principale est la premiere que i'ay apportée, entre les villages qui nous ont voulu auoir, ceux d'Oënrio en ont fait plus d'instance. Ce petit village assez proche [152] du nostre, faisoit autresfois vne partie de celuy où nous estions iadis: mais nous n'auons pas iugé à propos de nous y arrester ceste fois, seulement ayant reconneu qu'il estoit expedient, que de ce village & du nostre il s'en fist vn en quelque autre part, tant pour leurs affaires communes, que pour nos fonctions & ministeres particuliers. Nous auons fait depuis peu quelques presens à tous les deux ensemble à cette fin. Nos presents sont de grande consideration parmy eux: neantmoins ils ne sont pas encore resolus. Ayant donc arresté de nous tenir où nous sommes, il fut question de bastir vne cabane. Les cabanes de ce pays, ne sont ny des Louures ny des Palais, ny rien de semblable aux riches bastimens de nostre France, nõ pas mesmes aux plus petites chaumines; c'est neantmoins quelque [153] chose de meilleur & plus commode, que les tandis des Montagnais. Ie ne vous sçaurois mieux exprimer la façon des demeures Huronnes, que de les comparer à des berceaux ou tonnelles de iardin; dont au lieu de branches & de verdure, quelques-vnes sont couuertes d'escorce de cedres, quelques autres de grosses escorces de 106 fresnes, d'orme & de sapin, ou perusse: & quoy que celles de cedres soient les meilleures, suiuant l'aduis & l'vsage le plus commun, il y a neantmoins ceste incommodité, qu'elles sont quasi aussi susceptibles du feu que des allumettes, d'où procede quantité d'embrasemens des bourgades entieres, & sans aller plus loing que ceste année, nous en auons veu en moins de dix iours deux grandes entierement consommées; & vne autre, qui est celle de Louys, bruslée [154] en partie. Nous auons veu aussi vne fois nostre propre cabane en feu; mais Dieu mercy nous l'esteignismes aussi tost. Il y a de ces cabanes ou berceaux de diuerse grandeur, les vnes de deux brasses en longueur, d'autres de dix, d'autres de vingt, de trente, & de quarante: la largeur ordinaire est d'enuiron quatre brasses, la hauteur est presque pareille. Il n'y a point de diuers estages; il ne se voit icy ny caue, ny chambre, ny grenier. On n'y veoit autre fenestre ny cheminée qu'vn meschant trou au haut de la cabane, qu'on y laisse à dessein pour chasser la fumée. C'est ainsi qu'on nous a basty la nostre.
Secondly, except this village there was only la Rochelle at which we might have had any inclination to stop, and that had been our intention from last year. All the inhabitants desired it very much, and invited us there, saying that we would be, as it were, in the center of the Nation, and adding other motives and reasons which pleased us well. Even on the road I entertained this thought, and only laid it aside a long time after my arrival here,—so long, indeed, that we left for a considerable space of time the baggage of Father Daniel at this village of la Rochelle, with the Captain who [149] had received him into his canoe,—intending to carry the rest thither, and to abide there. But, having taken into account that they were intending this Spring to change the location of the place, as they have already done, we did not wish to build a cabin for one winter. Besides, although it is a desirable thing to gather more fruit, and to have more listeners in our assemblies, which would make us choose the large villages rather than the small, nevertheless, for a beginning we have 103 thought it more suitable to keep in the shadow, as it were, near a little village where the inhabitants are already disposed to associate with the French, than to put ourselves suddenly in a great one, where the people are not accustomed to our mode of doing things. To do otherwise would have been to expose new men, ignorant of the language, to a [150] numerous youth, who by their annoyances and mockery would have brought about some disturbance. Besides, if we had gone elsewhere the people of this village would have thought themselves still in disgrace with the French, and perhaps would have abandoned trade with them,—especially as during this last Winter Le Borgne,30 of the Island, spread the report that Monsieur de Champlain did not wish us to remain there, on account of the death of Brulé, and that he was demanding four heads; and it is probable that, if we had not been here, and if we had not remained as pledges, several, fearing to be arrested for their own faults or for those of others, would not have returned again to the trade. Besides, these good people have claimed that we ought to remain among them if it were true that we loved them; "for," said they, [151] "if you go elsewhere, not only shall we have cause to fear on our own account, but for the whole Country besides, our interests being bound together. But, now that you take us for your hosts, we have no longer to fear as we would; for if you had chosen another place, and if some wicked person had done you harm, not only the French but the Hurons also would have blamed us for it." I might bring forward some other reasons and considerations which are not to be despised,—as, for example, it would be a more convenient place, as 105 well for fish and game as for embarking. But the principal reason is the first I mentioned. Among the villages that wished to have us, the people of Oënrio31 have entreated us most. This little village, quite near [152] ours, used to be a part of the one in which we were formerly; but we have not judged it expedient for us to stop there this time, simply having recognized it to be best that from this village and from ours one should be formed at some other place, both for their common interests and for our own special functions and ministrations. We made, not long ago, some presents to both of them at the same time, for this purpose. Our presents have great influence among them, nevertheless they have not yet decided the question. Having, therefore, determined to stay where we are, the question of building a cabin arose. The cabins of this country are neither Louvres nor Palaces, nor anything like the buildings of our France, not even like the smallest cottages. They are, nevertheless, somewhat [153] better and more commodious than the hovels of the Montagnais. I cannot better express the fashion of the Huron dwellings than to compare them to bowers or garden arbors,—some of which, in place of branches and vegetation, are covered with cedar bark, some others with large pieces of ash, elm, fir, or spruce bark; and although the cedar bark is best, according to common opinion and usage, there is, nevertheless, this inconvenience, that they are almost as susceptible to fire as matches. Hence arise many of the conflagrations of entire villages; and, without going farther than this year, we have seen in less than ten days two large ones entirely consumed, and another, that of Louys, partially burned. [154] We have also 107 once seen our own cabin on fire; but, thank God, we extinguished it immediately. There are cabins or arbors of various sizes, some two brasses in length, others of ten, others of twenty, of thirty, of forty; the usual width is about four brasses, their height is about the same. There are no different stories; there is no cellar, no chamber, no garret. It has neither window nor chimney, only a miserable hole in the top of the cabin, left to permit the smoke to escape. This is the way they built ours for us.
Ceux d'Oënrio & de nostre village s'y sont employez, au moyen de quelque present que nous leur fismes. Nous n'auons pas manqué d'exercice pour la faire acheuer, tant [155] à cause de la maladie vniuerselle de quasi tous les Sauuages, qu'à cause de la cooperation de ces deux villages. Car encore que l'ouurage ne fust pas grand; toutesfois ceux de nostre village, regardans ceux d'Oënrio, qui sous esperance de nous attirer à eux à la longue, ne faisoiẽt que s'amuser sans rien auãcer. Nous estions quasi au mois d'Octobre auant que nous fussions à couuert. Pour le dedans nous l'auons accõmodé nous mesmes; en sorte que bien que ce ne soit pas grand' chose, les Sauuages 108 ne laissent de la venir veoir, & la voyant de l'admirer. Nous l'auons separée en trois. La premiere partie du costé de la porte, sert d'antichambre, de briseuent, & de magazin pour nos prouisions de bled, à la façon des Sauuages. La seconde est, celle que nous habitons, & où est nostre cuisine, nostre [156] menuiserie, nostre moulin, ou lieu à battre le bled, nostre Refectoire, nostre salle, & nostre chambre. Aux deux costez à la façon des Hurons sont deux establies, qu'ils nomment Endicha, sur lesquelles sont des quaisses pour mettre nos habits & autres petites commoditez; mais au dessous, au lieu que les Hurons y logent leur bois, nous y auons pratiqué de petites cabanes pour nous coucher, & retirer quelque chose de nos hardes, hors de la main larronnesse des Hurons. Pour eux ils couchent auprés du feu: mais cependant eux & nous n'auons que la terre pour chalit; pour paillasse & pour matelats quelque escorce, ou quelque branchage couuert d'vne nate de ionc; car pour les linceuls & couuertes, nos habits & quelques peaux en font l'office. La troisiesme partie de nostre cabane est encore [157] diuisée en deux, par le moyen d'vn ouurage de menuiserie, qui luy donne assez bonne grace, & qui se fait admirer icy pour sa nouueauté. En l'vne est nostre petite Chapelle, où nous celebrons tous les iours la saincte Messe, & nous y retirons de iour pour prier Dieu. Il est vray que le bruit qu'on fait quasi continuellement nous en empesche d'ordinaire, horsmis le matin & le soir, que tout le monde est retiré, & nous contraint de gaigner le dehors pour faire nos prieres. En l'autre partie nous y mettons nos vtensiles. Toute la cabane n'a que six brasses de longueur, & enuiron trois & demie de large. Voyla comme nous sommes logez, non 110 sans doute si bien que nous n'ayons dedans ce logis assez bonne part à la pluye, à la neige, & au froid. Cependant, comme i'ay dict, on ne laisse pas de nous venir [158] visiter par admiration; principalement depuis que nous auons eu deux portes de menuiserie, & que nostre moulin & nostre horloge ont commencé à ioüer. On ne sçauroit dire les estonnemens de ces bonnes gens, & combien ils admirent l'esprit des François. Mais ils ont tout dit, quand ils ont dit qu'ils sont ondaki, c'est à dire des Demons: & nous releuions bien ce mot à leur profit, quand nous leur disons. Or ça mes freres, vous auez veu cela; & l'auez admiré, & vous pensez auoir raison, voyant quelque chose d'extraordinaire, de dire ondaki; qu'il faut que ceux qui font tant de merueilles soient des Demons. Et qu'y a t'il d'admirable, comme la beauté du Ciel & du Soleil? qu'y a-t'il d'admirable, comme de voir tous les ans les arbres quasi morts durant l'Hyuer, tous nuds & défigurez, reprendre [159] sans mãquer à chaque Printemps vne nouuelle vie & vn nouuel habit? Le bled que vous semez pourrit, & de sa pourriture va poussant de si beaux tuyaux, & de meilleurs espics? Et ce pendant vous ne dites point, Il faut que celuy qui a fait tãt de beautez, & qui nous estalle tous les ans deuant les yeux tant de merueilles, soit quelque excellent oki; & quelque intelligẽce sureminẽte, &c. Il n'est venu persõne qui n'aye voulu tourner le moulin; neantmoins nous ne nous en seruons point, d'autãt que nous auõs par veu experiẽce que nos Sagamités sont meilleures estant pilées dedans des mortiers de bois, à la façon des Sauuages, que broyées dedans le moulin. Ie croy que c'est à cause que le moulin fait la farine trop fine. Pour ce qui est de l'horloge, il y auroit mille choses à dire. 112 Ils croyent tous [160] que c'est quelque chose viuante; car ils ne se peuuent imaginer comment elle sonne d'elle mesme, & quand elle vient à sonner, ils regardent si nous sommes tous là, & s'il n'y a pas quelqu'vn de caché, pour luy donner le branle.
The people of Oënrio and of our village were employed at this, by means of presents given them. It has cost us much exertion to secure its completion, not only [155] on account of the epidemic, which affected almost all the Savages, but on account of the coöperation of these two villages; for although the work was not great, yet those of our village followed the example of those of Oënrio, who, in hopes of finally attracting us to their village, simply amused themselves without advancing the work; we were almost into October before we were under cover. As to the interior, we have suited ourselves; so that, even if it does not amount to much, the Savages never weary of coming to see it, and, seeing it, to admire it. We have divided it into three parts. The first compartment, nearest the door, serves as an antechamber, as a storm door, and as a storeroom for our provisions, in the fashion of the Savages. The second is that in which we live, and is our kitchen, our [156] carpenter shop, our mill, or place for grinding the wheat, our Refectory, our parlor and our bedroom. On both sides, in the fashion of the Hurons, are two benches which they call Endicha, on which are boxes to hold our clothes and other little conveniences; 109 but below, in the place where the Hurons keep their wood, we have contrived some little bunks to sleep in, and to store away some of our clothing from the thievish hands of the Hurons. They sleep beside the fire, but still they and we have only the earth for bedstead; for mattress and pillows, some bark or boughs covered with a rush mat; for sheets and coverings, our clothes and some skins do duty. The third part of our cabin is also [157] divided into two parts by means of a bit of carpentry which gives it a fairly good appearance, and which is admired here for its novelty. In the one is our little Chapel, in which we celebrate every day holy Mass, and we retire there daily to pray to God. It is true that the almost continual noise they make usually hinders us,—except in the morning and evening, when everybody has gone away,—and compels us to go outside to say our prayers. In the other part we put our utensils. The whole cabin is only six brasses long, and about three and a half wide. That is how we are lodged, doubtless not so well that we may not have in this abode a good share of rain, snow, and cold. However, as I have said, they never cease coming [158] to visit us from admiration, especially since we have put on two doors, made by a carpenter, and since our mill and our clock have been set to work. It would be impossible to describe the astonishment of these good people, and how much they admire the intelligence of the French. But they have said all when they have said they are ondaki, that is, Demons; and indeed we make profitable use of this word when we talk to them: "Now, my brothers, you have seen that and admired it, and you think you are right, when you see something extraordinary, in saying ondaki, 111 to declare that those who make so many marvels must be Demons. And what is there so wonderful as the beauty of the Sky and the Sun? What is there so wonderful as to see every year the trees almost dead during the Winter, all bare and disfigured, resume [159] without fail, every Spring, a new life and a new dress? The corn that you plant rots, and from its decay spring up such beautiful stalks and better ears. And yet you do not say, 'He who made so many beauties, and who every year displays before our eyes so many marvels, must be some beneficent oki, and some supereminent intelligence,'" etc. No one has come who has not wished to turn the mill; nevertheless we have not used it, inasmuch as we have learned by experience that our Sagamités32 are better pounded in a wooden mortar, in the fashion of the Savages, than ground within the mill. I believe it is because the mill makes the flour too fine. As to the clock, a thousand things are said of it. They all think [160] it is some living thing, for they cannot imagine how it sounds of itself; and, when it is going to strike, they look to see if we are all there and if some one has not hidden, in order to shake it.
Ils ont pensé qu'il entendoit, principalement quand pour rire quelqu'vn de nos François s'escrioit au dernier coup de marteau, c'est assez sonné, & que tout aussi tost elle se taisoit. Ils l'appellent le Capitaine du iour. Quand elle sonne ils disent, qu'elle parle, & demandent quand ils nous viennent veoir, combien de fois le Capitaine a desia parlé. Ils nous interrogent de son manger. Ils demeurent les heures entieres, & quelquesfois plusieurs, afin de la pouuoir ouyr parler. Ils demandoient au commencement ce qu'elle disoit; on leur respondit deux [161] choses, qu'ils ont fort bien retenuës; l'vne que quand elle sonnoit à quatre heures du soir pendant l'hyuer, elle disoit, Sortez, allez vous en, afin que nous fermions la porte; car aussi tost ils leuent le siege, & s'en vont: l'autre qu'à midy elle disoit yo eiouahaoua, c'est à dire, sus dressõs la chaudiere, & ils ont encore mieux retenu ce langage. Car il y a de ces écornifleurs, qui ne manquent point de venir à cette heure là, pour participer à nostre Sagamité. Ils mangent à toutes heures, quand ils ont dequoy. Cependant d'ordinaire ils ne font que manger deux chaudieres par iour, sçauoir est, au matin & au soir. Partant ils sont bien aises pendant le iour de prendre part à la nostre.
They think it hears, especially when, for a joke, some one of our Frenchmen calls out at the last stroke of the hammer, "That's enough," and then it immediately becomes silent. They call it the Captain of the day. When it strikes, they say it is speaking; and they ask when they come to see us how many times the Captain has already spoken. They ask us about its food; they remain a whole hour, and sometimes several, in order to be able to hear it speak. They used to ask at first what it said. 113 We told them two [161] things that they have remembered very well; one, that when it sounded four o'clock of the afternoon, during winter, it was saying, "Go out, go away that we may close the door," for immediately they arose, and went out. The other, that at midday it said, yo eiouahaoua, that is, "Come, put on the kettle;" and this speech is better remembered than the other, for some of these spongers never fail to come at that hour, to get a share of our Sagamité. They eat at all hours, when they have the wherewithal, but usually they have only two meals a day, in the morning and in the evening; consequently they are very glad during the day to take a share with us.
A propos de leurs admirations, i'en pourrois icy coucher plusieurs faites au sujet de la pierre d'aymant; en laquelle ils regardoient s'il y auoit [162] de la colle, & d'vne lunette à onze facettes, qui leur representoit autant de fois vn mesme obiet, d'vne petite 114 phiole dans laquelle vne pulce paroist comme vn hanneton, du verre triangulaire, des outils de menuiserie. Mais sur tout de l'escriture; car ils ne pouuoient conceuoir comme ce qu'vn de nous, estãt au village leur auoit dit & couché en mesme temps par escrit; vn autre qui cependant estoit dans la maison bien esloignée, le disoit incontinent en voyant l'escriture. Ie crois qu'ils en ont fait cent experiences. Tout cela sert pour gaigner leurs affections, & les rendre plus dociles, quand il est question des admirables & incomprehensibles mysteres de nostre Foy. Car la croyance qu'ils ont de nostre esprit & de nostre capacité, fait que sans replique ils croyent ce qu'on leur annonce.
Speaking of their expressions of admiration, I might here set down several on the subject of the lodestone, into which they looked to see if there was [162] some paste; and of a glass with eleven facets, which represented a single object as many times; of a little phial in which a flea appears as large as a beetle; of the prism, of the joiner's tools; but above all of the writing, for they could not conceive how, what one of us, being in the village, had said to them, and put down at the same time in writing, another, who meanwhile was in a house far away, could say readily on seeing the writing. I believe they have made a hundred trials of it. All this serves to gain their affections, and to render them more docile when we introduce the admirable and incomprehensible mysteries of our Faith; for the belief they have in our intelligence and capacity causes them to accept without reply what we say to them.
[163] Reste maintenant à dire quelque chose du pays, des meurs & coustumes des Hurons, de la disposition qu'ils ont à la Foy, & de nos petits trauaux.
[163] It remains now to say something of the country, of the manners and customs of the Hurons, of 115 the inclination they have to the Faith, and of our insignificant labors.
Quant au premier, le peu de papier & de loisir que nous auons, m'oblige à vous dire en peu de mots ce qui pourroit faire vn iuste volume. Le pays des Hurons n'est pas grand, sa plus longue estenduë se peut trauerser en trois ou quatre iours, l'assiette en est belle, la plus part toute en plaines. Il est environné & entrecoupé d'vne quantité de tres-beaux lacs, ou plustost mers, d'où vient que celuy qui leur est au Nord, & au Nord-nordouest, est appellé mer douce. Nous passõs par là en venāt des Bissiriniens. Le sol de ce pays est tout sablonneux, quoy que non esgalement. Cependant il produit quantité de tres-bon bled d'Inde, & peut-on [164] dire, que c'est le grenier de la plus part des Algonquains. Il y a vingt Bourgades, qui disent enuiron trente milles ames, sous vne mesme langue, & encore assez facile à qui a quelque maistre. Elle a distinction de genres, de 116 nombre, de temps, de personnes, de mœuds, & en vn mot tres-parfaite & tres accomplie, contre la pensée de plusieurs. Ce qui me resioüit, c'est que i'ay appris que cette langue est commune à quelques douze autres Nations toutes sedentaires & nombreuses. Sçauoir est aux Conkhandeenrhonons, khionontaterrhonons, Atiouandaronks, Sonontoerrhonons, Onontaerrhonons, Oüioenrhonons, Onoiochrhonons, Agnierrhonons, Andastoerrhonons, Scahentoarrhonõs, Rhiierrhonons, & Ahouenrochrhonons. Les Hurons sont amis de tous ces peuples, excepté des Sonontoerrhonons, Onontaerrhonons, Oüioenrhonons, Onoiochrhonons [165] & Agnierrhonons, que nous comprenons tous sous le nom d'Hiroquois. Encore ont ils desia la paix auec les Sonontoerrhonons, depuis qu'ils furent par eux défaits l'année passée an Printemps.
As to the first, the little paper and leisure we have compels me to say in a few words what might justly fill a volume. The Huron country is not large, its greatest extent can be traversed in three or four days. Its situation is fine, the greater part of it consisting of plains. It is surrounded and intersected by a number of very beautiful lakes or rather seas, whence it comes that the one to the North and to the North-northwest is called "fresh-water sea" [mer douce].33 We pass through it in coming from the Bissiriniens. The soil of this country is quite sandy, although not equally so. However, it produces a quantity of very good Indian corn, and one may [164] say that it is the granary of most of the Algonquains. There are twenty Towns, which indicate about 30,000 souls speaking the same tongue, which is not difficult to one who has a master. It has distinction of genders, number, tense, person, moods; and, in short, it is very complete and very regular, contrary to the opinion of many. I am rejoiced to find that this language is common to some twelve other Nations, all settled and numerous; these are, the Conkhandeenrhonons, khionontaterrhonons, Atiouandaronks, Sonontoerrhonons, Onontaerrhonons, Oüioenrhonons, Onoiochrhonons, Agnierrhonons, Andastoerrhonons, Scahentoarrhonons, Rhiierrhonons, and Ahouenrochrhonons.34 The Hurons are friends of all these people, except the Sonontoerrhonons, Onontaerrhonons, Oüioenrhonons, Onoiochrhonons [165] and Agnierrhonons, all of whom we comprise under the name Hiroquois. But they have already made peace with the Sonontoerrhonons, since they were defeated by them a year past in the Spring.
Les deputez de tout le Pays sont allez à Sonontoen pour cõfirmer cette paix, & dit on que les Onontaerhonons, Ouioenrhonons, Ouiochrhonons & Agnierrhonons, veulẽt entrer en ce party. Mais ce n'est pas chose asseurée; que si cela est, voila vne belle grande porte ouuerte à l'Euangile. On m'a voulu mener audit Sonontoen, mais ie n'ay pas iugé à propos d'aller encore en aucune part, iusques à ce que nous ayons icy mieux estably les fondemens de la Loy Euangelique, & que nous y ayons tiré vn crayon, sur lequel les autres Nations qui se conuertiront se puissent reigler. Ie voudrois bien n'aller en aucũ lieu qu'on [166] ne nous recogneust aussi tost pour Predicateurs de Iesus-Christ.
117 The deputies of the whole Country have gone to Sonontoen35 to confirm this peace, and it is said that the Onontaerhonons, Ouioenrhonons, Ouiochrhonons and Agnierrhonons wish to become parties to it. But that is not certain; if it were, a noble door would be open to the Gospel. They wanted me to go to this Sonontoen, but I did not judge it wise to go yet into any other part, until we have better established here the foundation of the Gospel Law, and until we have drawn a line by which the other Nations that shall be converted may guide themselves. Indeed, I would not go to any place where [166] we would not be immediately recognized as Preachers of Jesus Christ.
Il est si clair & si euident, qu'il est vne Diuinité qui a fait le Ciel & la terre, que nos Hurons ne la peuuent entierement mécognoistre. Et quoy qu'ils ayent les yeux de l'esprit fort obscurcis des tenebres 118 d'vne longue ignorance, de leurs vices & pechez, si est-ce qu'ils en voyent quelque chose. Mais ils se méprennent lourdement, & ayant la cognoissance de Dieu, ils ne luy rendent pas l'honneur, ny l'amour, ny le seruice qu'il conuient: car ils n'ont ny Temples, ny Prestres, ny Festes, ny ceremonies aucunes.
It is so clear, so evident that there is a Divinity who has made Heaven and earth, that our Hurons cannot entirely ignore it. And although the eyes of their minds are very much obscured by the darkness of a long ignorance, by their vices and sins, they still see something of it. But they misapprehend him grossly, and, having the knowledge of God, they do not render him the honor, the love, nor the service which is his due. For they have neither Temples, nor Priests, nor Feasts, nor any ceremonies.
Ils disent qu'vne certaine femme nommée Eataentsic, est celle qui a fait la terre & les hommes. Ils luy baillent pour adioint vn certain appellé Iouskeha, qu'ils disent estre son petit fils, auec lequel elle gouuerne [167] le monde; cest Iouskeha a soin des viuans & des choses qui concernent la vie, & par consequent ils disent qu'il est bõ: Eataentsic a soin des ames, & parce qu'ils croyent qu'elle fait mourir les hommes, ils disent qu'elle est meschante. Et ce sont parmy eux des mysteres si cachez, qu'il n'y a que les vieillards qui en puissent parler auec credit & authorité, pour estre creus. D'où vient qu'vn certain ieune homme m'en ayant discouru, me dist en se ventant, Ne suisie pas bien sçauant? Quelques vns me disent que la maison de ces deux Diuinitez est au bout du monde vers l'Orient. Or chez eux le monde ne passe point leur Pays, c'est à dire l'Amerique, d'autres les logent au milieu.
They say that a certain woman named Eataentsic36 is the one who made earth and men. They give her an assistant, one named Jouskeha, whom they declare to be her little son, with whom she governs [167] the world. This Jouskeha has care of the living, and of the things that concern life, and consequently they say that he is good. Eataentsic has care of souls; and, because they believe that she makes men die, they say that she is wicked. And there are among them mysteries so hidden that only the old men, who 119 can speak with credit and authority about them, are believed. Whence it comes that a certain young man, who was talking to me about this, said boastingly, "Am I not very learned?" Some told me that the house of these two Divinities is at the end of the world to the East. Now with them the world does not pass beyond their Country, that is, America. Others place their abode in the middle.
Ce Dieu & cette Deesse viuent comme eux, mais sans disette; font des festins comme eux, sont lascifs aussi bien qu'eux: bref ils se les figurent [168] tous tels qu'ils sont eux mesmes. Et encor qu'il[s] les facent hommes & corporels, ils semblent neantmoins leur attribuer vne certaine immensité en tous lieux. Ils disent que cette Eataentsic est tombée du Ciel, où il y a des habitans comme icy, & que quand elle tomba, elle estoit enceinte. Que si vous leur demandez qui a fait le Ciel & ses habitans, ils n'ont autre repartie, 120 sinon qu'ils n'en sçauent rien. Et quand nous leur preschons vn Dieu, Createur du Ciel & de la terre & de toutes choses: de mesme quand nous leur parlons d'vn Enfer & d'vn Paradis, & du reste de nos mysteres; les opiniastres respondent, que cela est bon pour nostre Pays, non pour le leur; que chaque Pays a ses façons de faire: mais leur ayant monstré par le moyen d'vn petit globe que nous auons apporté, qu'il n'y a [169] qu'vn seul monde, ils demeurẽt sans replique. Ie trouue dans leur mariage deux choses qui me plaisent fort; l'vne qu'ils n'ont qu'vne femme, l'autre qu'ils ne se marient point à leurs parens en ligne directe ou collaterale, pour esloignez qu'ils puissẽt estre. Il y a assez d'ailleurs à y reprendre, quand ce ne seroit que le frequent changement que les hommes font de leurs femmes, & les femmes de leurs maris: ils croyent l'immortalité des ames, qu'ils feignent estre corporelles. Toute la plus grande partie de leur Religion consiste en ce poinct. Ce ne sont d'ailleurs que superstitions, que nous esperons auec la grace de Dieu changer en vraye Religion, & comme despoüilles enleuées sur l'ennemy, les consacrer à l'honneur de nostre Seigneur & en profiter pour leur soulagement particulier. Certes si [170] estãs vn iour Chrestiens, ils viennent à les aider à proportion de ce qu'ils sont à present pour elles en vain; il faudra que nous leur cedions, ou que nous les imitions; car ils n'y espargnent rien, non pas mesmes les plus auaricieux. Nous en auons veu quelques-vns dénuez, ou peu s'en faut, de toutes leurs commoditez, pour ce que plusieurs de leurs amis estoient morts, aux ames desquels ils en auoient fait largesse. Au surplus les chiens, les cerfs, les poissons & autres animaux ont des ames immortelles & raisonnables à leur dire: Pour 122 preuue dequoy les vieillards racontent certaines fables qu'ils font passer pour veritez; ils ne font mention ny de peine ny de recompense au lieu où vont les ames apres la mort; aussi ne mettent-ils point de distinction entre les bons & les mauuais, les vertueux & les vicieux, [171] & ils honorent également la sepulture des vns & des autres: ainsi que nous auons veu en celle d'vn ieune homme qui s'estoit empoisonné du déplaisir qu'il auoit conceu, à raison qu'on luy auoit osté sa femme. Ils ont vne infinité de superstitions, leurs festins, leur[s] medecines, leurs pesches, leurs chasses, leurs guerres; bref quasi toute leur vie ne roule que sur ce piuot; les songes sur tout ont icy grand credit.
This God and Goddess live like themselves, but without famine; make feasts as they do, are lustful as they; in short, they imagine them [168] exactly like themselves. And still, though they make them human and corporeal, they seem nevertheless to attribute to them a certain immensity in all places. They say that this Eataentsic fell from the Sky, where there are inhabitants as on earth; and, when she fell, she was with child. If you ask them who made the Sky and its inhabitants, they have no other reply than that they know nothing about it. And when we preach to them of one God, Creator of Heaven and earth, and of all things, and even when we talk to them of Hell and Paradise and of our other mysteries, the headstrong savages reply that this is good for our Country and not for theirs; that every Country has its own fashions. But having pointed out to them, by means of a little globe that we had brought, that there is [169] only one world, they remain without reply. I find in their marriage customs two things that greatly please me; the first, that they have only one wife; the second, that they do not marry their relatives in a direct or collateral line, however distant they may be. There is, on the other hand, sufficient to censure, were it only the frequent changes the men make of their wives, and the women 121 of their husbands. They believe in the immortality of the soul,37 which they believe to be corporeal. The greatest part of their Religion consists in this point. There are, besides, only superstitions, which we hope by the grace of God to change into true Religion, and, like spoils carried off from the enemy, to consecrate them to the honor of our Lord, and to profit by them for their special advantage. Certainly, if, [170] should they some day be Christians, these superstitions help them in proportion to what they do for them now in vain, it will be necessary that we yield to them, or that we imitate them; for they spare nothing, not even the most avaricious. We have seen several stripped, or almost so, of all their goods, because several of their friends were dead, to whose souls they had made presents. Moreover, dogs, deer, fish, and other animals have, in their opinion, immortal and reasonable souls. In proof of this, the old men relate certain fables, which they represent as true; they make no mention either of punishment or reward, in the place to which souls go after death. And so they do not make any distinction between the good and the bad, the virtuous and the vicious; [171] and they honor equally the interment of both, even as we have seen in the case of a young man who had poisoned himself from the grief he felt because his wife had been taken away from him. Their superstitions are infinite; their feasts, their medicines, their fishing, their hunting, their wars,—in short, almost their whole life turns upon this pivot; dreams, above all, have here great credit.
Tout ce pays, & ie crois qu'il en va de mesme ailleurs, ne manque pas d'hommes meschans, lesquels par enuie ou par vengeance, ou autre motif, empoisonnent ou ensorcellent, & en fin tost ou tard font mourir ceux qu'ils entreprennent. Quand telles gens sont surpris, on les execute sur le champ, sans autre forme de procés, & il n'en est autre bruit. Pour les autres meurtres ils [172] les vengent sur toute la Nation du meurtrier; aussi ne sçay-je que cette sorte de gens qu'ils facent mourir impunément. I'ay bien connu vne fille larronnesse, qui fut aussi tost assommée sans aucune recherche, mais ç'auoit esté par son propre frere: s'il paroist quelque traistre qui machine la ruine du Pays, ils taschent en commun de s'en défaire au plustost; mais ces accidens sont fort rares.
This whole country, and I believe it is the same elsewhere, is not lacking in wicked men, who, from motives of envy or vengeance, or from other cause, 123 poison or bewitch, and, in short, put to death sooner or later those whom they wish to injure. When such people are caught, they are put to death on the spot, without any form of trial, and there is no disturbance about it. As to other murders, they [172] are avenged upon the whole Nation of the murderer; so that is the only class I know about that they put to death with impunity. I knew indeed a girl that stole, who was at once killed without any inquiry, but it was by her own brother. If some traitor appears, who is planning the ruin of the Country, they endeavor in common to get rid of him as soon as possible; but these accidents are very rare.
Ils disent que ces Sorciers les ruinent; car si quelqu'vn a reüssy en quelque entreprise, si la traitte, si la chasse luy a succedé; aussi-tost ces méchans l'ensorcellent, ou quelque autre de sa maison, afin qu'il consomme tout en Medecins & Medecines. Aussi pour remedier à ces sorts, & autres maladies, il y a vne infinité 124 de Medecins qu'ils appellent Arendiouane. Ces gens à [173] mon aduis son[t] vrays Sorciers, qui ont accez au Diable. Les vns ne font que iuger du mal, & ce en diuerses facons, sçauoir est, par Pyromantie, par Hydromantie, Negromantie, par festins, par danses & chansons. Les autres s'efforcent de guerir le mal par souflemens, breuuages & autres singeries ridicules, qui n'ont aucune vertu ny efficacité naturelle. Mais les vns & les autres ne font rien sans grands presens, & sans bonnes recompenses.
They say that the Sorcerers ruin them; for if any one has succeeded in an enterprise, if his trading or hunting is successful, immediately these wicked men bewitch him, or some member of his family, so that they have to spend it all in Doctors and Medicines. Hence, to cure these and other diseases, there are a large number of Doctors whom they call Arendiouane. These persons, in [173] my opinion, are true Sorcerers, who have access to the Devil. Some only judge of the evil, and that in divers ways, namely, by Pyromancy, by Hydromancy, Necromancy, by feasts, dances, and songs; the others endeavor to cure the disease by blowing, by potions, and by other ridiculous tricks, which have neither any virtue nor natural efficacy. But neither class do anything without generous presents and good pay.
On void en ce Pays quelques Deuins, qu'ils appellent encore Arendiouane, & qui se meslent de faire tomber ou cesser la pluye, & predire les choses futures. Le Diable leur reuele quelques secrets, mais auec tant d'obscuritez, qu'on n'a garde de les arguer de mensonge: témoin vn du village de Scanonaenrat [174] lequel vn peu auparauant l'embrasement des bourgades cy dessus mẽtionnées, auoit veu en songe trois flammes qui tomboient du Ciel sur lesdites bourgades. Mais le Diable ne luy auoit declaré le sens de cet enigme: car ayant obtenu du village vn chien blanc pour en faire festin, & en impetrer l'intelligence, il demeura aussi ignorant apres comme auparauant.
There are here some Soothsayers, whom they call also Arendiouane and who undertake to cause the rain to fall or to cease, and to predict future events. The Devil reveals to them some secrets, but with so much 125 obscurity that one is unable to accuse them of falsehood; witness one of the village of Scanonaenrat38 [174] who, a little while before the burning of the villages before mentioned, had seen in a dream three flames falling from the Sky on those villages. But the Devil had not declared to him the meaning of this enigma; for, having obtained from the village a white dog, to make a feast with it and to seek information by it, he remained as ignorant afterward as before.
Dernierement comme i'estois chez Louys de saincte Foy, vne vieille sorciere ou deuineresse dudit village, dist qu'elle auoit veu ceux qui estoient allez à la guerre, qu'ils reuenoient, & amenoient vn prisonnier. Nous verrons si elle a dit vray: son procedé est par pyromantie: elle vous figure en sa cabane le lac des Hiroquois, puis d'vn costé elle fait autant de feux comme il y a de personnes qui ont marché en [175] campagn[e]; & de l'autre costé encore autant de feux, qu'ils ont d'ennemis à combattre. Puis si son sort reüssit, elle donne à entendre que les feux de deça ont 126 trauersé, & cela signifie, que les guerriers ont desia passé le lac. Vn feu qui y esteint l'autre, marque vn ennemy défait, que si il l'attire à soy sans l'esteindre, c'est vn prisonnier pris à mercy. C'est ainsi, pour finir ce discours, qui seroit trop long, si ie voulois tout dire, que le Diable amuse ce pauure peuple, substituant ses impietez & superstitions, en la place de la conformité, qu'ils deuroient auoir à la prouidence de Dieu, & du culte qu'ils luy deuroient rendre.
Lastly, when I was in the house of Louys de saincte Foy, an old woman, a sorceress, or female soothsayer of that village, said she had seen those who had gone to the war, and that they were bringing back a prisoner. We shall see if she has spoken the truth. Her method is by pyromancy. She draws for you in her hut the lake of the Hiroquois;39 then on one side she makes as many fires as there are persons who have gone on [175] the expedition, and on the other as many fires as they have enemies to fight. Then, if her spell succeeds, she lets it be understood that the fires from this side have run over, and that signifies that the warriors have already crossed the lake. One fire extinguishing another marks an enemy defeated; but if it attracts it to itself without extinguishing it, that is a prisoner taken at mercy. It is thus,—to finish my discourse, which would be too long if I tried to say everything,—that the Devil amuses this poor people, substituting his impieties and superstitions in place of the compliance they ought to have with the providence of God, and the worship they ought to render him.
Quant à ce qui concerne les mœurs, les Hurons sont lascifs, quoy qu'en deux chefs moins que plusieurs Chrestiens, qui rougiront [176] vn iour deuant eux. Vous n'y verrez point de baisers, ny de caresses deshonnestez; & dans le mariage vn homme y demeurera les deux & trois ans entiers, sans cognoistre sa femme, tandis qu'elle est nourrice. Ils sont gourmands iusques à rendre gorge: vray est que cela n'est pas souuent, mais seulement en quelques festins superstitieux. Encore ne s'y trouuent-ils pas volontiers; & d'ailleurs ils supportent beaucoup mieux la faim que nous; si bien qu'apres auoir ieusné les deux ou trois iours entiers, vous en verrez encore ramer, porter, chanter, rire, gausser, cõme s'ils auoiẽt biẽ disné. Ils sont fort faineants, menteurs, larrons, importuns demandeurs. Quelques-vns les estiment vindicatifs; mais pour moy ie crois que ce vice est plus notable ailleurs qu'icy. On y voit reluire d'assez belles vertus [177] morales. Vous y remarquez en premier lieu vne grande amour & vnion, qu'ils sont soigneux de cultiuer par le moyen de leurs mariages, de leurs presens, de leurs festins, & de leurs frequentes visites. Au retour de leur pesche, de leur chasse, & de leur traitte, ils s'entredonnent beaucoup: s'ils y ont pris quelque chose d'exquis, ou mesme s'ils l'ont 128 acheté, ou si on le leur a donné, ils en font festin à tout le village: l'hospitalité enuers toute sorte d'estrãgers y est remarquable. Ils leur presentẽt en ces festins ce qu'ils ont preparé de meilleur, & cõme i'ay desia dit, ie ne sçay si ailleurs il se recontre rien de pareil en ce sujet. Il me semble auoir leu dans les vies [des] Peres, qu'vne armée Payenne se conuertit, voyant la charité & l'hospitalité d'vne ville Chrestienne, dont les habitans s'efforçoient à l'enuy de [178] caresser & festoyer les Estrangers. Iugeant bien que ceux-là deuoient professer la vraye Religion, & adorer le vray Dieu Pere commun de tous, qui auoient vn cœur si benin, & faisoient indifferemment tant de bien à toute sorte de personnes. Nous auons aussi esperance que nostre Seigneur donnera en fin la lumiere de sa cognoissance, & communiquera l'ardeur de ses graces à cette Nation, qu'il semble y auoir disposée par la pratique de cette belle vertu. Ils ne refusent iamais la porte à vn Estranger; & l'ayans receu vne fois en leur maison, ils luy font part de ce qu'ils y ont de meilleur: ils ne luy donnent iamais son congé; & quand il le prend de soy-mesme, il en est quitte pour vn simple grand-mercy. Cela me fait esperer, que si vne fois il plaist à Dieu de les illuminer, ils correspondront parfaictement [179] aux graces & aux inspirations de son Fils. Et puis qu'il est venu comme Estranger en sa propre maison, ie me promets que ces bonnes gens le receuront à toutes heures en leur cœur, sans le faire attendre à la porte par trop de dureté; sans luy rien espargner en toute l'estenduë de leurs affections: sans le trahir & le chasser dehors par quelque faute signalée, & sans rien pretendre en son seruice que son honneur & sa gloire: qui est tout ce 130 qu'on peut souhaitter de fidelité en vne ame, pour le bon vsage & sainct employ des faueurs du Ciel.
As regards morals, the Hurons are lascivious, although in two leading points less so than many Christians, who will blush [176] some day in their 127 presence. You will see no kissing nor immodest caressing; and in marriage a man will remain two or three years apart from his wife, while she is nursing. They are gluttons, even to disgorging; it is true, that does not happen often, but only in some superstitious feasts,—these, however, they do not attend willingly. Besides, they endure hunger much better than we,—so well that after having fasted two or three entire days you will see them still paddling, carrying loads, singing, laughing, bantering, as if they had dined well. They are very lazy, are liars, thieves, pertinacious beggars. Some consider them vindictive; but, in my opinion, this vice is more noticeable elsewhere than here. We see shining among them some rather noble moral [177] virtues. You note, in the first place, a great love and union, which they are careful to cultivate by means of their marriages, of their presents, of their feasts, and of their frequent visits. On returning from their fishing, their hunting, and their trading, they exchange many gifts; if they have thus obtained something unusually good, even if they have bought it, or if it has been given to them, they make a feast to the whole village with it. Their hospitality towards all sorts of strangers is remarkable; they present to them in their feasts the best of what they have prepared, and, as I have already said, I do not know if anything similar, in this regard, is to be found elsewhere. I think I have read, in the lives of the Fathers, that a Pagan army was converted on seeing the charity and hospitality of a Christian town, the inhabitants of which vied with each other in [178] caressing and feasting the Strangers,—judging well that those must profess the true Religion and worship the true God, the common Father of all, 129 who had hearts so benign and who did so much good to all sorts of persons, without distinction. We have also hope that our Lord will give at last the light of his knowledge, and will communicate the fire of his graces, to this Nation, which he seems to have disposed thereto by the practice of this noble virtue. They never close the door upon a Stranger, and, once having received him into their houses, they share with him the best they have; they never send him away, and, when he goes away of his own accord, he repays them by a simple "thank you." This makes me hope that, if once it pleases God to illumine them, they will respond perfectly [179] to the grace and inspiration of his Son. And, since he has come as a Stranger into his own house, I promise myself that these good people will receive him at all hours into their hearts without making him wait too long on account of their hardness, without withholding from him anything in the whole range of their affections, without betraying him or driving him outside by any serious fault, and without claiming anything in his service other than his honor and glory; which is all the fidelity one can ask in a soul for the good use and holy employment of the favors of Heaven.
Que diray-je de leur estrange patience dans leur pauureté, disette & maladies? Nous auons veu cette année les villages entiers sur la litiere, nourris d'vn peu de sagamité insipide, & cependant pas vn mot pour se plaindre, pas vn mouuement [180] d'impatience. Ils reçoiuent bien plus constamment la nouuelle de la mort, que ces Messieurs & Dames de la Chrestienté, à qui on en oseroit ouurir la bouche. Nos Sauuages l'entendent non seulement sans desespoir, mais sans se troubler, sans pallir ou blesmir tant soit peu. Nous auons sur tout admiré la constance de nos nouueaux Chrestiens: le penultiéme qui est mort, nommé Ioseph Oatij a demeuré sur la dure l'espace de quatre ou cinq mois, tant deuant qu'apres son Baptesme, si décharné qu'il n'auoit que les os; dãs vne cabane si chetiue, que les vents y souffloient de tous costez, couuert pendant les froidures de l'hyuer d'vne peau fort legere, de bestes noires ou d'escurieux noirs, nourry fort pauuremẽt. On ne l'a cependant iamais ouy faire aucune plainte. Nostre Seigneur Iesus-Christ soit à iamais [181] loüé. C'est sur ces dispositions & fondemens, que nous esperons auec la grace de Dieu bastir l'edifice de la Religiõ Chrestienne parmy ce peuple, qui desia d'ailleurs nous est grandemẽt affectiõné, & a vne grãde opinion de nous. C'est à nous maintenãt à correspõdre à nostre vocatiõ, & à la voix de N. S. qui nous dit, videte regiones, quoniam albæ sunt iam ad messẽ. Il est vray, mon R. P. que messis multa, operarij pauci, & de plus nous nous trouuõs fort foibles pour vne si grãde entreprise; au moins moy; & partant ie supplie nostre R. P. Prouincial & V. R. de nous enuoyer du secours. Sur quoy ie m'escrierois 132 volõtiers au bon Dieu, mitte quem missurus es; car pour nous, nous sõmes des enfans qui ne faisons que begayer. Cependant nous confians en la bonté de N. Seign. & non en nos propres forces & industries, voicy ce que [182] nous auons fait pour la conuersion de ce Peuple, depuis nostre arriuée. Premierement nous-nous sommes employez en l'estude de la langue, qui à cause de la diuersité de ses mots composez est quasi infinie. On ne peut neantmoins rien faire sans cét estude. Tous les François qui sont icy s'y sont ardemment portez, ramenant l'ancien vsage d'escrire sur des escorces de bouleau faute de papier. Les P. Dauost & Daniel y ont trauaillé par dessus tous. Ils y sçauẽt autant de mots que moy, & peut-estre plus. Mais ils n'ont pas encore la prattique pour les former & assembler promptement; quoy que le Pere Daniel s'explique desia passablement. Pour moy qui y fais leçon à nos François, si Dieu ne m'assiste extraordinairement, encor me faudra-il aller long temps à l'escole des Sauuages, telle est la fecondité [183] de leur langue. Cela n'empesche pas que ie n'entende quasi tout ce qu'ils disent, & que ie ne leur face assez comprendre mes conceptions, mesmes dans l'explication de nos plus ineffables mystres. Apres cela, nous nous sommes employez à la visite, sollicitation & instruction des malades, qui ont esté comme i'ay dit en tres-grand nombre; ç'a esté dãs ce pieux exercice que nous auons acquis des ames à nostre Seigneur, iusques au nombre de treize. La premiere fut vne petite fil[l]ette de ce village aagée seulement de quatre ou cinq mois, elle mourut vn quart d'heure après son baptesme, auquel elle fut nõmée Iosephe, pour accomplir vn vœu que i'auois faict de donner ce nom au premier que nous regenererions des sainctes 134 eaux, en recognoissance de tant de faueurs que nous auons receu & receuons [184] par l'entremise de ce grand Sainct. Ce fut le sixiesme Septembre 1634. La deuxiesme, fut vne autre petite fille d'enuirõ deux ans, que nous baptisames le lendemain; elle mourut l'onziesme du mesme mois & an, ayant esté nommée Marie.
What shall I say of their strange patience in their poverty, famine, and sickness? We have seen this year whole villages prostrated, their food a little insipid sagamité; and yet not a word of complaint, not a movement [180] of impatience. They receive indeed the news of death with more constancy than those Christian Gentlemen and Ladies to whom one would not dare to mention it. Our Savages hear of it not only without despair, but without troubling themselves, without the slightest pallor or change of 131countenance. We have especially admired the constancy of our new Christians. The next to the last one who died, named Joseph Oatij, lay on the bare ground during four or five months, not only before but after his Baptism,—so thin that he was nothing but bones; in a lodge so wretched that the winds blew in on all sides; covered during the cold of winter with a very light skin of some black animals, perhaps black squirrels, and very poorly nourished. He was never heard to make a complaint, however. May our Lord Jesus Christ be ever [181] praised. It is on such dispositions and foundations that we hope, with the grace of God, to build the edifice of the Christian Religion among these people, who, besides, are already affectionately inclined toward us and have a great opinion of us. It is now our part to correspond to our vocation, and to the voice of Our Savior, who says to us, videte regiones, quoniam albæ sunt iam ad messem. It is true, my Reverend Father, that messis multa, operarii pauci, and, besides, we are very weak for so great an enterprise, at least I am, and therefore I beseech our Reverend Father Provincial and Your Reverence to send us help. For this I could cry willingly to the good God, mitte quem missurus es; as for us, we are children, who can only stammer. Yet see what we, trusting in the goodness of Our Lord, and not in our own strength and skill, [182] have done for the conversion of this People since our arrival. In the first place, we have been employed in the study of the language, which, on account of the diversity of its compound words, is almost infinite. One can, nevertheless, do nothing without this study. All the French who are here have eagerly applied themselves to it, reviving the ancient usage of writing on birch-bark, 133 for want of paper. Fathers Davost and Daniel have worked at it, beyond all; they know as many words as I, and perhaps more; but they have not yet had practice in forming and joining them together promptly, although Father Daniel already explains himself passably well. As for me, who give lessons therein to our French, if God does not assist me extraordinarily, I shall yet have to go a long time to the school of the Savages, so prolific is [183] their language. That does not prevent me from understanding almost all they say, and from making them fairly understand my meaning, even in the explanation of our most ineffable mysteries. In addition, we have employed ourselves in visiting, entreating, and instructing the sick, who have been, as I have said, very numerous. It has been in this pious exercise that we have won souls for our Lord, to the number of thirteen. The first was a little girl of this village, only four or five months old; she died a quarter of an hour after her baptism, in which she was named Josepha, to fulfill a vow I had made to give this name to the first that we should regenerate with the holy waters,—in gratitude for so many favors that we have received and are receiving [184] by the interposition of that great Saint. This was on the sixth of September, 1634. The second was another little girl, about two years of age, whom we baptized on the next day. She died on the eleventh of the same month and year, having been named Marie.
Le 26. du mesme mois ie baptisay Marie Oquiaendis mere du Capitaine de ce village, ayeule de l'autre Marie. Celle-cy vit encore, & attribuë sa guerisõ à la vertu du S. Baptesme, le publiant par tout. En effet elle estoit quasi aux abois, & dés qu'elle fut lauée de ces sacrées eaux, elle commença à se mieux porter. Le 20. d'Octobre, ie partis pour aller à la Nation du Petun: en ce voyage Dieu me fit la faueur de baptifer & enuoyer au Ciel trois petits enfans, l'vn desquels entre autres alloit ietter les derniers souspirs quãd i'arriuay dãs sa cabane, où à peine eus-je le loisir [185] de l'ondoyer. Au retour du voyage, ie trouuay que le P. Daniel auoit baptisé Ioseph Ioutaya, qu'on croyoit deuoir expirer sur le chãp. Ie l'auois instruit auparauãt. Il a suruécu long temps, tousiours languissant, & faisant beaucoup d'actes de vertu. Nous l'auons assisté corporellement & spirituellement; si bien que luy & toute sa cabane n'attribuoient la prolongatiõ de sa vie, qu'au double secours qu'il a receu de nostre part. En fin estant mort heureusement dãs la cõfession & inuocatiõ du vray Dieu, & dans la repentãce de ses pechez, nous l'enterrasmes solẽnellement comme il l'auoit desiré. Nous auõs admiré le soin, la charité & la perseuerãce de sa fẽme, dãs les deuoirs & seruices qu'elle luy rẽdoit pendãt vne fort longue, fort salle, & fort puãte maladie. Elle & toute sa cabane (où nous en auons déja baptisé 136 trois) nous est demeurée [186] fort affectionnée, & ils m'ont protesté plusieurs fois qu'ils seroient tous à la vie, à la mort, & au delà en nostre disposition. Mais nous ne les iugeons pas encore assez instruits. C'est en ceste cabane où demeure le premier Huron que i'aye iamais baptizé qui fut l'an mil six cens vingt-neuf, auant nostre depart de ce Pays. C'estoit vn petit enfant tenu pour mort, lequel sembla renaistre & reuiure doublement dans les eaux viuifiantes du sainct Baptesme. Il vit encore aagé d'enuiron cinq ans, & est fort gentil.
On the 26th of the same month, I baptized Marie Oquiaendis, the mother of the Captain of this village, grandmother of the other Marie. She is still living, and attributes her recovery to the virtue of Holy Baptism, 135publishing it everywhere. In truth, she was almost gone; and as soon as she was washed with the sacred waters she began to improve. On the 20th of October, I set out to go to the Tobacco Nation.40 In this journey God granted me the favor of baptizing and sending to Heaven three little children, one of whom, among others, was about to give forth his last breath when I reached the lodge and had scarcely time [185] to sprinkle him. When I returned from the journey I found that Father Daniel had baptized Joseph Joutaya, who was believed to be at the point of death. I had instructed him previously. He survived a long time, in a languishing condition, and doing many acts of virtue. We helped him both bodily and spiritually; so well that he and all his family attributed the prolongation of his life to nothing but the double assistance he had received from us. At last, having happily died in the confession and invocation of the true God, and in repentance for his sins, we solemnly interred him as he had desired. We admired the care, the charity, and the perseverance of his wife in the duties and services she rendered to him during a long, very dirty, and very disgusting sickness. She and all her house, (where we have already baptized three) have continued [186] warmly attached to us; and they have often protested to me that they will all be, in life, in death, and beyond, at our service. But we do not judge them yet sufficiently instructed. It is this cabin where lives the first Huron I ever baptized, which was in the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, before our departure from this Country. It was a little child, looked upon as dead, who seemed to be born and live again in a double sense, in the 137 life-imparting waters of holy Baptism. He still lives, being about five years of age, and is very gentle.
Le vingt-vniesme d'Octobre fut baptizé Ioseph Sondaarouhané, aagé d'enuiron quarante ou cinquante ans; il auoit vne grande bonté & douceur naturelle, & m'estoit de longue main affectionné; il rendit son bienheureux esprit à Dieu le vingtiesme Nouembre. Le mesme [187] iour fut baptisé Ioachim Tsindacaiendoua, vieillard de 80. ans. C'estoit vn des Hurons du meilleur naturel que i'aye connu, le lendemain il quitta cette vie pour en commencer vne meilleure, comme nous croyons: nous l'enterrasmes solemnellement en vn lieu separé. Cette ceremonie attira sur nous les yeux de tout le village, & causa à plusieurs le desir qu'on honorast leur sepulture de cette façon, notamment à Ioseph Ioutaia, cy dessus mentionné: lequel apres les obseques acheuées me dit qu'il eust esté bien aise que nous eussions passé au trauers de sa cabane en l'estat que nous estions habillez, pour nous veoir du lieu où la maladie le tenoit attaché: car on luy en auoit fait tant de cas, qu'il declara authentiquement vouloir estre enterré de nos mains, ce qui fut fait.
On the twenty-first of October, was baptized Joseph Sondaarouhané, about forty or fifty years of age. He had great goodness and natural sweetness, and had been attached to me for a long time. He yielded up his blessed spirit to God, on the twentieth of November. On the same [187] day was baptized Joachim Tsindacaiendoua, an old man of 80 years. He was one of the best-natured Hurons I have ever known. The next day he left this life, to begin a better one, as we believe; we interred him solemnly in a separate place. This ceremony attracted upon us the eyes of the whole village, and caused several to desire that we should honor their burial in the same way,—notably Joseph Joutaia, the one above-mentioned, who, after the obsequies were over, told me that he would have been very glad if we had passed through his cabin in the style in which we were dressed, so that he might see us from the place in which sickness kept him bound; for they had talked so much to him about the matter that he declared of his own will that he wished to be interred by our hands, which was done.
[188] Puisque ie suis retombé sur le propos de cét homme, ie diray vne chose memorable qui luy arriua 138 apres son Baptesme. Le Diable luy apparut vn iour en forme d'vn sien frere decedé. Entrant dans sa cabane, il ne le salüa pas, & s'asseyant de l'autre cofté du feu, vis à vis de nostre nouueau Chrestien, il demeura long-temps sans parler. En fin prenant la parole, il luy dit, Quoy donc mon frere, vous nous voulez quitter? Nostre Ioseph, qui n'estoit pas encore assez duit en cette milice, respondit: non, mõ frere, ie ne vous veux pas quitter, ie ne vous quitteray point; & dit-on qu'alors ce faux frere commença à le caresser. Toutesfois il a depuis protesté plusieurs fois qu'il desiroit aller au Ciel.
[188] Since I have referred to this man's decision, I will tell a memorable thing which happened to him after his Baptism. The Devil appeared to him in the form of one of his deceased brothers. Entering his cabin without any salutation, he sat down on the other side of the fire opposite our new Christian, and remained a long time without speaking. At last beginning to speak, he said to him, "How now, my brother, do you wish to leave us?" Our Joseph, who was not yet sufficiently equipped for this warfare, replied, 139 "No, my brother, I don't wish to leave you; I will not leave you," and it is said this false brother then began to caress him. Still, he has since declared several times that he desired to go to Heaven.
Le vingt-septiesme de Nouembre Martin Tsicok, vieillard desia [189] fort aagé, & d'vne humeur fort douce, fut baptisé. Ce bon hõme ne cessa d'inuoquer Iesus & Marie depuis son baptesme iusques au 15. Decembre qu'il mourut. Ie commençay à l'instruire par cette verité: que nos ames apres la mort alloient toutes en Enfer ou en Paradis: Que le Paradis estoit vn lieu remply de delices & de contentemens: & au contraire, l'Enfer, vn lieu de feux, de peines & de tourmens eternels. Qu'au reste, il auisast, tandis qu'il estoit encore en vie, auquel de ces deux lieux il vouloit aller, & demeurer pour iamais. Alors ce bon vieillard se tournant vers sa femme, Ma femme, luy dit-il, ne vaut-il pas bien mieux aller au Ciel? I'ay peur de ces effroyables feux d'enfer: sa femme fut de mesme aduis; & ainsi il presta volontiers l'oreille aux instructiõs qu'on luy dõna.
On the twenty-seventh of November, Martin Tsicok, already a very [189] old man and of a very gentle disposition, was baptized. This good man did not cease to invoke Jesus and Mary from his baptism until the 15th of December, when he died. I began to instruct him with this truth, that our souls after death all go to Hell or to Paradise; that Paradise is a place full of delights and contentment, and on the contrary that Hell is a place of fires, of pains, and eternal torments; that, besides, he should think, while he was yet in life, to which of these places he desired to go and dwell forever. Then this good old man, turning to his wife, said to her, "My wife, is it not indeed better to go to Heaven? I am afraid of those horrible fires of hell." His wife was of the same opinion, and thus he willingly listened to the instructions we gave him.
Le dixneufiesme Ianuier, ie partis [190] pour aller en la maison de Louys de saincte Foy, distante de nostre village de sept ou huict lieuës. Ie n'auois peû ny deu y aller plustost, pour ce qu'il estoit allé en la 140 Nation neutre querir son Pere, qui y estoit demeuré perclus.
On the nineteenth of January, I set out [190] for the house of Louys de saincte Foy, distant from our village seven or eight leagues. I had been neither able nor willing to go sooner, as he had gone to the neutral Nation41 to seek his father, who had remained there, a cripple.
En ce voyage, passant par Onnentissati, i'allay voir vn nommé oukhahitoüa, qui auoit l'an passé embarqué vn de nos hommes: le trouuant à l'extremité, ie l'instruisis, il creut, il detesta sa vie passée, il fut baptisé sous le nom de François, & deux iours apres quitta ce monde pour s'enuoler au Ciel.
On this journey passing through Onnentissati,42 I went to see a man named oukhahitoüa, who last year embarked one of our men. Finding him dying, I instructed him; he believed, he detested his past life, he was baptized under the name of François, and two days later quitted this world to fly to Heaven.
Le vingt-neufiesme de Mars nous baptisames solemnellement en nostre petite Chapelle Ioseph Oatij: François petit Pré luy seruit de Parain, plusieurs y assisterent. Il y auoit long-temps que nous l'instruisions; c'est pourquoy il respondit [191] luy-mesme aux interrogations que ie luy faisois en langue Huronne. Ce bon ieune homme estoit d'vne complexion fort valetudinaire; nous l'auions gaigné par vne continuelle assistance, qui l'auoit remis par deux fois: de sorte que tres-volontiers il remit entre nos mains le soin de son ame, laquelle alla heureusement à Dieu le quatorziesme Auril, apres auoir esté fortifiée du Sacrement d'extreme-Onction.
On the twenty-ninth of March, we solemnly baptized 141 in our little Chapel Joseph Oatij; François petit Pré43 was his Godfather, and many were present. We had been instructing him a long time, and hence he replied [191] personally to the questions I put to him in the Huron tongue. This good young man was of a very sickly constitution; we had gained him by continual assistance, which had twice saved his life; so that he willingly put in our hands the care of his soul, which went happily to God on the fourteenth of April, after having been fortified by the Sacrament of extreme Unction.
Nous auons sur tout admiré sa patience, & sa tranquillité d'esprit, principalement depuis le baptesme. A peine auions nous commencé à l'instruire, qu'il commença à dire fort souuent & de iour & de nuict; Iesus ayez pitié de moy. Marie & Ioseph secourez moy.
We especially admired his patience and tranquility of mind, especially after his baptism. Scarcely had we begun to instruct him when he began to say very often, both by day and by night, "Jesus, have pity on me! Mary and Joseph, help me!"
Finalement le vingtiesme d'Auril, ie baptisay à Oënrio vne femme fort vieille. Elle deceda le vingt-quatriesme; [192] du commencement que ie l'abborday, & que ie luy demanday si elle vouloit aller au Ciel ou en Enfer: elle ne respondoit autre chose, sinon qu'elle iroit où son fils voudroit. Mais luy ayant esté 142 dit que son pere feu Ioachim Tsindacaiendoua estoit allé au Ciel: I'y veux donc aller, dit-elle.
Lastly, on the twentieth of April, I baptized at Oënrio a very old woman, who died on the twenty-fourth. [192] At first, when I talked to her, and asked her whether she wished to go to Heaven or to Hell, she did not answer, except to say that she would go where her son wished. But having told her that her father, the late Joachim Tsindacaiendoua, had gone to Heaven, she said, "Then I wish to go there!"
Ce sont là les fruicts que nous auons recueilly de nos visites, & instructions particulieres. Ie croy que la moisson eust esté plus grande, si i'eusse peu abandonner nostre village, & parcourir les autres. Plaise à nostre Seigneur accepter ces petites premices, & nous donner les forces & les moyens d'en faire dauantage. On en a instruit beaucoup d'autres, qui demandoient le Baptesme fort instãment. Mais ne les voyant pas en dãger de mort, nous les auons reseruez pour vne plus grãde instructiõ.
These, then, are the fruits that we have gathered from our visits and private instructions. I believe the harvest would have been greater if I could have left our village, and visited the others. May it please our Lord to accept these few first fruits, and give us strength and opportunities to gather more of them. We have instructed many others, who asked very urgently for Baptism; but not seeing them in danger 143 of death, we have kept them back for further instructions.
[193] Enuiron le mois de Decembre les neiges commencerent à prendre pied, & les Sauuages se rendirent sedentaires dans le village. Car tout l'Esté, & tout l'Automne, ils sont la plus-part ou dans des cabanes chãpestres à prendre garde à leurs bleds, ou sur le lac à la pesche, ou en traite; ce qui n'est pas vne petite incommodité pours les instruire. Les voyãt donc ainsi reünis, au commencemẽt de ceste année, nous resolusmes de prescher publiquement à tous, & leur faire cognoistre le sujet de nostre venuë en leur Pays, qui n'est pas pour leurs pelleteries, mais pour leur annoncer le vray Dieu, & son fils Iesus-Christ, Sauueur vniuersel de nos ames.
[193] About the month of December, the snow began to lie on the ground, and the Savages settled down in the village. For, during the whole Summer and Autumn, they are for the most part either in their rural cabins, taking care of their crops, or on the lake fishing, or trading; which makes it not a little inconvenient to instruct them. Seeing them, therefore, thus gathered together at the beginning of this year, we resolved to preach publicly to all, and to acquaint them with the reason of our coming into their Country, which is not for their furs, but to declare to them the true God and his son, Jesus Christ, the universal Savior of our souls.
Nous faisons cette Instruction ou Catechisme en nostre cabane: car nous n'auons point encore d'autre Eglise capable. C'est le plus souuent [194] que nous pouuons: car leurs festins, leurs danses, & leurs ieux, les occupent tellement, qu'on ne les assemble pas comme l'on veut.
We gave the Instruction or Catechism in our cabin, for we had as yet no other suitable Church. This is often the most [194] we can do; for their feasts, dances, and games so occupy them that we cannot get them together as we would like.
La façon ordinaire que nous y tenons est cette-cy. Nous appellons le monde par le moyen du Capitaine du village, qui les assemble tous chez nous comme en 144 Conseil, ou bien au son de la clochette. Ie me sers du surplis & du bonnet carré, pour donner plus de maiesté. Au commencement nous chantons à genoux le Pater noster reduit en vers Hurons. Le P. Daniel comme autheur de cela chante vn couplet tout seul, & puis nous le rechantons tous ensemble, & ceux d'entre les Hurons, principalement les petits enfans qui le sçauent desia, prennent plaisir de chanter auec nous, & les autres d'escouter. Cela fait, comme vn chacun est assis, ie me leue, & fais [195] faire le signe de la Croix à tous, puis ayãt recapitulé ce que i'ay dit la derniere fois, i'explique quelque chose de nouueau. Apres cela nous interrogeons les ieunes enfans, & les filles, donnans ou vn petit canon de verre, ou de la racade à ceux qui l'ont merité. Les parents sont fort aises de veoir leurs enfans bien dire, & remporter quelque petit prix, dont ils se rendent dignes par le soin qu'ils ont de venir en particulier se faire instruire. Nous de nostre costé, pour leur donner plus d'emulation, faisons reprendre chaque leçon, par nos deux petits garçons François, qui s'entreinterrogent l'vn l'autre; ce qui rauit les Sauuages en admiration. En fin tout se conclud par le discours des Anciens, qui proposent leurs difficultez, & quelquesfois me [196] font escouter à mon tour le narré de leur creance.
The usual method that we follow is this: We call together the people by the help of the Captain of the village, who assembles them all in our house as in Council, or perhaps by the sound of the bell. I use the surplice and the square cap, to give more majesty to my appearance. At the beginning, we chant on our knees the Pater noster, translated into Huron verse. Father Daniel, as its author, chants a couplet alone, and then we all together chant it again; and those among the Hurons, principally the little ones, who already know it, take pleasure in chanting it with us, and the others in listening. That done, when every one is seated, I rise and make [195] the sign of the Cross for all; then, having recapitulated 145 what I said the last time, I explain something new. After that we question the young children and the girls, giving a little bead of glass or porcelain to those who deserve it. The parents are very glad to see their children answer well and carry off some little prize, of which they render themselves worthy by the care they take to come privately to get instruction. On our part, to arouse their emulation, we have each lesson retraced by our two little French boys, who question each other,—which transports the Savages with admiration. Finally the whole is concluded by the talk of the Old Men, who propound their difficulties, and sometimes [196] make me listen in my turn to the statement of their belief.
Nous commençasmes nos Catechismes par cette verité memorable, que les ames qui sont immortelles, vont toutes apres la mort en Paradis ou en Enfer. Et c'est ainsi que nous les abordons, soit en public, soit en particulier. I'adioustay qu'ils auoiẽt le choix pendant la vie, de prendre party apres la mort icy ou là, où ils aduiseroient presentement. A quoy vn bon veillard m'ayant dit, Aille qui voudra dans les feux d'Enfer, pour moy ie desire aller au Ciel. Tous les 146 autres le suiuirent, & vsans de la mesme response, nous prierent de leur en monstrer le chemin, & oster les pierres, les arbres & les halliers qui y sont, & qui pourroient les arrester.
We began our Catechizing by this memorable truth, that their souls, which are immortal, all go after death either to Paradise or to Hell. It is thus we approach them, either in public or in private. I added that they had the choice, during life, to participate after death in the one or the other,—which one, they ought now to consider. Whereupon one honest old man said to me, "Let him who will, go to the fires of Hell; I want to go to Heaven;" all the others followed and making use of the same answer, begged us to show them the way, and to take away the stones, the trees, and the thickets therein, which might stop them.
Nos Hurons comme vous voyez ne sont pas si massifs qu'on croiroit biẽ, [197] ils me semblent auoir le sens cõmun assez bon, & ie les recognois vniuersellemẽt fort dociles. Il y en a neantmoins d'opiniastres, & attachez à leurs superstitiõs & mauuaises coustumes; ce sont notamment les vieillards: car horsmis ceux là, qui ne sont pas en grand nombre, tout le reste ne sçait rien en leur croyance. Nous en auons en nostre village deux ou trois de ce nombre. Ie suis souuent aux prises auec eux, où ie les conuaincs & les mets en contradiction, de telle sorte qu'ils aduoüent ingenuement leur ignorance, & les autres se mocquent d'eux; neantmoins ils ne se rendent pas, ayant pour tout refuge, que leur Pays n'est pas comme le nostre, qu'ils ont vn autre Dieu, vn autre Paradis, en vn mot d'autres coustumes.
Our Hurons, as you see, are not so dull as one might think them; [197] they seem to me to have rather good common sense, and I find them universally very docile. Nevertheless, some of them are obstinate, and attached to their superstitions and evil customs. These are principally the old people; for beyond these, who are not numerous, the rest know 147 nothing of their own belief. We have two or three of this number in our village. I am often in conflict with them; and then I show them they are wrong, and make them contradict themselves, so that they frankly admit their ignorance, and the others ridicule them; still they will not yield, always falling back upon this, that their Country is not like ours, that they have another God, another Paradise, in a word, other customs.
Ils nous racontent que cette femme nommé Eataentsic tomba du Ciel [198] dedans les eaux, dont estoit couuerte la terre, & que peu à peu la terre se descouurit. Ie leur demande qui a creé ce Ciel, où cette femme n'a pû se tenir, & ils demeurent muets; comme aussi quãd ie les presse de me dire qui auoit produit la terre, veu qu'elle estoit au fond des eaux auparauant la cheute de ceste femme. Vn certain me demanda assez subtilement sur ce propos, où estoit Dieu auant la creation du monde. La response me fut plus facile, apres S. Augustin, qu'à eux l'intelligence de la question qu'ils me faisoient. Vn autre bon vieillard estant tombé malade, ne vouloit point oüyr parler d'aller au Ciel, disant qu'il desiroit aller 148 où estoient ses ancestres. Quelques iours apres il se rendit, & me fit vn plaisant conte. Resioüys toy, me dit-il, car ie suis reuenu du pays des ames, & ie n'y en ay plus trouué, [199] elles sont toutes allées au Ciel. Il n'y a rien qui ne serue à salut, quand il plaist à Dieu, iusques aux songes.
They tell us how the woman, named Eataentsic, fell from Heaven [198] into the waters with which the earth was covered; and that little by little, the earth became bare. I ask them who created the Heaven in which this woman could not stay, and they remain mute; as also when I press them to tell me who formed the earth, seeing that it was beneath the waters before the fall of this woman. One man asked me very cunningly, in this connection, where God was before the creation of the world. The reply was more easy for me, following St. Augustine, than the grasp of the question put to me was for them. Another good old man, having fallen sick, did not wish to hear of going to Heaven, saying he desired to go where his ancestors were. Some days afterwards, he came to me and told me a pleasant story: "Rejoice," he said, "for I have returned from the country of souls, and I have found none there any longer; [199] they have all gone to Heaven." There is nothing which does not serve for salvation when God pleases, not even dreams.
Deux choses entre autres nous ont fort aydé, pour si peu de profit que nous auons desia fait icy, par la grace de nostre Seigneur. La premiere est, comme i'ay desia dit, la santé que Dieu nous a conseruée parmy vne si grande & si vniuerselle contagion: car nos Hurons ont pensé que s'ils croyoient en Dieu, & le seruoient comme nous, il[s] ne mouroient pas en si grand nombre.
Two things among others have aided us very much in the little we have been able to do here, by the grace of our Lord; the first is, as I have already said, the good health that God has granted us in the midst 149 of sickness so general and so widespread. For our Hurons have thought that, if they believed in God and served him as we do, they would not die in so large numbers.
La seconde est l'assistance temporelle, qu'on a rendu aux malades. Ayans apporté pour nous quelques petits rafraichissemens, nous leur en donnions, à l'vn vn peu de prunes, à l'autre vn peu de raisins; aux autres quelque autre chose. Les pauures gens venoient [200] de fort loin pour en auoir tous leur part.
The second is the temporal assistance we have rendered to the sick. Having brought for ourselves some few delicacies, we shared them with them, giving to one a few prunes and to another a few raisins, to others something else. The poor people came [200] from great distances to get their share.
Nos François ayant assez heureusement reüssy à la chasse pendant l'Automne; nous en portions quelque morceau à tous les malades. Cela leur gagnoit le cœur. Veu principalemẽt, qu'ils mouroient n'ayãt ny chair ny poissõ, pour affaisõner leur sagamité. Adioustez que tous nos François se sont Dieu mercy comportez si vertueusement, & si paisiblemẽt dedãs & dehors, pẽdant toute cette année, qu'ils ont attiré la benediction du Ciel. Nous deuons aussi beaucoup au glorieux sainct Ioseph espoux de nostre Dame, & protecteur des Hurons, dont nous auons touché au doigt l'assistãce plusieurs fois. Ce fut vne chose remarquable, que le iour de sa feste, & durant l'Octaue, les commoditez nous venoient de toutes parts.
Our French servants having succeeded very well in hunting, during the Autumn, we carried portions of game to all the sick. That chiefly won their hearts, as they were dying, having neither flesh nor fish to season their sagamité. Add that all our French have borne themselves, thank God, so virtuously and so peaceably on all sides, during the whole year, that they have drawn down the blessing of Heaven. We owe much also to our glorious saint Joseph, spouse of our Lady, and protector of the Hurons, who has rendered us tangible aid several times. It was a remarkable thing that on the day of his feast, and during the Octave, accommodations came to us from all sides.
150 [201] Auant que de finir, ie diray seulement ce mot de Louys de saincte Foy, que i'aymerois mieux taire, n'estoit qu'il peut seruir pour reconnoistre plus iudicieusement cette Nation. C'est qu'il n'est pas tel qu'il deuroit estre, & que nous l'eussions souhaitté; neantmoins nous en auõs encore bonne esperance. Il fut pris l'année passée par les Hiroquois en la défaite commune, & emmené prisonnier. Il luy en a cousté vn doigt; ce coup de foüet deuroit estre bastant pour le remettre en son deuoir. Son Pere ne fut pas pris: il se sauua à la fuite, mais en fuyãt il patit à bon escient dedans les bois, où il demeura, à ce qu'il dit, trente iours, combattu de trois puissans ennemis; scauoir est du froid, car c'estoit au Printemps, & il estoit nud & sans feu: de la maladie, car il demeura comme perclus des deux iambes & [202] n'en est pas encore guery; & en fin de la faim. A propos de laquelle il raconte vne chose remarquable, si elle est vraye. Il dit qu'ayant demeuré dix ou douze iours sans manger, & priant Dieu, duquel il auoit ouy parler à son fils, il vit comme vn pot de grais tel qu'il en auoit veu à Kebec, remply d'vne très suaue liqueur, & oüyt vne voix, qui luy disoit, Saranhes, aye bon courage, tu n'en mourras pas; prens, boy de ce qui est dans ce pot afin de te fortifier: ce qu'il fit, & en fut merueilleusement soulagé. Que peu apres il rencontra en vn arbrisseau vn sachet de bled, dont il sustenta petitement sa vie, iusques à ce que quelques Sauuages de la Nation neutre, l'ayant fortuitement trouué, l'enleuerent en leur village.
[201] Before drawing to a close, I shall say only this one word about Louys de saincte Foy, which I would prefer not to say were it not that it may help to make this Nation more correctly known; it is this,—he is not such as he ought to be, and as we had wished. Nevertheless, we still have good hope. He was taken prisoner last year by the Hiroquois, in the common defeat, and carried away a captive. It cost him a finger. This severe stroke ought to suffice to bring him back to duty. His Father was not taken; 151 he escaped by flight, but in fleeing he suffered in good earnest in the woods, where he remained, according to his account, thirty days struggling against three powerful enemies,—namely, cold, for it was Spring, and he was naked and fireless; sickness, for his two legs were powerless, and [202] he has not yet recovered; and, lastly, against hunger, in reference to which he relates a remarkable story, if it be true. He says that, having gone for ten or twelve days without eating, and praying to God, of whom he had heard his son speak, he saw what seemed a pot of grease, such as he had seen at Kebec, full of a very savory liquor, and heard a voice that said to him, "Saranhes, be of good cheer; thou wilt not die; take, drink what is in the pot and strengthen thyself," which he did, and was marvelously solaced by it. A little later, he found in a thicket a small bagful of corn, with which he barely sustained life until some Savages of the neutral Nation, having accidentally found him, brought him to their village.
Cét homme m'a témoigné qu'il desiroit se conuertir, luy & toute sa [203] famille, & cooperer à ce que tout son village seruist à Dieu, comme nous. Mais c'est 152 vn esprit deslié aussi bien que son fils, ie ne me fie pas encore en luy. Nostre esperance est en Dieu, & en nostre Seigneur Iesus-Christ, qui a respandu son sang pour le salut des Hurons, aussi bien pour le reste du monde.
This man has declared to me that he and his whole family were desirous of being converted, [203] and of helping to bring the entire village to God's service. But his is a crafty spirit, as well as his son's, and I do not trust him yet. Our hope is in God, and in our Lord Jesus Christ, who shed his blood for the salvation of the Hurons, as well as for the rest of the world.
C'est sur cét appuy, & non sur nos industries, que nous esperons de veoir vn iour icy vne Chrestienté florissante. Les esprits certes y sont dociles & flexibles, ie ne voy que la liberté des femmes qu'ils changent à plaisir, & quelques superstitions difficiles à abolir. Car d'ailleurs ils n'ont point d'auersion de la Foy, ny de la Loy Chrestienne; ils recourent volontiers à Dieu en leurs [204] necessitez: viennent faire benir leurs bleds auant que de les semer, & demandent ce que c'est que nous desirons d'eux. Nous n'auons à apprehender que nos pechez & imperfections, & moy sur tous. Certes ie me sens extremement i[n]digne de cét employ; mais enuoyez nous des saincts, ou faites enuers Dieu nostre Seigneur, que nous soyons tels qu'il desire. Mille recommandations aux saincts sacrifices de vostre Reuerence, & de tous nos Peres & Freres.
De V. R.
De nostre petite Maison de S. Ioseph au village d'Ihonatiria és Hurons ce 27. May 1635. iour auquel le S. Esprit descendit visiblement sur les Apostres.
Tres-humble & tres-obeyssant
seruiteur en nostre Seigneur,
Iean de Brebevf.
It is through this support, and not our own efforts, that we hope one day to see here a flourishing Christianity. Indeed, their minds are docile and flexible; I see only the liberty with which they change their wives at pleasure, and some superstitions, difficult to abolish, for in other respects they have no aversion 153to the Faith nor to the Christian Law. They turn willingly to God in their [204] necessities; they come to get their crops blessed, before sowing them; and ask us what we desire of them. All we have to fear is our own sins and imperfections, and I above all. In truth, I feel myself extremely unworthy of this employment; but send holy ones to us, or pray to God our Lord that we may be such as he desires. A thousand entreaties for the holy sacrifices of your Reverence and of all our Fathers and Brothers.
Your Reverence's
From our little House of St. Joseph, in the village of Ihonatiria in the Huron country, this 27th of May, 1635, the day on which the Holy Spirit descended visibly upon the Apostles.
Very humble and obedient
servant in our Lord,
Jean de Brebeuf.
154 [205] Mon R. Pere,
Depuis la presente escrite nous auõs baptisé vn enfãt malade, arriere petit neueu de feu Ioachim Tsindacaiendoua, & ce d'autant plus hardiment que ceste famille semble estre toute disposée à la Foy. Nostre Seigneur luy a rendu la santé auec admiration de ses parens, qui remarquerent qu'incontinent apres le baptesme, il reposa fort doucement. Cela seruira pour renuerser vne mauuaise opinion que le Diable va semant dans quelques esprits, ausquels il persuade qu'on ne guerit iamais apres le baptesme. C'est là vne des ruses du Diable contre nous; il en a bien d'autres dont il a fait l'essay desia en partie, mais N. Seigneur le confondra; c'est en luy en qui nous nous confions. Paraduenture V. R. sera-elle [206] biẽ aise de sçauoir que l'Hyuer a esté icy fort court, & fort moderé, le Pays est tel, qu'il porte assez pour la nourriture des habitans. Tout ce Printemps a esté grandement beau & sec, les bleds commencent à pâtir faute de pluye. Ie prie nostre Seigneur, qu'il luy plaise y remedier, & nous donner ce qui sera necessaire pour sa gloire, pour les heureux commencemens de ceste Chrestienté, & pour la benediction des petits trauaux que nostre Compagnie entreprend en ces terres éloignées, sous la protection des Fleurs de Lys, & de nostre Grand Roy, qui les fait fleurir auiourd'huy si glorieusement.
155 [205] My Reverend Father,
Since the above was written, we have baptized a sick child, grandnephew of the late Joachim Tsindacaiendoua; and this the more boldly, as this family seems to be disposed to the Faith. Our Lord has restored his health, to the wonder of his parents, who remarked that immediately after the baptism he rested very sweetly. This will serve to overthrow a bad opinion that the Devil goes about sowing in some minds, whom he persuades that they will never get better after baptism. This is but one of the ruses of the Devil against us; he has many others, which he has already attempted in part; but Our Lord will confound him; it is in him that we put our trust. Your Reverence will perhaps [206] be glad to hear that the Winter here has been very short and moderate. The Country is such that it bears sufficient for the nourishment of its inhabitants. All this Spring has been extremely clear and dry; the crops are beginning to suffer for want of rain. I pray our Lord that it may please him to remedy this, and to give us what will be necessary for his glory, for the happy beginnings of this Christianity, and for the blessing of the insignificant labors that our Society is undertaking in these distant lands, under the protection of the Fleurs de Lys and of our Great King who to-day is causing them to bloom so gloriously.
Enuoyée par le P. Iulien Perrault, de la Compagnie de Iesus, à son Prouincial, en France, l'an 1634. & 35.
L'ISLE du Cap Breton est esloignée de nostre France d'enuiron neuf cens lieuës par mer. Elle en a soixante & dix ou quatre vingts de circuit. Les mõtagnes y sont fort hautes & en nombre, au pied desquelles [208] se voyent de grandes fondrieres & precipices affreux. La terre y est couuerte de toutes sortes d'arbres, comme de chaisnes, haistres, bouleaux, pins, sapins & autres.
Sent by Father Julïen Perrault, of the Society of Jesus, to his Provincial, in France, in the years 1634 and 35.44
THE Island of Cape Breton45 is about nine hundred leagues distant from our France by sea. It is seventy or eighty leagues in circumference. The mountains here are very high and numerous, at the foot of which [208] are seen great bogs and frightful precipices. The land is covered with all sorts of trees, such as oak, beech, birch, pine, hemlock, and others.
Le Chibou principale partie de ceste Isle, est vne grande Baye d'enuiron deux lieuës de large en son entré, qui va peu à peu s'estressissant le long de six ou sept lieuës, qu'elle comprend en estenduë. Sur le milieu, à main gauche en montant, au haut de la coste, qui regarde le Nor-oüest, est basti le fort de saincte Anne, à l'entrée du port, vis à vis d'vne petite Ance. L'assiete du lieu est si auantageuse, au rapport de ceux qui s'y cognoissent, qu'auec dix ou douze pieces de canon, on pourroit couler à fonds tous les vaisseaux ennemis qui s'y presenteroient.
Chibou,46 which is the principal part of this Island, is a great Bay about two leagues wide at its entrance, becoming narrower little by little, in the six or seven leagues which form its extent. In the middle, on the left hand in ascending, on the summit of the shore that faces the Northwest, is built the fort of sainte Anne, at the entrance of the harbor, opposite a little Cove. The situation of the place is so advantageous, according to the report of those who are acquainted with it, that with ten or twelve pieces of cannon, all the hostile ships that might present themselves could be sent to the bottom.
Ceux qui ont vieilly sur mer, protestent qu'ils n'ont iamais veu vn [209] Port plus recommandable pour sa capacité, ny pour la facilité de son abord. Trois mille nauires y peuuent estre à l'aise, & à l'abry de tout vent, en vn beau rond tres-agreable à veoir; car sa figure est circulaire, ou peu s'en faut. Les marées y 158 sont fort douces & reiglées; il y a tousiours de dix à douze brassées d'eau: au reste nonobstant que toute l'Isle soit de quarante-six degrez & demy en son eleuation; si est-ce que le froid y est extréme, parmy des neiges de cinq à six mois l'année. Voila pour ce qui est de la situation du lieu: venons aux commoditez de la vie, qu'il offre aux habitans: surquoy on peut dire en general, que les Sauuages sont icy plus à leur aise, qu'en beaucoup d'autres endroits. Si l'Hyuer leur y fournit moins de Castors sur eau, il leur donne aussi en récompense plus d'Orignacs [210] sur terre. En esté ils y viuent assez doucement de Marmettes, de Perroquets, de Cormorans, & autres oyseaux de marine. Ils y ont aussi les Outardes, l'Esplan, les Maquereaux, les Moruës, & semblables prouisions selon la diuersité des saisons, dans les forests, ou sur les costes de la mer.
Those who have grown old upon the sea protest that they have never seen a [209] more desirable Port, either in extent or for its facility of access. Three thousand ships could easily anchor there, and be sheltered from every wind, in a beautiful enclosure 159 very pleasant to look upon; for its form is circular, or nearly so. The tides here are very mild and regular; there is always from ten to twelve fathoms of water. Furthermore, notwithstanding that the Island is in forty-six and a half degrees north latitude, the cold is extreme, the island lying in the midst of snow five or six months of the year. This is the situation of the place, let us come to the conveniences of life which it offers to its inhabitants. On this subject we may say, in general, that the Savages are more comfortable here than in many other places. If the Winter supplies them with fewer Beavers upon the water, it gives them, by way of compensation, more Moose [210] upon the land. In summer, they live very well on Marmots and Parrot fish,47 with Cormorants and other marine birds. They have also Bustards, Smelts, Mackerel, Codfish, and like supplies, according to the different seasons, in the forests or upon the coasts of the sea.
Quant à eux, pour ce qui est du corps, ils n'ont rien de monstrueux; vous y voyez des gẽs bien-faits, d'vn beau visage, & d'vne riche taille, forts & puissans. Leur charnure est blanche naturellement, comme en font foy les petits enfans; mais le hasle du Soleil, & les frictions d'huile de Loup marin, & de graisse d'Orignac, les rend fort bazanez, à mesure qu'ils croissent. Ils vont la plus-part la teste nuë, & portent de longs cheueux noirs, auec fort peu ou point de barbe, tellement que les femmes n'y sont recogneües, [211] qu'en ce qu'elles se seruent d'vne ceinture, & qu'elles sont moins découuertes que les hommes; tout au rebours de ce qui se prattique en plusieurs lieux de la Chrestienté, à la honte du Christianisme. On void icy des vieillards de quatre-vingts & cent ans, qui n'ont presque pas vn poil gris. Pour le regard de l'esprit, s'il 160 en faut iuger de leurs deportemens, & de leurs façons de traitter auec nos François, ils ne l'ont pas mauuais. Vous ne voyez paroistre en leurs gestes & démarches aucune sottise ou niaiserie, mais plutost vne certaine grauité & modestie naturelle, qui les rend aimables. Ils sont bien si industrieux, que de déguiser leur langage, adioustans à chaque mot vne syllabe, qui ne sert qu'à troubler l'imagination de ceux, dont ils ne veulent point estre entendus.
As to the people, there is nothing anomalous in their physical appearance; you see well-formed men, good-looking, of fine figures, strong and powerful. Their skin is naturally white, for the little children show it thus; but the heat of the Sun, and the rubbing with Seal oil and Moose fat, make them very swarthy, the more so as they grow older. Most of them go bareheaded, and they have long, black hair, with very little or no beard, so that the women cannot be distinguished, [211] except that they use a girdle and are less naked than the men; quite the reverse of what is practiced in many Christian lands, to the shame of Christianity. One sees here old men, of eighty and a hundred years, who have hardly a gray hair. As to their intelligence, if we may 161 judge from their conduct and from their way of dealing with the French, they are not at a great disadvantage. You do not see in their gestures and bearing any foolishness or nonsense, but rather a certain gravity and natural modesty, which makes them agreeable. They are indeed so clever that, in order to disguise their language, they add to every word a syllable, which only serves to confuse the minds of those by whom they do not wish to be understood.
[212] Ce qui leur manque, est la cognoissance de Dieu, & du seruice qu'ils sont obligez de luy rendre, comme aussi de l'estat des ames apres la mort: c'est merueille, que nous n'en auons sceu encore découurir aucun vestige, en ce que nous sçauons de leur langue. Peut-estre qu'en descouurirons nous quelque chose de plus, quand nous y serons plus sçauans: car il n'est pas croyable que la lumiere naturelle soit tout à fait esteinte en eux pour ce regard, ne l'estant point en d'autres Natiõs plus barbares; ou qu'ils ne parlent iamais entre-eux de ce qu'ils ne peuuent tout à fait ignorer. Tant y a que iusqu'à maintenant, nous n'auons non plus remarqué de Religion parmy ces pauures Sauuages, que parmy les bestes. C'est ce qui nous fend le cœur de compassion, pour des ames rachetées au mesme [213] prix que nous, & dont elles feroient leur profit volontiers mieux que nous, si elles sçauoient ce qu'elles vallent, & ce qu'elles ont cousté à celuy qui nous a tant aimez tous ensemble.
[212] What they do lack is the knowledge of God and of the service that they ought to render to him, as also of the state of the soul after death; it is wonderful that we have not yet been able to discover any trace of this knowledge in what we know of their language. Perhaps we shall discover something more, when we become better versed in it; for it is not credible that the light of nature should be altogether extinct in them in this regard, when it is not in other more barbarous Nations, or that they never talk among themselves of that of which they cannot be entirely ignorant. For all that, we have not up to the present noticed any more Religion among these poor Savages than among brutes. This is what wrings our hearts with compassion for souls redeemed at the same [213] price as ours, by which they would willingly profit better than we, if they could know what they themselves are worth, and what they cost him who has loved us all so much.
Or ce qui nous console parmy cette ignorance & barbarie, & ce qui nous fait esperer d'y veoir vn iour la Foy plantée bien auant; c'est en partie la docilité qu'ils nous sont paroistre à vouloir estre instruits, & en partie la fidelité & l'honnesteté que nous y remarquons.
Now what consoles us in the midst of this ignorance and barbarism, and what makes us hope some day to see the Faith widely planted, is partly the docility they have shown in wishing to be instructed, and partly the honesty and decency we observe in them.
162 Ils se rendent fort assidus & attentifs aux instructions que nous leur donnons: ie ne sçay, si c'est par complaisance, car ils en ont beaucoup naturellement, ou par instinct d'enhaut, qu'ils nous escoutent si volontiers sur les mysteres de nostre Foy, & redisent apres nous, soit qu'ils l'entendent ou non, tout ce [214] que nous leur en declarons. Ils font tres-volontiers le signe de la Croix, comme ils nous voyent faire, leuans les mains & les yeux au Ciel, prononçans, Iesus Maria, comme nous: iusque-là qu'ayans remarqué l'honneur que nous rendons à la Croix, les pauures gens se la peignent au visage, à l'estomach, aux bras, & aux iambes, sans en estre priez. Ie veux bien qu'ils fassent tout cela en ces commencemens par vne simplicité naturelle, qui les porte à imiter tout ce qu'ils voyent, plus que pour aucune meilleure consideration; si est-ce qu'auec le temps, ils en peuuẽt estre aidez; & ils ne seront pas les premiers, quãd ils viendront à pratiquer par election, ce qui leur a esté en vsage, comme par rencontre & par hazard. Au surplus, ce qui n'est pas peu, ils nous pressent parfois de prier nostre bon Iesus pour eux, [215] pour les succez de leurs chasses, & pour la deliurance de leurs maladies.
163 They are very diligent and attentive to the instructions we give them; I do not know whether it is through complaisance, for they have a great deal of this naturally, or through an instinct from above, that they listen to us so willingly concerning the mysteries of our Faith, and repeat after us, whether they understand it or not, all that [214] we declare to them. They very willingly make the sign of the Cross, as they see us make it, raising their hands and eyes to Heaven and pronouncing the words, "Jesus, Mary," as we do,—so far that, having observed the honor we render to the Cross, these poor people paint it on their faces, chests, arms, and legs, without being asked to do so. I am very willing that they should do all these things in the beginning from a natural simplicity, which causes them to imitate all they see, rather than from any greater consideration; because in time they may be helped by it, and they will not be the first, who come to practice by choice that to which by casual encounter they have become accustomed. Besides, what is of no small importance, they sometimes urge us to pray our good Jesus for them, [215] for the success of their hunting and for relief from their diseases.
L'autre aduantage que nous remarquons icy, pour la predication de l'Euangile, est en la fidelité, & en l'honnesteté que nous y voyons reluire, comme deux clairs rayons de lumiere, au milieu des tenebres. On n'a que faire de se défier de nos Sauuages, ou de prendre garde à leurs mains & à leurs pieds, comme en quelques autres, qui attirent tout à eux, & s'accommodent de tout ce qu'ils treuuent à leur bienfeance. Tout leur est ouuert en tout lieu, & si rien 164 n'est en danger deuant eux, quand ils feroient seuls en vne cabane, & sans pouuoir estre apperceus de personne. Pour l'honnesteté, ils l'ont en telle recõmandation, au moins quãt à ce qui se void à l'exterieur, en leurs actions & paroles, qu'il y a de l'apparence [216] qu'ils se leueront au dernier iour, & condamneront plusieurs Chrestiens, qui l'auront moins cultiuée en la Loy de grace, que ne font ces pauures gens, en celle de nature.
The other encouragement we see here, for the preaching of the Gospel, is in the honesty and decency that we see shining forth in them like two bright rays of light in the midst of darkness. We never think of distrusting our Savages, or of watching their hands and their feet, as with some others who attract everything to them and appropriate all they find at their convenience. Everything is free to them in all places, and yet nothing is in danger in their presence, even if they are alone in a cabin and 165 where no one can see them. As to decency, they hold it in such high estimation, at least as far as external appearances are concerned, in their actions and words, that there is a probability [216] that they will rise up on the last day and condemn many Christians, who will have cultivated this virtue less under the Law of grace, than these poor people have under that of nature.
Nous ne leur auons iamais oüy dire parole messeante, ny veu faire aucune action trop libre, quoy que nous ayons vescu assez familierement auec eux, dedans & hors de leurs cabanes.
We have never heard them use unseemly words, nor seen any actions too free, although we have lived on familiar terms with them inside and outside their cabins.
Vous diriez qu'ils veulent pratiquer par aduance ce beau mot de l'Apostre, qui commande aux Chrestiens, de n'auoir pas mesme, si faire se peut, en leur bouche, vne parole qui signifie le vice contraire. Quelqu'vn repliquera volontiers, que si nous eussions esté plus versez en leur langue, nous n'eussions pas manqué d'y en remarquer. Mais n'est-ce pas beaucoup, que si peu [217] que nous en sçauons ne nous ait encore appris rien de semblable? Et n'y a-t'il pas grande occasion de rougir pour beaucoup de Nations Chrestiennes, parmy lesquelles il ne faut pas auoir fait grand apprentissage en leur Grammaire, pour se trouuer honteux & confus és compagnies, à qui a tant soit peu l'honneur en affection. Que si nous n'auons pas encore les oreilles assez ouuertes, pour rendre tesmoignage asseuré de l'indifference, ou de l'hõnesteté de leurs discours; sõmes nous aueugles, ou ne pouuons nous pas recognoistre ce que c'est qu'vn geste ou vn deportement honteux? & neantmoins nous 166 n'y auons rien veu de semblable, non pas mesme parmy les gens mariez. Que diray-je, sur ce que m'estant vn iour apperceu, qu'vn ieune Sauuage auoit baisé sa femme, que ie ne croyois [218] pas estre la sienne; comme cela me sembloit extraordinaire parmy eux, ie luy demanday sur le champ, si c'estoit sa femme; & il me respondit, qu'oüy; mais ce ne fut pas sans confusion de l'vn & de l'autre, qui se trouuerent surpris. Ioignez cela auec cette grauité, que i'ay desia dit leur estre naturelle, & vous iugerez que Dieu aidant, ils receuront à bras ouuerts vne Loy qui ne recommande rien tãt que cette vertu, qui rẽd les hommes semblables aux Anges; & qu'ils n'auront pas si grande difficulté, qu'ont plusieurs Chrestiens mal appris, de se conformer à tout ce qui est des paroles de l'Euangile, quand on le leur annoncera aux termes de l'Apostre; qu'ils ayẽt à faire paroistre leur modestie aux yeux de tout le mõde, veu que le Seigneur est proche. Il est vray, qu'ils ont la polygamie, & ne gardent point l'indissolubilité [219] du Mariage. Mais il faut esperer, que quand ils viendront a recognoistre les obligations qu'ils ont, auec toutes les Nations de la terre, à vn Dieu qui s'est fait homme pour eux, ils se soumettront volontiers à ses Loix toutes sainctes, nommémẽt en ce qui concerne une vertu, au moyen de laquelle il veut que nous le portions & glorifions sans cesse en nos corps, luy qui a liuré le sien pour nous aux tourmens, & qui nous le donne tous les iours en viandes, pour cét effect singulier.
You would say they are trying to practice in advance that beautiful motto of the Apostle, which commands Christians not even to have, if they can help it, upon their lips a word which signifies indecency. Some one will readily reply that, if we were better versed in their language, we would not fail to notice it therein. But is it not a great deal, that the little [217] we know of it has not taught us anything of the kind? And is there not great reason to blush for many Christian Nations, among whom one does not have to serve a long apprenticeship to their Grammar, to find oneself embarrassed and confused in company, if he has even a little regard for propriety? And if our ears are not yet sufficiently opened to give positive evidence of the unconcern or decency of their talk; are we blind, or are we incapable of recognizing a shameful gesture or action? And yet we have never seen anything of this kind, not even among married people. But what shall I say about noticing one day a young Savage kissing a woman, who I did not think [218] was his wife; as that seemed something extraordinary among them, I straightway asked 167 him if that was his wife, and he replied that she was; but it was not without embarrassment on the part of the two who had been taken by surprise. Add to this modesty the gravity which I have said is natural to them, and you will judge that, God helping, they will receive with open arms a Law which recommends nothing so much as this virtue, which makes men like unto Angels; and that they will not have as much difficulty as many badly taught Christians have, to conform entirely to the injunctions of the Gospel, when it shall be declared to them in the words of the Apostle that they have to show their modesty in the eyes of all the world, since the Lord is near. It is true they have polygamy, and pay no attention to the indissolubility [219] of Marriage. But we must hope that, when they come to recognize the obligations they are under, together with all the Nations of the earth, to a God who made himself man for them, they will willingly submit to his most holy Laws, especially in that which concerns a virtue by means of which he wishes us to bear witness to and glorify without ceasing, in our bodies, him who for us has delivered his own up to torture, and who gives it to us every day as food, for this sole purpose.
Tirez de leurs dernieres lettres de 1635.
1 LA Nouuelle France est vn vray climat où on apprend parfaictement bien à ne chercher que Dieu, ne desirer que Dieu seul, auoir l'intention purement à Dieu, & à ne s'attendre & ne s'appuyer qu'en sa diuine & paternelle Prouidence; & cela c'est vn riche thresor du cœur, qui ne se peut estimer.
Taken from their last letters of 1635.
1 NEW France is truly a region where one learns perfectly to seek God alone, to desire God alone, to have sincere intentions toward God, and to trust to and rely solely upon his divine and paternal Providence; and it is a rich heart treasury, impossible to estimate.
2 Viure en la Nouuelle France, c'est à vray dire viure dans le sein de [221] Dieu, & ne respirer que l'air de sa Diuine conduite; on ne sçauroit croire la douceur de cét air là, si ce n'est quand actuellement on le respire.
2 To live in New France means truly to live in the bosom of [221] God, and to breathe only the air of his Divine guidance; the sweetness of that air can be realized only by actually breathing it.
3 Il n'est pas à propos que tout le monde sçache, combien il fait bon dans les sacrées horreurs de ces forests, & combien on trouue de lumieres du Ciel dans les tenebres espaisses de cette barbarie: nous aurions trop de monde qui y voudroit venir, & nos Habitatiõs ne seroient pas capables de loger tant de gens: & c'est ce qui nous confond qui Dieu nous ait choisis, pour nous faire participans de cette misericorde, voyãt qu'il y a tant de nos Peres en France, qui seroient mieux que nous.
3 It is not fitting that every one should know how agreeable it is in the sacred awe of these forests, and how much Heavenly light one finds in the thick darkness of this barbarism; we would have too many persons wishing to come here, and our Settlements would not be capable of accommodating so many; and what confounds us is that God has chosen us, to make us participants in this mercy, seeing that there are so many of our Fathers in France, who would do better than we.
4 La ioye qu'on a quand on a baptisé vn Sauuage, qui se meurt peu apres, & qui s'enuole droit au Ciel, pour deuenir vn Ange, certainemẽt [222] c'est vne 170 ioye qui surpasse tout ce qu'on se peut imaginer: on ne se souuiẽt plus ny de la mer, ny du mal de la mer, ny de l'horreur des tempestes passées; on voudroit auec la souffrance de dix mille tempestes pouuoir aider à sauuer vne ame, puisque Iesus-Christ pour vne seule ame auroit volontiers respandu tout son pretieux sang.
4 The joy that one feels when he has baptized a Savage who dies soon afterwards, and flies directly to Heaven to become an Angel, certainly [222] is a joy that surpasses anything that can be imagined; one no longer remembers the sea, nor seasickness, nor the horror of past tempests; but one would like to 171 have the suffering of ten thousand tempests that he might help save one soul, since Jesus Christ for one soul would have willingly shed all his precious blood.
5 Le plus grand combat que nous ayons eu parmy nous, c'est qui seroit celuy qui auroit la bonne aduenture d'estre choisi pour aller aux Hurons. Dieu a fait tomber le sort sur ceux qu'il luy a plû choisir, & qui sont allez à ces Nations barbares, comme si c'eust esté le Paradis Terrestre. Vne fois qu'on a gousté à bon escient la douceur de la Croix de Iesus-Christ, on la prefere à tous les Empires de la terre.
5 The greatest strife we have had among ourselves was to see which would have the good fortune of being chosen to go to the Hurons. God has made the lot fall upon those he was pleased to choose, and who are going to these barbarous Nations as if to a Terrestrial Paradise. When once a person has tasted in earnest the sweetness of the Cross of Jesus Christ, he prefers it to all the Empires of the earth.
6 Nous trouuans nagueres dans [223] vne tempeste si furieuse, que tout l'Ocean sembloit se bouleuerser, on nous dit que nous estions cause de cét horrible orage; cela nous estonna d'abord, estant dit par des gens de bien; & en demandant la raison, il nous fut dit, que voyant vne si furieuse & enragée tourmẽte, il falloit croire que l'Enfer enrageãt de nous veoir aller en la Nouuelle France, pour conuertir les infidelles, & diminuer sa puissance, par dépit il sousleuoit tous les Elemens contre nous, & vouloit abysmer la flotte, & tout ce qui estoit dedans. Mais nous leur dismes tout doucement; Souuenez vous, Messieurs, que Dieu est plus puissant pour nous defendre, que Lucifer pour nous persecuter: Que la mer s'esleue tant qu'elle voudra, si faut-il que Dieu soit le Maistre. Mirabiles elationes maris, mirabilis in altis Dominus. Nous craignons bien [224] plus la cholere de Dieu contre nos infidelitez, que celle de la mer contre nos infirmitez humaines.
6 Finding ourselves lately in [223] a tempest so furious that the whole Ocean seemed to be in a turmoil, they told us that we were the cause of this horrible storm; this astonished us at first, as it was said by honest people; on asking the reason, we were told that, seeing so furious and raging a tempest, it must be that Hell was enraged at seeing us go to New France to convert infidels and to diminish its power; for revenge it raised up all the Elements against us, and was trying to sink the fleet and all that was within it. But we said to them very gently: "Remember, Sirs, that God is more powerful to defend us, than Lucifer is to persecute us; that the sea may rise as high as it will, yet God must be its Master. Mirabiles elationes maris, mirabilis in altis Dominus. We fear indeed [224] the anger of God against our unfaithfulness, more than that of the sea against our human weakness".
172 7 En Europe on a coustume de dire, que quiconque veut apprendre à prier Dieu, il faut aller sur la mer: mais c'est toute autre chose d'y estre effectiuement. Dernierement nous fusmes plus de deux iours & deux nuicts en continuel danger d'estre absorbez de l'Ocean; chaque moment sembloit deuoir estre le dernier moment de nos vies. Vous voyez venir des montagnes, qui sembloient nous deuoir engloutir: Nous estions nous deux prosternez à genoux, priant Dieu de bon cœur; la plus grande peur estoit que quelqu'vn ne mourust sans Confession: c'est là où on fait bien les Oraisons iaculatoires, & où on regarde le Ciel de bon œil: mais on ne croiroit iamais l'efficace de la grace, & les [225] puissantes asseurances que Dieu donne à ses seruiteurs, au milieu des tempestes, & des desespoirs les plus espouuantables.
7 In Europe they are accustomed to say that whoever would learn to pray to God must go upon the sea; but it is quite a different thing to be there in reality. Lately we were more than two days and two nights in continual danger of being engulfed by the 173 Ocean; every moment, it seemed, must be the last of our lives. We saw mountains coming toward us, which seemed about to swallow us up; we two were prostrate upon our knees, praying God with earnest hearts; the greatest fear was that some one would die without Confession; it is there that jaculatory Prayers are made, and that one looks gladly toward Heaven; but one can never believe the power of grace and the [225] invincible confidence that God gives to his servants in the midst of tempests and the most fearful despair.
8 Iamais ie n'auois entendu que c'est d'arriuer à vn poinct de vertu, que pour passer plus auant il faudroit faire miracle: tant il est vray qu'on se trouue quelquefois si auant ou dans la souffrance, ou dans les hazards, ou dans l'abandonnement des creatures, qu'on ne trouue plus rien que Dieu, Mais on le trouue tousiours au bout de l'eschelle de Iacob, à bras & cœur ouuerts, pour embrasser les Anges, & les ames qui volent droit à luy: & c'est chose admirable comme Dieu prend plaisir à se communiquer abondamment aux ames qui ont tout abandonné, & se sont toutes abandonnées à luy. Perdre tout pour trouuer Dieu, c'est vne douce perte, & vne saincte vsure.
8 I have never understood what it was to reach such a point of virtue that, to pass beyond, a miracle would have to be performed; so true is it that a person sometimes finds himself so far plunged into either suffering, or danger, or desertion by his fellow-creatures, that nothing is left to him but God, who nevertheless is always found at the end of Jacob's ladder, with arms and heart open to embrace the Angels and the souls which fly straight to him; and it is wonderful how God takes pleasure in abundantly communicating himself to souls which have abandoned all and given themselves wholly to him. To lose all, that one may find God, is a sweet loss and a holy usury.
[226] 9 Le cœur croist à mesure que les trauaux croissent pour Iesus-Christ; & la Nouuelle France est le pays du monde le plus propre, pour entendre le sens literal de ces belles paroles, Sicut misit me viuens 174 Pater, ita & ego mitto vos. Ie vous enuoye de mesme sorte, que mon Pere m'a enuoyé. Ecce ego mitto vos sicut oues in medio luporum. Voicy que ie vous enuoye cõme des brebis au milieu des loups. Parmy ces forests, en voyant ces Sauuages, nous pauures Estrangers, & seruiteurs de Dieu, que pouuons nous attendre sinon vn coup de dent, & quelque effect de leur barbarie naturelle. Qui craind bien Dieu, ne sçauroit plus rien craindre en ce monde.
[226] 9 The heart grows according as its works for Jesus Christ increase; and New France is the most suitable country in the world in which to understand the literal meaning of these beautiful words, Sicut misit me vivens Pater, ita et ego mitto vos, "I send you, even as my Father has sent me." Ecce ego mitto vos sicut oves in medio luporum. "Behold, I send you as sheep in the midst of wolves." Among these forests, at the sight of these Savages, what can we poor Foreigners and servants of God expect but to feel their 175 teeth and some of the effects of their natural barbarism. He who truly fears God can fear nothing more in this world.
10 Il est vray que faire neuf cens lieuës sur les flots de la mer, & auec cent & cent rencontres de Turcs, de glaces, de bancs, d'orages assez horribles, [227] cela peut estonner la nature; & donner de la palpitation au cœur humain; là on experimente ce que veut dire Dauid, Anima mea in manibus meis semper. Ie tiens mon ame tousiours dans mes mains, & ie suis tout prest à tout moment de la sacrifier à Dieu; trop heureux helas! de pouuoir faire tant de fois vn pretieux holocauste de moy-mesme; mais les infusions de Dieu dans les cœurs, & le renfort qu'il verse dans nos ames surpasse tous nos maux. Ie confesse que i'ay mieux appris sur la mer que sur la terre, que c'est qu'infusion de Dieu dans vne ame bien faite.
10 Truly, to make nine hundred leagues upon the waves of the sea, with hundreds of encounters with Turks, icebergs, reefs, and horrible storms—[227] all these things can appall human nature, and cause the human heart to throb; there one experiences what David meant, Anima mea in manibus meis semper. "I hold my soul always in my hands," and I am always ready at any moment to sacrifice it to God; too happy, alas! to be able to make so many times a precious offering of myself; but the infusion of God into our hearts, and the relief he pours into our souls, exceed all of our ills. I confess that I have learned better upon the sea than upon the land what the infusion of God into a well-trained soul is.
11 Quand on void ces Sauuages, bien faits, forts, de bonne façon, doüez d'vn bon sens naturel, & qu'il ne tient qu'à vne goutte d'eau qu'ils ne deuiennent enfans de Dieu, & que Iesus-Christ a respandu tout [228] son sang pour eux, on sent vne ardeur incroyable de les attirer à l'Eglise, & à Dieu; & il est vray qu'on aimeroit mieux la conuersion d'vn de ces pauures Sauuages, que la conqueste d'vn Empire tout entier. La peine qu'on y prend est si agreable, qu'on 176 ne la prend point pour vne peine, mais pour vne faueur du Ciel bien extraordinaire. Caritas Lei vrget nos, tant il est vray que la charité presse les cœurs.
11 When we see these Savages, well formed, strong, of good mien, endowed with natural good sense,—and that it needs only a drop of water to make them children of God, and that Jesus Christ has shed all [228] his blood for them, we feel an incredible ardor to attract them to the Church and to God; and it is true that we would prefer the conversion of one of these poor Savages to the conquest of a whole Empire. The trouble we take in this is so pleasant that we do not consider it trouble, but a truly extraordinary favor of Heaven. Caritas Dei urget nos, so true is it that charity presses our hearts.
12 Ie fus vingt-quatre heures, que nous voyant poursuiuis par les Turcs au sortir de la manche, ie n'attendois plus rien que de tomber entre leurs mains, & estre couuert de chaisnes, & viure en esclauage. Parmy ces frayeurs naturelles, voyla vne forte pensée qui se va saisir de mon cœur, & me dit: Ha! quel bon-heur seroit-ce de pouuoir imiter sainct Paul, & me veoir enchaisner [229] pour l'amour de Iesus, qui fut lié pour moy, & traitté comme vu esclaue, & comme le Roy des voleurs. Ceste douce pensée eut tant de pouuoir sur mon ame, que i'auois plus d'enuie de ces chaisnes, que de crainte de la captiuité.
12 I passed twenty-four hours when, seeing that we were pursued by the Turks in leaving la manche [English Channel], I expected nothing else than to fall into their hands, to be loaded with chains and to live in slavery. In the midst of these natural fears, lo! a 177 strong thought took possession of my heart, and said to me "Ha! what good fortune it would be to be able to imitate saint Paul, and to see myself in fetters [229] for the love of Jesus, who was bound for me, and treated as a slave and as the King of thieves." This sweet thought had so much power over my soul that I had more desire for those chains than fear of captivity.
13 Trois puissantes pensées consolent vn bon cœur, qui est dans les forests infinies de la Nouuelle France, ou parmy les Hurons. La premiere est, ie suis au lieu où Dieu m'a enuoyé, où il m'a mené comme par la main, où il est auec moy, & où ie ne cherche que luy seul. La deuxiéme est, ce que dit Dauid; selon la mesure des douleurs que ie souffre pour Dieu, ses Diuines consolations réjoüyssent mõ ame. La troisiéme, que iamais on ne trouue ny Croix, ny cloux, ny espines, que si on regarde bien, on ne trouue I. C. au milieu. Or peut-on estre mal quand on est en [230] compagnie du Fils de Dieu viuant.
13 Three mighty thoughts console a good heart which is in the infinite forests of New France, or among the Hurons. The first is, "I am in the place where God has sent me, where he has led me as if by the hand, where he is with me, and where I seek him alone." The second is, in the words of David, "according to the measure of the pain I endure for God, his Divine consolations rejoice my soul." The third, that we never find Crosses, nails, nor thorns, in the midst of which, if we look closely, we do not find J.C. [Jesus Christ]. Now, can a person go wrong when he is in [230] the company of the Son of the living God?
14 Quand ie me veois assiegé de flots homicides, de forests infinies, & de mille dangers, il me vient à l'esprit ceste riche parole de S. Ignace martyr: Nunc incipio esse Christi discipulus: c'est auiourd'huy que ie commẽce d'estre de la Cõpagnie de Iesus; car à quoy seruent tant d'exercices, tant de Meditations feruentes, tant de desirs boüillans? tout cela n'est que du vẽt, si 178 on ne les met en pratique; tellement que la vieille France est bonne pour conceuoir de bons desirs, mais la Nouuelle est propre pour l'execution: ce qu'on desire en l'ancienne France, c'est ce qu'on fait dans la Nouuelle.
14 When I see myself surrounded by murderous waves, by infinite forests, and by a thousand dangers there comes to mind that precious saying of the martyred St. Ignace, Nunc incipio esse Christi discipulus: to-day I begin to be of the Company of Jesus. For what avail so many exercises, so many fervent Meditations, so many eager desires? all these are nothing but wind, if we do not put them into practice. So old France is fitted to conceive noble desires, but the New is adapted to their execution; that one desires in old France is what one does in the New.
15 Ie ne sçay que c'est que le pays des Hurons, où Dieu m'enuoye par vne misericorde infinie: mais ie sçay bien que i'ayme mieux y aller qu'au Paradis Terrestre, puisque ie vois [231] que Dieu en a ordonné de la sorte. Chose estrange! que plus i'y vois de Croix preparées, & plus le cœur me rit, & y volle; car quel bõ-heur de ne voir rien de ses yeux que des Sauuages, des Croix, & Iesus-Christ: en ma vie ie n'ay bien compris en France, que c'estoit de se défier totalement de soy-mesme, & se confier en Dieu seul: mais ie dis seul, & sans meslange d'aucune creature. Maior est Deus corde nostro. Dieu est plus grand que nos cœurs: cela est euidẽt en la Nouuelle France, & c'est vne consolation du tout ineffable, que quand on ne trouue plus rien, aussi tost on rencontre Dieu, qui se communique plus abondamment aux bons cœurs.
15 I do not know what the country of the Hurons is, where God sends me in his infinite mercy, but I do know that I would rather go there than to an Earthly 179 Paradise, since I see [231] that God has so ordained. Strange thing! the more Crosses I see prepared for me there, the more my heart laughs and flies thither; for what happiness to see with these eyes nothing but Savages, Crosses, and Jesus Christ. Never have I understood in my life in France what it was to distrust self entirely and to trust in God alone; I say alone, and without the presence of any creature: Major est Deus corde nostro, "God is greater than our hearts;" this is evident in New France, and it is an unutterable consolation that when we find nothing else we immediately encounter God, who communicates himself most richly to good hearts.
16 Ma consolation parmy les Hurons, c'est que tous les iours ie me confesse, & puis ie dis la Messe, comme si ie deuois prendre le Viatique, & mourir ce iour là, & ie ne crois pas [232] qu'on puisse mieux viure, ny auec plus de satisfaction & de courage, & mesme de merites, que viure en vn lieu, où on pẽse pouuoir mourir tous les iours, & auoir la deuise de S. Paul. Quotidie morior fratres, &c. mes freres ie fais estat de mourir tous les iours.
16 My consolation among the Hurons is that I confess every day, and then I say Mass as if I were to take the Viaticum and die that very day; and I do not think [232] that a person can live better, nor with more satisfaction and courage, and even merit, than to live in a place where he expects every day to die, and to have the motto of St. Paul, Quotidie morior fratres, etc., "I protest, brethren, that I die daily."
17 Pour conuertir les Sauuages, il n'y faut pas tant de science que de bonté & vertu bien solide. Les quatre Elemens d'vn homme Apostolique en la 180 Nouuelle Frãce, sont l'Affabilité, l'Humilité, la Patiẽce & vne Charité genereuse. Le zele trop ardent, brusle plus qu'il n'eschauffe, & gaste tout; il faut vne grande magnanimité & condescendence pour attirer peu à peu ces Sauuages. Ils n'entendent pas bien nostre Theologie, mais ils entendent parfaictement bien nostre humilité, & nostre affabilité & se laissent gaigner.
17 To convert the Savages, not so much knowledge is necessary as goodness and sound virtue. The four Elements of an Apostolic man in New France are Affability, Humility, Patience, and a generous Charity. Too ardent zeal scorches more than it warms, and ruins everything; great magnanimity and compliance are necessary to attract gradually these Savages. They do not comprehend our Theology well, but they comprehend perfectly our humility and our friendliness, and allow themselves to be won.
18 La Nation des Hurons se dispose [233] à receuoir la lumiere de l'Euangile, & on espere vn bien incroyable en tous ces quartiers là: mais il y faut deux sortes de personnes pour bien faire cela: les vns en l'anciẽne France assistãt de leurs sainctes prieres, & de leur charité; les autres en la Nouuelle, trauaillant auec grande douceur, & infatigabilité de la bonté de Dieu, & de ce doux cõcert dépend la conuersion de plusieurs milliers d'ames, pour chacune desquelles Iesus-Christ a versé tout son pretieux sãg.
18 The Huron Nation is becoming disposed [233] to receive the light of the Gospel, and inestimable good is to be hoped for in all those regions; but two kinds 181 of persons are necessary to accomplish this,—those in old France, assisting by their holy prayers and their charity; the others in the New, working with great gentleness and tirelessness; on the goodness of God and on this sweet harmony depends the conversion of many thousand souls, for each one of whom Jesus Christ has shed all his precious blood.
19 Si on pouuoit fonder à Kebec vn petit Seminaire d'vne douzaine de petits Hurons, dans peu d'années on en tireroit vn secours incroyable, pour aider à conuertir leurs Peres, & planter vne Eglise fleurissante dans la Nation des Hurons. Helas! combien y en a t'il en Europe qui perdẽt à trois coups de dez, plus qu'il ne faudroit pour conuertir vn monde.
19 If a small Seminary of a dozen little Hurons could be founded at Kebec, in a few years incredible assistance could be derived therefrom, to help in converting their Fathers, and in planting a flourishing Church in the Nation of the Hurons. Alas! how many there are in Europe who lose in three casts of the dice more than would be needed to convert a world.
[234] 20 Vne des pensées qui pressent dauantage ceux qui sont si heureux, que de seruir Dieu parmy ces forests, c'est d'estre indignes d'vne vocation Apostolique, & si releuée, & auoir si peu de vertus dignes d'vn bel employ. Qui ne void la Nouuelle Frãce que par les yeux de chair & de nature, il n'y void que des bois & des croix: mais qui les considere auec les yeux de la grace, & d'vne bonne vocation, il n'y void 182 que Dieu, les vertus, & les graces, & on y trouue tant & de si solides consolations, que si ie pouuois acheter la Nouuelle France, en donnant tout le Paradis Terrestre, certainement ie l'acheterois. Mon Dieu qu'il fait bon estre au lieu où Dieu nous a mis de sa grace, veritablement i'ay trouué icy ce que i'auois esperé, vn cœur selon le cœur de Dieu, qui ne cherche que Dieu.
[234] 20 One of the thoughts which weigh most upon those who are so fortunate as to serve God among these forests, is their unworthiness of their Apostolic and so exalted calling, and that they have so few of the virtues worthy of a noble work. He who sees New France only through the eyes of the flesh and of nature, sees only forests and crosses; but he who looks upon these with the eyes of grace and of a noble vocation, sees only God, the virtues, and the graces; and he finds therein so many and so firm consolations, that, if I were able to buy New France by giving in exchange all the Terrestrial Paradise, I would certainly buy it. My God! how good it is to be in the place where God has placed us by his grace; truly I have found here what I had hoped for, a heart in harmony with God's heart, which seeks God alone.
[235] 21 On dit que les premiers qui fondent les Eglises, d'ordinaire sont saincts: ceste pensée m'attendrit si fort le cœur, que quoy que ie me voye icy fort inutile dans ceste fortunée Nouuelle France, si faut-il, que i'auoüe que ie ne, me sçaurois defendre d'vne pensée qui me presse le cœur. Cupio impendi, & superimpendi pro vobis: Pauure Nouuelle France, ie desire me sacrifier pour ton bien, & quand il me deuroit couster mille vies, moyennant que ie puisse aider à sauuer vne seule ame, ie seray trop heureux, & ma vie tres bien employée.
[235] 21 It is said that the pioneers who found Churches are usually saints; this thought so softens my heart that, although I see I am of but little use 183 here in this fortunate New France, yet I must confess that I cannot forbid one thought which presses upon my heart. Cupio impendi, et superimpendi pro vobis: Poor New France, I desire to sacrifice myself for thy welfare; and though it should cost me a thousand lives, if thus I can aid in saving a single soul, I shall be too happy, and my life will be well spent.
22 Ie ne sçay pas que c'est d'entrer en Paradis, mais ie sçay bien qu'en ce monde, il est mal-aisé de trouuer vne ioye plus excessiue & surabondante, que celle que i'ay sentie entrant en la Nouuelle France, & y disant la premiere Messe, le iour de la [236] Visitation. Ie vous asseure que ce fut bien voirement le iour de la Visitation. Par la bonté de Dieu & de nostre Dame, il me sembla que c'estoit Noël pour moy, & que i'allois renaistre en vne vie toute nouuelle, & vne vie de Dieu.
22 I do not know what it is to enter Paradise; but I know well that in this world it is difficult to find a greater and fuller joy than I had upon entering New France, and saying the first Mass here on the day of the [236] Visitation. I assure you that this was very truly the day of the Visitation. Through the goodness of God and of our Lady, it seemed to me that it was Christmas for me, and that I was going to be reborn into an altogether new life, and a life of God.
23 Le mal de la mer qui m'auoit donné de la peine flottant sur la marine, fut bien-tost effacé par le bien du Ciel, & la ioye que Dieu respandit en mon ame touchant le Cap Breton. En rencontrant nos 184 Peres, il me sembla d'embrasser des Anges du Paradis, ie ne me pû empescher de crier, helas! que sera-ce quand on entrera en Paradis, & que Dieu & les Anges receuront vne belle ame, qui sortira des orages de la vie miserable qu'on mene sur la terre.
23 The seasickness which troubled me, when sailing upon the ocean, was soon effaced by the mercy of Heaven and the joy that God shed in my soul, upon landing at Cape Breton. In meeting our Fathers it seemed to me I was embracing Angels from Paradise; I could not refrain from exclaiming, "Ah! what will it be when we shall enter Paradise, and when God and the Angels shall receive a beautiful soul, which will emerge from the tempests of the wretched life that we lead upon earth!"
24 I'auois creu qu'il falloit des miracles pour conuertir ces Sauuages volans; mais ie me suis trompé, [237] car les miracles propres de la Nouuelle France sont ceux-cy. Leur faire bien du bien, & souffrir bien des maux, ne s'en plaindre qu'à Dieu, s'en estimer indigne, & se tenir pour fort inutile. Quiconque aura ces vertus, fera des miracles plus grands que les miracles, & deuiendra vn Sainct. En effect il y a bien plus de peine de s'humilier profondement deuant Dieu & les hommes, & de s'aneantir, que de resusciter vn mort; car cela ne couste que le dire, quand on a le don des miracles, & pour s'humilier comme il faut à vray dire, il y faut la vie toute entiere d'vn homme.
24 I had thought that miracles were necessary to convert these flying Savages; but I was mistaken, [237] for the real miracles of New France are the following: To do them much good, and endure many pains; to complain to God alone; to judge oneself unworthy, and to feel one's uselessness. He who has these virtues will perform miracles greater than miracles, and will become a Saint. Indeed, it is harder 185 to humiliate oneself deeply before God and men, and to annihilate oneself, than to raise the dead; for that needs only the word, if one has the gift of miracles, but to humiliate oneself as one ought to,—truly, that requires a man's whole life.
25 Nous auons esté fort estonnez & infiniment resioüys, voyant que dans nos petites cabanes, & dans nos Habitations la discipline Religieuse y estoit aussi exactement gardée, qu'aux plus grands Colleges [238] de la France, & que la ferueur interieure est d'autant plus grande, que l'exterieur semble y estre plus suiette à beaucoup de diuertissements: c'est l'ordinaire de la bonté infinie de Dieu, qui selon les besoins multiplie la benediction de ses graces; & en effect à mesure qu'vn seruiteur de Dieu s'abandonne à sa saincte conduite, nostre Seigneur s'eslargit aussi dauantage, & respand plus abõdamment la pluye pretieuse de ses graces.
25 We were greatly astonished and infinitely glad to see in our little cabins, and in our Settlements, the Religious discipline as strictly observed as in the largest Colleges [238] of France, and that the internal fervor is so much the greater as the external seems to be subjected to so many diversions; it is God's ordinary practice, in his infinite goodness, that according to our needs he multiplies the gift of his graces; and, in truth, to the same extent as a servant of God gives himself up to his holy guidance, our Lord expands so much the more and sheds more abundantly the precious shower of his graces.
26 Ces pauures Barbares ont coustume de nõmer 186 tous les Prestres Patriarches, & portent grand respect aux hommes vertueux. Ils nous promettent de nous apporter leurs enfans, quand ils seront malades à la mort, pour les baptiser; en effect on en a baptisé quelques vns qui sont morts peu apres le baptesme. Ils sont bien predestinez à bon escient, & bien-heureux de sortir de la Barbarie, [239] & entrer aussi tost dans le Paradis. Quand on ne feroit iamais autre chose, quel bon-heur d'auoir esté instrument de la predestination de ces petites ames.
26 These poor Barbarians are accustomed to call all the Priests, Patriarchs,48 and they show great respect to men of integrity. They promise to bring us their children, when they are sick unto death, to be baptized; in fact, some have been baptized who died shortly after baptism. They are indeed the elect, beyond a doubt, and so blessed as to go forth from Barbarism [239] and enter immediately into Paradise. If one should never do anything else, what happiness to have been instrumental in placing these little souls among the elect!
27 On en trouue de si ignorants de toute sorte de Religion, qu'on ne sçauroit trouuer vn nom pour leur faire entendre Dieu; il le faut appeller le grand Capitaine des hommes; celuy qui nourrit tout le monde; celuy qui demeure là haut. On fait tout ce qu'on peut: quelle obligation auront-ils à ceux qui les instruisent, & qui s'efforcent de leur faire cognoistre vn Dieu, pour le seruir le moins mal qu'ils pourront. Là il ne faut pas grande doctrine, mais vne profonde humilité, vne patience inuincible, & vne charité Apostolique pour gaigner ces pauures Sauuages, qui d'ailleurs ont vn bon sens commun. Que si vne fois on commence à les [240] gaigner, le fruict sera inestimable.
27 One meets men so devoid of every notion of Religion, that one cannot find a name to make them understand God; we have to call him the great Captain of men, he who feeds all the world, he who lives on high. We do all we can; what obligations will they be under to those who instruct them and who try to make 187 them know a God in order to serve him as well as they can. Here deep learning is not needed, but a profound humility, an unconquerable patience, and an Apostolic charity, to win these poor Savages, who in other respects have good common sense. And if we begin once to gain [240] them, the fruit will be incalculable.
28 La pensée de sainct Francois Xauier nous passe mille fois par l'esprit, & a vn grand pouuoir. Si les hommes du siecle pour auoir des peaux de Castor, de la moulue, & ie ne sçay quelles denrées, n'apprehendent ny les orages de la mer, ny les Sauuages de la terre, ny la mer, ny la mort; quelle horrible confusion seroit-ce à des seruiteurs de Dieu, d'apprehender cela, ou quelques petits trauaux, pour tascher de gaigner des ames rachetées auec le sang pretieux 188 de Iesus-Christ, & empourprées de son sang de valeur inestimable? Se leueront-ils point au iour du iugement cõtre nous ces petits facteurs, & pescheurs de mouluë pour nous condamner, s'ils prennent plus de peine pour gaigner vne piece d'argent, que nous pour aider à sauuer les Sauuages. Ceste pensée pique si fort nos [241] cœurs, qu'on ne sent point son mal, ou si on le sent on ne s'en oseroit plaindre.
28 A thousand times the thought of saint François Xavier passes through our minds, and has great power over us. If the men of the world, in order to have Beaver skins, and codfish, and I know not what commodities, do not fear either the storms on the sea, or the Savages on land, or the sea, or death; how dreadful will be the confusion of God's servants for being afraid of these things, or of a few little hardships, in trying to win souls ransomed by the precious blood of Jesus Christ, and empurpled by his blood of inestimable value? On the day of judgment will not these petty traders and fishers of cod rise up to condemn us, if they take more pains to gain a piece of money than we do to help save the Savages? This thought stings our hearts so [241] deeply that we do not feel our sufferings, or if we feel them we do not dare to complain of them.
29 Il y a mille personnes en France qui sont fort inutiles, & qui n'ont nul employ; ils sont sçauans, & puis c'est tout, & cela ne sert de rien du tout à l'Eglise de Dieu; helas! en la Nouuelle France ce seroient des Apostres s'ils vouloient y venir employer leur talent; moins de sçauoir & plus d'humilité & de zele, feroit miracle icy, & ils gagneroient possible plus en vn an, qu'ils ne feront toute leur vie en France.
29 There are many persons in France who are of no use, and have nothing to do there; they are scholars and that is all, and that is of no use in the Church of God; alas! in New France these men would be Apostles, if they would come here to use their talents; less wisdom, and more humility and zeal, would perform miracles here, and it is possible they would gain more in one year than they will do in a lifetime in France.
30 L'experience nous fait voir, que ceux de la Compagnie qui viennent en la Nouuelle France, il faut qu'ils y soient appellez par vne vocation speciale & bien forte; que ce soit gens morts & à soy, & au monde; hõmes veritablement Apostoliques, qui ne cherchent que Dieu, & le [242] salut des ames, qui aiment d'amour la Croix, & la mortification; qui ne s'espargnent point; qui sçachent supporter les trauaux de la mer & de la terre, & qui desirent plus la conuersion d'vn Sauuage, que l'Empire de toute l'Europe; qui ayent des cœurs de Dieu, & tous remplis de Dieu; qui soient comme des petits Iean Baptistes, criant parmy ces deserts & ces forests, comme des voix de Dieu, qui appellent tous ces pauures Sauuages à recognoistre Iesus-Christ; en fin que ce soient des hommes qui ont tous leurs contentemens dans 190 Dieu, & ausquels les souffrances soient leurs plus cheres delices. Voila ce que l'experience nous fait veoir tous les iours: mais aussi il est vray, qu'il semble que Dieu respande bien plus abondamment les rosées de ses graces sur cette Nouuelle France, que sur la vieille, [243] & que les cõsolations interieures, & les Diuines infusions y sont bien plus solides, & les cœurs bien plus embrasez. Nouit Dominus qui sunt eius. Mais il n'appartient qu'à Dieu de faire le choix de ceux dont il se veut seruir, & ausquels il fait cette misericorde de les amener en la Nouuelle France, pour en faire des saincts. Sainct François Xauier disoit qu'il y auoit vne Isle en Orient, qui estoit bien propre pour faire perdre la veuë à force de plorer de ioye excessiue du cœur; ie ne sçay si nostre Nouuelle France ressemble point ceste Isle: mais nous experimẽtons que si quelqu'vn icy s'abandonne à Dieu à bon escient, il court hazard d'y perdre la veuë, & la vie, & tout, & auec grande ioye à force de trauailler; il n'appartient qu'à ceux qui y sont, & qui goustent Dieu, d'en parler par experience.
30 Experience shows us that those of the Society 189who come to New France should be impelled to it by a special and very forcible call; persons who are dead to themselves and to the world; men truly Apostolic, who seek God alone, and the [242] salvation of souls, who love with real love the Cross and self-mortification; who do not spare themselves; who can endure the hardships of the sea and of the land, and who desire the conversion of a Savage more than the Empire of all Europe; who have Godlike hearts, all filled with God; who are like little John the Baptists, crying through these deserts and forests like voices from God, which summon all these poor Savages to acknowledge Jesus Christ; in fine let them be men whose sole satisfaction is in God and to whom suffering is the greatest delight. That is what experience shows us every day; but it is also true that it seems as if God shed the dew of his grace much more abundantly upon this New France than upon the old, [243] and that the internal consolations and the Divine infusions are much stronger here, and hearts more on fire. Novit Dominus qui sunt ejus. But it belongs to God alone to choose those whom he will use, and whom he favors by taking them into New France, to make saints of them. Saint François Xavier said that there was an Island in the Orient which was quite capable of making a person lose his sight, by crying from excessive joy of the heart; I know not if our New France resembles this Island, but we know from experience that, if any one here gives himself up in earnest to God, he runs the risk of losing his sight, his life, his all, and with great joy, by dint of hard work; it belongs only to those who are here and who enjoy God to speak from experience.
[244] 31 Nous recognoissons euidemmẽt, qu'il faut que ce soit le Ciel qui conuertisse la terre de la Nouuelle Frãce, & que nous ne sõmes pas assez forts. Nous ne craignõs rien tãt, sinon que nos imperfectiõs n'empeschẽt la cõuersiõ de ces pauures Sauuages; c'est pourquoy nous auõs tous esté d'auis de recourir au Ciel, & à la tres saincte Vierge Mere de Dieu, par laquelle Dieu a coustume de faire ce qui ne se peut faire, & conuertir les cœurs les plus abandonnez. A cet effet nous auons resolu de faire vn vœu fort solemnel, dont voicy la teneur.
[244] 31 We clearly recognize that it must be Heaven 191 which shall convert the land of New France, and that we are not strong enough. We fear nothing so much as that our imperfections may prevent the conversion of these poor Savages; that is why we have all been minded to have recourse to Heaven and to the very holy Virgin, Mother of God, through whom God is accustomed to do what seems impossible, and to convert the hearts of the most abandoned. To this end, we have resolved to make a very solemn vow, of which the following is the purport:—
Mon Dieu & mon Sauueur Iesus, quoy que nos pechez nous doiuent esloigner de vostre presence, si est-ce qu'épris d'vne affection de vous honorer & vostre tres-Ste Mere, poussez d'vn desir de nous veoir dans 192 la fidelle correspondance que vous desirez de vos seruiteurs, souhaittãs en [245] outre de vous veoir recõneu & adoré de ces pauures peuples: Nous vous promettons & faisons vœu, comme aussi à la tres-saincte Vierge vostre Mere, & à sõ glorieux Espoux S. Ioseph, de celebrer douze fois és douze mois suiuant le sacrifice de la Ste Messe, pour ceux qui sont Prestres; & pour les autres de reciter douze fois la Couronne ou le Chappellet de la Vierge en l'honneur & en action de grace de son immaculee Cõception, & de ieusner tous la veille de ceste feste: vous promettans en outre que si on erige quelque Eglise ou Chappelle stable dãs ces pais, dans le cours de ce tẽps limité, que nous la ferõs dedier à Dieu sous le tiltre de l'immaculée Cõception, si cela est en nostre pouuoir, le tout pour obtenir de la bõté de N. S. la conuersion de ces Peuples, par l'entremise de sa saincte Mere, & de son sainct Espoux. Receuez [246] cependant, ô l'Emperiere des Anges & des hommes, les cœurs de ces pauures Barbares abandonnez, que nous vous presentons par les mains de vostre glorieux Espoux, & de vos fidelles seruiteurs S. Ignace & S. François Xauier, & de tous les Anges Gardiens de ces miserables contrées, pour les offrir à vostre Fils, afin qu'il leur donne sa cognoissance, & leur applique le merite de son pretieux sang. Ainsi soit-il.
My God and my Savior Jesus, although our sins ought to banish us from your presence, yet being inspired with a desire to honor you and your very Holy Mother, urged by a wish to see ourselves in the faithful correspondence [to your graces] that you desire in your servants, wishing [245] besides to see you acknowledged and adored by these poor people: We promise and make a vow unto you and also to the very holy Virgin your Mother, and to her glorious Spouse St. Joseph, to celebrate twelve times in twelve succeeding months the Sacrifice of the Holy Mass, for those who are Priests; and for the others to say twelve times the Crown or Chaplet of the Virgin, in honor of and as an act of grace for her immaculate Conception, and all to fast the day before this festival; promising you further that, if a permanent Church or Chapel is erected in this country within this specified time, we will have it dedicated to God under the title of the immaculate Conception, if it is in our power,—all this, to secure by the goodness of Our Lord the conversion of these Peoples, through the mediation of his holy Mother and of her holy Spouse. In [246] the meantime receive, O Empress of Angels and of men, the hearts of these poor abandoned 193 Barbarians that we present to you through the hands of your glorious Spouse and of your faithful servants, St. Ignace and St. François Xavier, and of all the Guardian Angels of these wretched countries, to offer them to your Son, that he may give them knowledge of himself and apply to them the efficacy of his precious blood. Amen.
Dieu par son infinie bonté nous rende dignes de cette excellente vocation, pour dignement cooperer à sa grace, au profit de ces pauures Sauuages.
May God in his infinite goodness render us worthy of this noble calling, worthily to coöperate with his grace, to the benefit of these poor Savages.
PAR Grace & Priuilege du Roy il est permis à Sebastien Cramoisy, Marchand Libraire Iuré en l'Vniuersité de Paris, & Imprimeur ordinaire du Roy, d'imprimer ou faire imprimer vn liure intitulé, Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouuelle France en l'année mil six cens trente cinq. Enuoyée au R. P. Provincial de la Compagnie de Iesus en la Prouince de France. Par le Pere Paul le Ieune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kebec: & ce pendant le temps & espace de cinq années consecutiues. Auec defenses à tous Libraires & Imprimeurs d'imprimer ou faire imprimer ledit liure, sous pretexte de desguisement, ou changement qu'ils y pourroient faire, à peine de confiscation, & de l'amende portée par ledit Priuilege. Donné à Paris le douziesme Ianuier, mil six cens trente six.
Par le Roy en son Conseil.
Victon.
BY the Grace and License of the King, permission is granted to Sebastien Cramoisy, Bookseller under Oath in the University of Paris, and Printer in ordinary to the King, to print or to have printed a book entitled, Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouvelle France en l'année mil six cens trente cinq. Envoyée au R. P. Provincial de la Compagnie de Jesus en la Province de France. Par le Pere Paul le Jeune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kebec: and this during the time and space of five consecutive years. Prohibiting all Booksellers and Printers to print or to have printed the said book, under pretext of disguise or change that they might make therein, on pain of confiscation of the copies, and of the fine provided by the said License. Given at Paris on the twelfth of January, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six.
By the King in Council.
Victon.
NOVS Estienne Binet Prouincial de la Compagnie de Iesvs en la Prouince de France. Suiuant le Priuilege qui nous a esté octroyé par les Roys Tres-Chrestiens Henry III. le 10. May 1583. Henry IV. le 10. Decembre 1605. & Louys XIII. à present regnant le 14. Feurier 1612. par lequel il est defendu à tous Libraires de n'imprimer aucun Liure de ceux qui sont composez par quelqu'vn de nostre dite Compagnie, sans permission des Superieurs d'icelle: Permettons à Sebastien Cramoisy Marchand Libraire Iuré à Paris, & Imprimeur ordinaire du Roy, de pouuoir imprimer pour dix ans la Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouuelle France, en l'année 1635. à nous enuoyée par le Pere Paul le Ieune de nostre mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kebec. En foy dequoy nous auons signé la presente à Paris ce quinziesme Ianuier 1635.
Signé,
E. Binet.
WE, Estienne Binet, Provincial of the Society of Jesus in the Province of France, in accordance with the License that has been granted to us by the Most Christian Kings, Henry III. May 10th, 1583, Henry IV. December 10th, 1605, and Louys XIII. now reigning February 14th, 1612, by which all Booksellers are prohibited from printing any of the Books which are composed by any one of our said Society, without the permission of the Superiors thereof: We permit Sebastien Cramoisy, Bookseller under Oath in Paris, and Printer in ordinary to the King, to print for ten years the Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouvelle France en l'année 1635, sent to us by Father Paul le Jeune of our same Society, Superior of the Residence of Kebec. In testimony whereof we have signed the present at Paris, this fifteenth of January, 1635.
Signed,
E. Binet.
Paris: SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 1637
Source: Title-page and text reprinted from the copy of the first issue (H. 65), in Lenox Library.
The document consists of two parts; the first by Le Jeune, as superior, the second by Brébeuf. In the present volume we give chaps. i.-ii., of Part I.; the remainder of Part I. will occupy Volume IX. In Volume X., will appear all of Part II.
RELATION
DE CE QVI S'EST PASSÉ
EN LA
NOVVELLE FRANCE
EN L'ANNÉE 1636.
Enuoyée au
R. PERE PROVINCIAL
de la Compagnie de Iesvs
en la Prouince de France.
Par le P. Paul le Ieune de la mesme Compagnie,
Superieur de la Residence de Kébec.
A PARIS,
Chez Sebastien Cramoisy Imprimeur
ordinaire du Roy, rue sainct Iacques,
aux Cigognes.
M. DC. XXXVII.
AVEC PRIVILEGE DV ROI.
RELATION
OF WHAT OCCURRED
IN
NEW FRANCE
IN THE YEAR 1636.
Sent to the
REVEREND FATHER PROVINCIAL
of the Society of Jesus
in the
Province of France.
By Father Paul le Jeune of the same Society,
Superior of the Residence of Kébec.
PARIS,
Sebastien Cramoisy, Printer in ordinary
to the King, ruë sainct Jacques,
at the Sign of the Storks.
M. DC. XXXVII.
BY ROYAL LICENSE.
PAR Grace & Priuilege du Roy il est permis à Sebastien Cramoisy, Marchand Libraire Iuré en l'Vniuersité de Paris, & Imprimeur ordinaire du Roy, d'imprimer ou faire imprimer vn Liure intitulé, Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouuelle France en l'année mil six cens trente-six. Enuoyée au R. P. Prouincial de la Compagnie de Iesus en la Prouince de France. Par le Pere Paul le Ieune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kébec: & ce pendant le temps & espace de dix années consecutiues. Auec defenses à tous Libraires & Imprimeurs d'imprimer, ou faire imprimer ledit Liure, sous pretexte de desguisement, ou changement qu'ils y pourroient faire, à peine de confiscation, & de l'amende portée par ledit Priuilege. Donné à Paris, le 22. Decembre, 1636.
Par le Roy en son Conseil,
Victon.
BY the Grace and License of the King, permission is granted to Sebastien Cramoisy, Bookseller under Oath in the University of Paris and Printer in ordinary to the King, to print or to have printed a Book entitled, Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouvelle France en l'année mil six cens trente-six. Envoyée au R. P. Provincial de la Compagnie de Jesus en la Province de France. Par le Pere Paul le Jeune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kébec: and this during the time and space of ten consecutive years. Prohibiting all Booksellers and Printers to print or to have printed the said Book under pretext of disguise or change that they might make therein, on penalty of confiscation, and of the fine provided by said License. Given at Paris on the 22nd of December, 1636.
By the King in Council,
Victon.
NOVS Estienne Binet Prouincial de la Compagnie de Iesvs en la Prouince de France. Suiuant le Priuilege qui nous a esté octroyé par les Roys Tres-Chrestiens Henry III. le 10. May 1583. Henry IV. le 10. Decembre 1605. & Louys XIII. à present regnant le 14. Feurier 1612. par lequel il est defendu à tous Libraires de n'imprimer aucun Liure de ceux qui sont composez par quelqu'vn de nostre dite Compagnie, sans permission des Superieurs d'icelle: Permettons à Sebastien Cramoisy Marchand Libraire Iuré à Paris, & Imprimeur ordinaire du Roy, de pouuoir imprimer pour dix ans la Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouuelle France, en l'année 1636. à nous enuoyée par le Père Paul le Ieune de nostre mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kébec. En foy dequoy nous auons signé la presente à Paris ce quinziéme Decembre 1636.
Signé,
E. Binet.
WE, Estienne Binet, Provincial of the Society of Jesus in the Province of France, in accordance with the License granted to us by the Most Christian Kings, Henry III. May 10th, 1583, Henry IV. December 10th, 1605, and Louys XIII. now reigning, February 14th, 1612, by which all Booksellers are forbidden to print any Book of those composed by any one of our said Society, without permission of the Superiors thereof—permit Sebastien Cramoisy, Bookseller under Oath at Paris and Printer in ordinary to the King, to print for ten years the Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouvelle France en l'année 1636, sent to us by Father Paul le Jeune of our same Society, Superior of the Residence of Kébec. In testimony whereof we have signed the present at Paris, this fifteenth of December, 1636.
Signed,
E. Binet.
| RELATION de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouuelle France, en l'année 1636. page | 1. |
| Chapitre I. Des sentimens d'affection qu'ont plusieurs personnes de merite pour la Nouuelle France. | 7. |
| Chap. II. Des Sauuages baptisez cette année, & de quelques enterremens. | 23. |
| Chap. III. Continuation de la mesme matiere. | 51. |
| Chap. IV. Continuation des Sauuages baptisez. | 73. |
| Chap. V. De la mort miserable de quelques Sauuages. | 97. |
| Chap. VI. Des esperances de la conuersion de ce Peuple. | 110. |
| Chap. VII. De quelques particularitez remarquables en ces quartiers. | 128. |
| Chap. VIII. De l'estat present de la Nouuelle France, sur le grand Fleuue de S. Laurens. | 144. |
| Ch. IX. Réponses à quelques propositions qui m'ont esté faites de France. | 157. |
| Chap. X. Quelques aduis pour ceux qui desirent passer en la Nouuelle France. | 183. |
| Chap. XI. ou, Iournal des choses qui n'ont peu estre rapportées sous les Chapitres precedens. | 189 |
| RELATION of what occurred in New France in the year 1636. page | 1. |
| Chapter I. The sentiments of affection that many persons of merit entertain for New France. | 7. |
| Chap. II. Of the Savages baptized this year, and some burials. | 23. |
| Chap. III. Continuation of the same subject. | 51. |
| Chap. IV. Baptisms of Savages, continued. | 73. |
| Chap. V. Of the wretched death of some Savages. | 97. |
| Chap. VI. Of the hopes of converting this People. | 110. |
| Chap. VII. Of some remarkable peculiarities of these regions. | 128. |
| Chap. VIII. Of the present condition of New France on the great St. Lawrence River. | 144. |
| Ch. IX. Answers to some propositions submitted to me from France. | 157. |
| Chap. X. Some advice to those who wish to cross over into New France. | 183. |
| Chap. XI. or, A Journal of the things which could not be related in the preceding Chapters. | 189. |
| ENUOYÉE à Kébec au R.P. Paul le Ieune, Superieur de la Mission de la Compagnie de Iesvs, en la Nouuelle France. page | 1. |
| PREMIERE PARTIE. | |
| Chap. I. De la Conuersion, Baptesme & heureuse mort de quelques Hurons, & de l'estat du Christianisme en cette Barbarie. | 4. |
| Chap. II. Contenant selon l'ordre des temps, les autres choses remarquables aduenues pendant cette année. | 21. |
| Chap. III. Aduertissement d'importance pour ceux qu'il plairoit à Dieu d'appeller en la Nouuelle France, & principalement au Pays des Hurons. | 58. |
| Chap. IV. De la langue des Hurons. | 79. |
| SECONDE PARTIE. | |
| DE LA CREANCE, DES MŒURS, & DES COUSTUMES DES HURONS. | |
| Chap. I. Ce que pensent les Hurons de leur origine. | 85. |
| Chap. II. Quel est le sentiment des Hurons touchant la nature & l'estat de l'ame, tant en cette vie, qu'apres la mort. | 96. |
| Chap. III. Que les Hurons recognoissent quelque diuinité: de leurs superstitions, & de la creance 212 qu'ils ont aux songes. | 108. |
| Chap. IV. Des festins, danses, ieux de plat, & de crosse, de ce qu'ils appellent Ononharoia. | 120. |
| Chap. V. S'il y a des Sorciers aux Hurons. | 132. |
| Chap VI. De la police des Hurons, & de leur gouuernement. | 145. |
| Chap. VII. De l'ordre que les Hurons tiennent en leurs Conseils. | 175. |
| Chap. VIII. Des ceremonies qu'ils gardent en leur sepulture, & de leur deüil. | 184. |
| Chap. IX. De la feste solemnelle des Morts. | 193. |
| SENT to Kébec to Reverend Father Paul le Jeune, Superior of the Mission of the Society of Jesus, in New France. page | 1. |
| PART FIRST. | |
| Chap. I. Of the Conversion, Baptism, and happy death of some Hurons; and on the condition of Christianity amid this Barbarism. | 4. |
| Chap. II. Containing in the order of time the other remarkable things that happened during this year. | 21. |
| Chap. III. Important advice for those whom it shall please God to call to New France, and especially to the Country of the Hurons. | 58. |
| Chap. IV. Of the language of the Hurons. | 79. |
| PART SECOND. | |
| ON THE BELIEF, MANNERS, AND CUSTOMS OF THE HURONS. | |
| Chap. I. What the Hurons think of their origin. | 85. |
| Chap. II. The ideas of the Hurons regarding the nature and condition of the soul, both in this life and after death. | 96. |
| Chap. III. That the Hurons recognize some divinity; of their superstitions, and their faith in 213dreams. | 108. |
| Chap. IV. Concerning feasts, dances; the games of dish and crosse; what they call Ononharoia. | 120. |
| Chap. V. Whether there are Sorcerers among the Hurons. | 132. |
| Chap. VI. Of the polity of the Hurons, and their government. | 145. |
| Chap. VII. Of the order the Hurons observe in their Councils. | 175. |
| Chap. VIII. Of the ceremonies they observe in their burials and mourning. | 184. |
| Chap. IX. Of the solemn feast of the Dead. | 193. |
Mon Reverend Pere,
Puis qu'il faut payer le tribut annuel, qu'exige de nous, non seulement V. R. mais aussi vn grand nombre de personnes de vertu, de merite, & de condition, qui se vont interessant dans les affaires de la Nouuelle France, comme dans celles de Dieu; Ie commenceray par la ioye que nostre Seigneur a versé dans nos cœurs à l'arriuée de la flotte. Quelques-vns estoient dans l'incertitude si nous verrions cette année des Vaisseaux, à raison des grands preparatifs de guerre, qu'on faisoit en l'ancienne France: mais [2] les plus aduisez n'en pouuoient douter, comme ayans cognoissance de l'affection du Roy enuers ses nouuelles Terres, qui se vont rendre l'vn des beaux fleurons de sa Couronne. N'ignorans pas d'ailleurs que Monseigneur le Cardinal estant le Chef de cette honnorable Compagnie, l'appuy des familles qui passent en ces contrées, le Pere de cette nouuelle Patrie, & le Genie puissant, qui doit faire reüssir souz la faueur & l'authorité de sa Majesté, les desseins, que Dieu a de la conuersion de ce nouueau monde, ne manqueroit pas de faire cognoistre, quelle place tient en son cœur cette saincte entreprise. Vne autre apprehension nous tenoit entre la crainte & l'espoir, sur le changement de Gouuerneur. Monsieur de Champlain nous ayant quitté en la derniere année de 216 son Gouuernement pour s'en aller au Ciel, nous estions en suspens, quel zele auroit son successeur pour cette Eglise naissante. Mais les Nauires paroissans, toutes ces craintes se sont dissipées; le nombre des vaisseaux nous a fait cognoistre que les affaires de la Nouuelle France tiennent [3] rang dans les grands soins de l'Ancienne, & que les affections de Messieurs de la Compagnie se vont tous les iours augmentant, & les premieres actions de Monsieur de Montmagny nostre Gouuerneur, nous ont fait esperer tout ce qu'on peut attendre d'vn esprit remply de pieté, de resolution, & de conduitte. On m'a dit autrefois, que la premiere action que fit nostre grand Roy au moment de sa naissance, fut vne augure de sa grande pieté: car le premier vsage qu'il fit de ses mains innocentes fut de les ioindre, comme s'il eust voulu prier Dieu, & le premier mouuement de ses yeux luy porta la veuë vers le ciel. Si les premieres actions sont les prognostiques des suiuantes, nous auons dequoy benir Dieu en la personne de Monsieur de Montmagny, comme ie feray voir dans la suitte de cette Relation. Estant arriué deuant Kebec la nuict de la sainct Barnabé, il moüilla l'ancre sans se faire cognoistre; le lendemain matin nous eusmes aduis qu'il estoit dans le Vaisseau, que la nuict nous auoit caché; nous descendismes sur le bord du grand Fleuue pour le receuoir; le P. Pierre [4] Chastellain, & le P. Charles Garnier étoient en sa compagnie: apres les cõplimens ordinaires, nous le suiuismes droit à la Chapelle; en chemin ayant apperceu l'Arbre de nostre salut, Voicy, dit-il, la premiere Croix que ie rencontre sur le Païs, adorons le Crucifié en son image; il se iette à deux genoux, & à son exemple, toute sa suitte, comme aussi tous ceux qui le venoient salüer: 218 de là il entre dans l'Eglise, où nous chantasmes solemnellement le Te Deum, comme aussi les Prieres pour nostre bon Roy. A l'issuë de son action de graces, & des loüanges que nous rendismes à Dieu pour sa venuë, Monsieur de Chasteaufort, qui tenoit la place de defunct Monsieur de Champlain, luy vient presenter les clefs de la forteresse; où il fut receu par plusieurs salues de mousqueteries, & par le tonnerre de plusieurs canons. A peine estoit-il entré, qu'on luy fit demander s'il auroit agreable d'estre Parrain d'vn Sauuage, qui desiroit le Baptesme: Tres volontiers, dit-il, se resioüissant d'auoir ce bon-heur qu'à l'entrée de son Gouuernement il aidast à ouurir les portes de l'Eglise à vne pauure [5] ame, qui se vouloit ranger dans le bercail de Iesus-Christ: & afin que les Peres qui l'auoient accompagné, missent la main à la moisson, mettant pied à terre; le P. qui auoit instruit ce barbare, demande au P. Chastellain, s'il ne seroit pas bien aise de donner commencement à ses actions en la Nouuelle France, par vn Baptesme. Dieu! quel sentiment de ioye ne fit-il point paroistre à cette proposition! Le voila tout disposé, Monsieur le Gouuerneur se transporte aux Cabanes de ces pauures barbares, suiuy d'vne leste Noblesse. Ie vous laisse à penser quel estonnement à ces Peuples de voir tant d'écarlate, tant de personnes bien faites souz leurs toits d'écorce! quelle consolation receut ce pauure malade, quand on luy dit que le grand Capitaine qui venoit d'arriuer vouloit luy donner nom, & estre son Parrain. Le Pere l'interroge derechef sur les mysteres de nostre creance, il répond, qu'il croit à celuy qui a tout fait, & à son fils Iesus, comme aussi 220 au bon Esprit; qu'il est fasché d'auoir offensé celuy qui s'est fait homme, & qui est mort pour nous, bien marry [6] de l'auoir cogneu si tard. Monsieur le Gouuerneur le nomma Ioseph, à l'honneur du sainct Espoux de la Vierge, Patron de la Nouuelle France, & le Pere le baptisa. Pendant le disner, car tout cecy se passa le matin, ce noble Parrain dit tout haut en bonne compagnie, qu'il auoit receu ce iour-là le plus grand-honneur, & le plus sensible contentement qu'il auroit peu souhaitter en la Nouuelle France. Sont-ce pas là des sujets capables de nous réioüir? Ce n'est pas tout; ce mesme iour parut vn Vaisseau commandé par Monsieur de Courpon, qui nous rendit le P. Nicolas Adam, & nostre Frere Ambroise Cauuet. Ces entreueuës en vn païs si éloigné de nostre Patrie, apres auoir trauersé tant de mers, sont sensibles par fois aux yeux, aussi bien qu'au cœur. Nostre ioye ne se tint pas-là, la quantité de familles qui venoient grossir nostre Colonie, l'accreut notablement; celles entre autres de Monsieur de Repentigny, & de Monsieur de la Poterie, braues Gentilshommes, composées de quarante cinq personnes. C'estoit vn sujet où il y auoit à louer [7] Dieu, de voir en ces contrées, des Damoiselles fort delicates, des petits enfans tendrelets sortir d'vne prison de bois, comme le iour sort des tenebres de la nuict, & ioüir apres tout d'vne aussi douce santé, nonobstant toutes les incommoditez qu'on reçoit dans ces maisons flotantes, comme si on s'estoit proumené au cours dans vn carosse. Voila comme ce iour nous fut doublement vn iour de feste & de réioüissance: mais entrons en discours. Ie distribueray tout ce que i'ay à dire cette année en quelques Chapitres, que i'abregeray ou estendray selon le loisir que Dieu m'en donnera.
My Reverend Father,
Since it is necessary to pay the annual tribute which is exacted from us not only by Your Reverence but also by many persons of virtue, merit, and rank, who continue to interest themselves in the affairs of New France as in those of God, I shall begin by referring to the joy with which our Lord filled our hearts on the arrival of the fleet. Some were doubtful whether we would see the Vessels this year, on account of the great preparations for war which were being made in old France;49 but [2] those who were wisest could not doubt it, as knowing the affection of the King for his new Possessions, which are destined to become one of the bright jewels in his Crown; and, moreover, not ignorant that Monseigneur the Cardinal,—being the Head of this honorable Company, the support of families that come over to these lands, the Father of this new Country, and the powerful Genius who is to bring about, under the favor and authority of his Majesty, the designs of God for the conversion of this new world,—would not fail to show what place this holy undertaking holds in his heart. Another anxiety kept us between fear and hope, arising from the change of Governor. Monsieur de Champlain having left us in the last year of his Administration, to go to Heaven, we were anxious as to what zeal his successor would have for this infant 217 Church. But, when the Ships appeared, all these fears were dissipated; the number of the vessels showed us that the affairs of New France rank [3] among the chief concerns of the Mother country, and that the interest of the Gentlemen of the Company continues daily to increase; and the first acts of Monsieur de Montmagny, our Governor, have made us hope everything that can be expected from a spirit filled with piety, with firmness, and with discretion.50 I was told once that the earliest act which our great King performed, at the time of his birth, was a presage of his great piety; for the first use he made of his innocent hands was to clasp them, as if he were trying to pray to God, and the first movement of his eyes directed his sight toward heaven. If first actions are prognostications of those to come, we have that for which to bless God in the person of Monsieur de Montmagny, as I shall show in the course of this Relation. Having arrived before Kebec on the night of saint Barnabas, he cast anchor without announcing himself; the next morning, we had word that he was in the Vessel which the night had concealed from us. We went down to the shore of the great River to receive him; Father Pierre [4] Chastellain51 and Father Charles Garnier52 were in his company. After the usual courtesies, we accompanied him at once to the Chapel; on the way, perceiving the Tree of our salvation, "Here," said he, "is the first Cross that I encounter in the Country; let us adore the Crucified in his image." He throws himself upon his knees, as, following his example, do all his attendants, as well as all those who were coming to salute him. Thence he entered the Church, where we solemnly chanted the Te Deum, as well as the Prayers for our good 219 King. At the conclusion of his act of thanksgiving, and of the praises we rendered to God for his coming, Monsieur de Chasteaufort,53 who filled the place of the late Monsieur de Champlain, came to present to him the keys of the fortress, where he was received with several volleys of musketry and the thunder of numerous cannon. Scarcely had he entered when one came to ask him if it would be agreeable to him to be Godfather to a Savage who desired Baptism. "Very willingly," said he, rejoicing in this good fortune, that, upon entering his Administration, he could help open the doors of the Church to a poor [5] soul who wished to enter the sheepfold of Jesus Christ. That the Fathers who had accompanied him might put their hands to the harvest at the moment of setting foot on land, the Father who had taught this barbarian asks Father Chastellain if he would not be glad to begin his labors in New France with a Baptism. O God! what a sentiment of joy he manifested at this proposal! Behold him quite ready! Monsieur the Governor proceeds to the Cabins of these poor barbarians, followed by a brisk retinue of Nobles. I leave you to imagine the astonishment of these People at seeing so much scarlet, so many elegant personages under their bark roofs! What comfort this poor sick man experienced when they told him that the great Captain who had just arrived wished to bestow a name upon him, and to be his Sponsor! The Father questions him anew upon the mysteries of our belief. He replies that he believes in him who made all things, and in his son, Jesus, and also in the good Spirit; that he is sorry he has offended him who made himself man, and who died for us; and that he greatly regrets [6] having 221 learned so late to know him. Monsieur the Governor named him Joseph, in honor of the holy Spouse of the Virgin, Patron of New France; and the Father baptized him. During dinner, for all this happened in the morning, this noble Godfather said aloud, in the presence of a distinguished company, that he had received that day the greatest honor and the most genuine satisfaction that he could have desired in New France. Are not these things that give us cause for rejoicing? This is not all; that same day appeared a Vessel commanded by Monsieur de Courpon,54 which brought to us Father Nicolas Adam55 and our Brother Ambroise Cauvet.56 These meetings in a country so far from our Native Land, after having crossed so many seas, affect sometimes the eyes as well as the heart. Our joy did not end there. The number of families, which came over to increase our Colony, made it considerably larger. Among others, were those of Monsieur de Repentigny57 and of Monsieur de la Poterie,58 gallant Gentlemen, composed of forty-five individuals. It was a matter for which to praise [7] God, to see in this country delicate Maidens and little children of tenderest age come forth from a prison of wood, as the day comes forth from the darkness of night,—and enjoying, after all, as perfect health, notwithstanding the many hardships to which one is subjected in these floating habitations, as if they had been driving on the street in a carriage. See then how this day was for us doubly a day of festival and of rejoicing; but let us begin our discourse. I will divide all I have to say this year into several Chapters, which I will shorten or extend according to the leisure which God shall grant me for it.
DES SENTIMENS D'AFFECTION QU'ONT PLUSIEURS PERSONNES DE MERITE POUR LA NOUUELLE FRANCE.
IE ne sçay pas quel succez auront les affaires de la Nouuelle France, ny quand nous y verrons la porte pleinement ouuerte à l'Euangile: mais ie sçay [8] bien neantmoins, que c'est Dieu qui conduit cette entreprise. La nature n'a pas les bras assez longs pour atteindre au point, où elle est paruenuë; elle ayme trop ses interests sensibles, pour reünir tant de cœurs, & tant d'affections à la poursuitte d'vn bien, qu'elle ne cognoit pas. Fuïr ses parens, & ses amis, abandonner ses cognoissances, sortir de sa patrie si douce, & si polie; passer les mers, defier l'Ocean, & ses tempestes, sacrifier sa vie aux souffrances, quitter les biens presens, pour se ietter dans des esperances éloignées de nostre veuë, conuertir le trafic de la terre en celuy du ciel, vouloir mourir dans la Barbarie, est vn langage qui ne se parle point dans l'école de la nature. Ces actions vont au delà de sa portée, & cependant ce sont les actions & le langage de mille personnes de merite, qui s'attachent aux affaires de la Nouuelle Frãce, auec autãt & plus de courage qu'ils feroiẽt aux leurs propres en l'Ancienne. Ie ne voy pas, ny ie ne peux entendre tout ce qui tend à ce dessein; on ne me parle qu'vne fois l'an de ces affaires, & encore sur vn morceau de papier, qui ressemble à [9] ces muets du grand Seigneur, qui parlent sans dire mot. Si 224 est-ce que ie puis dire, voyant tant de feu, tant de zele, tant de sainctes affections en des personnes si differentes d'âge, de sexe, de condition, de profession; qu'autre qu'vn Dieu ne peut causer ces pensées, ny allumer ces brasiers, qui ne se nourrissent que des bois aromatiques du Paradis. Ie ne dis rien des tendres & nobles affections qu'a nostre grand Roy pour la conuersion de ces Peuples; c'est pour ce dessein qu'il a étably la Compagnie de la Nouuelle France, l'a honorée de sa faueur, & de plusieurs grands Priuileges. Ie ne parle non plus des soins de Monseigneur le Cardinal; c'est assez de dire qu'il s'est fait Chef de cette honorable Compagnie, & qu'il a releué, soustenu & animé cette grande entreprise, qu'on ne peut choquer à moins que de toucher à la prunelle de ses yeux. Monseigneur le Duc d'Anguien fils aisné de Monseigneur le Prince, m'honorant d'vn mot de sa propre main, m'asseura l'an passé, qu'il auoit de grands sentimẽs pour nous, & que nous en verrions les effects, à mesure que Dieu luy [10] feroit la grace de croistre en âge. I'ay d'autant plus volontiers remercié nostre Seigneur, d'auoir desia inspiré à ce ieune Prince ces bons desseins pour son seruice, qu'il a l'esprit plus capable de s'en acquiter. Ie sçay de bonne part & sans flatterie, qu'il l'a fait paroistre auec autant d'admiration, durant le cours de ses estudes, au iugement de ceux qui l'y ont veu, que sa qualité le rendra tousiours digne de respect, enuers ceux qui le cognoistront. Dieu soit loüé! tout le ciel de nostre chere Patrie, nous promet de fauorables influences, iusques à ce nouuel astre, qui commence à paroistre parmy ceux de la premiere grandeur.
OF THE SENTIMENTS OF AFFECTION WHICH MANY PERSONS OF MERIT ENTERTAIN FOR NEW FRANCE.
I KNOW not what success the affairs of New France will have, nor when we shall see its doors opened wide to the Gospel; but I know [8] well, nevertheless, that it is God who directs this enterprise. Nature has not arms long enough to reach the point to which this has attained; she loves too well material interests to bring together so many hearts and so many affections in the pursuit of a good of which she has no knowledge. To forsake one's parents and one's friends, to relinquish one's associates, to go forth from one's native land, so sweet and so refined; to cross the seas, to dare the Ocean and its storms, to give up one's life to sufferings, to abandon present advantages that one may launch out into hopes remote from one's vision, to convert the business of earth into that of heaven, to be willing to die in the midst of Barbarism,—is a language which is not spoken in the school of nature. Such deeds go beyond her range, and yet they are the deeds and language of a thousand persons of merit, who are devoting themselves to the affairs of New France with as much and more of courage than they would give to their own in the Old. I do not see nor can I understand all that leads to this design; they speak to me but once a year about these matters, and then upon a piece of paper, which is like [9] those mutes of the 225 grand Seigneur, who talk without saying a word. Yet I can say,—seeing so much fire, so much zeal, so much holy love, in persons so different in age, in sex, in condition, and occupation,—that none other than a God can cause these thoughts, can kindle these coals, which are fed only by the aromatic woods of Paradise. I say nothing of the tender and noble desires of our great King for the conversion of these Tribes; it is for this purpose that he has established the Company of New France, honored it with his favor and with many important Privileges. Nor do I speak about the attentions of Monseigneur the Cardinal; it is enough to say that he has become Head of this honorable Company, and that he has uplifted, sustained, and animated this grand enterprise, which cannot be attacked without touching the apple of his eye. The Duke d'Anguien,13 eldest son of Monseigneur the Prince, honoring me with a word from his own hand, assured me last year that he had high esteem for us, and that we should see the effects of it in proportion as God should [10] grant him the favor of added years. I thanked our Lord for already having inspired this young Prince with these good intentions of serving him, the more gladly as he has a mind well qualified to fulfill them. I know from good authority and without flattery that he showed this so admirably, during the course of his studies, in the opinion of those who saw him engaged in them, that his character will always render him worthy of respect among those who shall know him. God be praised! The whole sky of our dear Native Land promises us favorable influences, even to this new star, which begins to shine among those of the first magnitude.
Personne ne peut ignorer, que Monsieur le Marquis 226 de Gamache, est le principal appuy de nostre Mission. I'ay appris cette année qu'il a receu lettres de Fondateur d'vn College en la Nouuelle France: nostre R.P. General me l'a ainsi récrit, & de l'heure que ie parle on a presenté mille & mille sacrifices à sa diuine Majesté, dans toute l'estenduë de la terre où se répand nostre Compagnie, pour la prosperité de sa Maison, [11] & pour le bon succez de ce dessein. Nous auons commencé à enseigner dés l'année passée: le Pere Lallemant, & puis apres le Pere de Quen ont instruit nos petits Francois, & moy quelques petits Sauuages. Nous nous étonnons de nous voir desia enuironnez de tant de ieunesse, en ces commencemens.
227 No one can be ignorant that Monsieur the Marquis de Gamache is the chief support of our Mission.59 I have learned this year that he has been acknowledged as Founder of a College in New France; our Reverend Father General has written me also to this effect; and at this writing thousands of holy masses have been offered up to his divine Majesty, throughout the whole extent of the earth where our Company is scattered, for the prosperity of his House, [11] and for the good success of this plan. We began last year to teach; Father Lallemant, and afterwards Father de Quen, instructed our little French boys, and I some little Savages. We wonder to see ourselves already surrounded by so many children, in the very beginning of our work.
I'apprends que quelque personne beniste du ciel pense à fonder vn Seminaire de petits Hurons; ô la sainte pensée! c'est de ces ieunes plantes qu'on doit esperer de bons fruicts. Dieu soit à iamais beny du soin qu'il a de cette nouuelle Colonie, la fauorisant du secours de personnes qui cherissent ces pauures barbares, beaucoup plus qu'ils ne se sont iamais aymez eux-mesmes.
I learn that some one, blessed of heaven, thinks of founding a Seminary for young Hurons. Oh, holy thought! it is from these young plants that one is to expect good fruits. God be forever blessed for the care he takes of this new Colony, favoring it with the aid of persons who cherish these poor barbarians far more than they have ever loved themselves.
Ie ne voulois pas quasi parler de Messieurs les Associez de cette Compagnie: car ce n'est pas merueille s'ils ont de l'amour pour vn pays, dont le Roy les a fait Seigneurs: mais cette amour en la plus saine partie de leur corps, me semble si épurée, que ie suis ioyeux & confus tout ensemble de voir vn dégagement aussi grand en des personnes attachées au monde par leur condition, [12] qu'on en trouueroit dans vne ame éloignée de presence, & d'affection, des ennuis & des tracas de la terre: ie ne parle point par cœur, ces Messieurs m'ayant fait l'honneur de m'écrire par la main de Monsieur l'Amy leur Secre[tai]re, me confondent 228 en ces termes. La lettre qu'il vous a pleu nous escrire, a tellement satisfait nostre Compagnie, que nous confessons tous, que nos peines, & nos soins, ont déja receu leur recompense. Ce que nous faisons pour la Colonie de la Nouuelle France, peut bien estre recommandable à cause du zele au seruice de Dieu, & de l'affection que nous auons au soulagement des hommes: mais d'auoir là dessus l'aide & la consolation de ceux qui sont les Maistres experimentez en ces vertus, c'est estre payez dés l'entrée, & receuoir son salaire entier pour le trauail des premieres heures de la iournée. Le remerciment que vous nous faites vaut beaucoup mieux, que tout ce que nous auons fait; mais il conuiendroit bien à ce que nous desirons faire, quand Dieu nous aura donné la grace de l'executer.
I had hardly intended to speak of the Associated Gentlemen of this Company; for it is not strange that they have some affection for a country over which the King has made them Lords; but this love, in the most important members of their body, seems to me so pure that I am at once rejoiced and confounded to see as great disinterestedness in persons, attached to the world by their position, [12] as one would find in a soul far removed from the scenes and affections of earth, from its cares and confusion. I do not speak by rote; these Gentlemen, having done me the honor of writing to me by the hand of Monsieur l'Amy,60 229 their Secretary, put me to the blush in these terms: The letter which it has pleased you to write us has satisfied our Company to such a degree, that we all acknowledge that our efforts and our cares have already received their reward. What we do for the Colony of New France may indeed be commendable, by reason of our zeal in the service of God, and our desire to aid our fellow-men; but to have therein the sympathy and the help of those who are experienced Masters in these virtues is to be rewarded from the beginning, and to receive one's full remuneration for the work of the first hours of the day. The gratitude which you express to us, is worthy of much more than all that we have done; but it would suit well what we desire to do when God shall have given us the grace to perform it.
Voila les propres mots de leur lettre: ce n'est pas tout, apres auoir tesmoigné que leurs plus grands desseins ne tendent [13] qu'à la gloire de nostre Seigneur, ils se resiouyssent d'estre deliurés de l'importunité d'vn homme dont il a fallu lier les mains auec des chaisnes d'or: Et encor que cela nous couste beaucoup, disent-ils, si est-ce que nous estimons y avoir gaigné, puis que personne ne peut plus pretendre aucun droit sur la Nouuelle France, & que nous la pouuons dedier toute entiere à Dieu par vostre sainct ministere. Ne pouuant encherir sur ces pensées, & sur ces affections, ie ne diray qu'vn mot à ces Messieurs; que s'ils font les affaires de Dieu, Dieu fera les leurs, qu'ils ne perdront rien au change, s'ils poursuiuent dans ces genereux desseins, & qu'ils sement des benedictions que leurs enfans recueilliront en la terre & au Ciel. Voila les sentimens de Messieurs les Directeurs & Associez de cette honorable Compagnie.
These are the very words of their letter. This is not all; after having testified that their greatest purposes aim [13] only at the glory of our Lord, they rejoice to be delivered from the importunity of a man whose hands it has been necessary to bind with chains of gold. And although that costs us much, they say, yet we consider that we have gained thereby, since no one can longer claim any right over New France, and we can offer it entire to God through your holy ministry.61 Being able to add nothing to such thoughts and feelings, I will say to these Gentlemen but one word, that if they attend to the interests of God, God will attend to theirs; that they will lose nothing in the exchange, if they continue in these generous purposes; and that they are sowing blessings which their children shall reap upon the earth and in Heaven. Such are the sentiments of Messieurs the Directors and Associates of this honorable Company.
Ie suis fasché que des personnes grandes en vérité 230 deuant les yeux de Dieu & des hommes, me lient si fort les mains, & m'obligent à garder le secret de leurs lettres, ou plustost de leurs vertus; ils dérobent aux yeux de la France les tendres & fortes affections qu'ils ont pour [14] la gloire de nostre saincte foy dans l'étenduë de cette Barbarie, se contentans d'en donner la veuë à celuy auquel il ne la sçauroient cacher. Ie parle de personnes employées dans les premieres charges du Royaume: l'vn d'eux embrasse tout le païs, il a soin & des François & des Sauuages, & fait du bien à tous. Vn autre va protestant qu'il s'est voulu interesser dans cette Compagnie, non pour l'esperance d'aucun lucre, mais pour l'amplification du Royaume de Dieu. Voici quelques paroles tirées de l'vne de ses lettres addressée à quelque personne qui me l'a cõfidemment communiquée: I'ay interest de sçauoir des nouuelles du pays, par le desir que i'ay de l'aduancement de la Religion. C'est l'vnique raison, à ce qu'il asseure, qui l'a meu de s'allier de ces Messieurs: & plus bas il dit que les plus grandes villes & les plus celebres ont commencé par vn ramas de vagabons, & que nous auons icy cét aduantage qu'il y a des gens de bien parmy nous, Que le plus grand soin qu'on y doit auoir, est que Dieu soit seruy fidellement, qu'on verra vn notable changement quand la Compagnie generale entrera dans l'entiere [15] administration des affaires, la resolution estant de laisser tout le profit pour ameliorer le pays, & y faire passer grand nombre de François, sans rien rapporter d'vn long temps entre les Associez du profit qui prouiendra de la Nouuelle France. Voila parler en homme des-interessé: les inclinations de la nature ne nous incitent point à transporter en vn pays barbare les vtilitez dont nous pouuõs iouyr dans vn Royaume 232 bien policé. Disons donc que ces mouuemens secrets viennent des ressorts de la sacrée prouidence du grand Dieu, qui semble auoir de grands desseins pour tant de pauures Peuples abãdonnez depuis vn si long temps. Voicy ce que d'autres Associez me mandent: I'espere que le secours qu'on vous enuoye fera augmenter la moisson: c'est la principale fin qu'ont ceux qui se meslent de cét affaire, ie voudrais auoir autant de pouuoir que i'ay d'affection pour l'aduancement de la gloire de Dieu en ce pays, & pour la conuersion de ces pauures Sauuages. Vn autre me tient ce discours: Il y a apparence que nostre Compagnie continuant son trafic sans fortune, vostre colonie pour le spirituel s'augmentera de plus en plus; l'intention de la plus part des [16] interessez d'icelle n'a esté à autre dessein, que pour ayder à la conuersion de ces pauures Sauuages; ce qui ne peut estre faict sans vos peines, trauaux & grandes incommoditez, voire de vostre vie.
I regret that some persons, great, in truth, in the eyes of God and of men, bind my hands so tightly, 231 and oblige me to keep the secret of their letters, or rather of their virtues; they conceal from the eyes of France the tender and strong desires they feel for [14] the glory of our holy faith throughout the extent of this Savage Land, contenting themselves with revealing them to him from whom they could not conceal them. I speak of persons employed in the highest offices of the Realm; one of them is in charge of the whole country, concerning himself with both the French and the Savages, and does good to all. Another protests that he is willing to interest himself in this Company, not through the hope of any gain, but for the extension of the Kingdom of God. Here are some words taken from one of his letters addressed to a person who has communicated it to me in confidence: I am interested in hearing news of the country, through the desire which I have for the advancement of Religion. This is the only reason, as he asserts, that induced him to ally himself with these Gentlemen. Farther on, he says that the largest and most celebrated cities have begun with a rabble of vagabonds; and that we have here this advantage, that there are honest people among us; that the greatest care that one must have here is, that God be faithfully served. There will be seen a notable change when the general Company shall enter into the complete [15] administration of affairs,—the determination being to disregard all gain, in order to better the condition of the country and to send over a large number of French people, without the Associates receiving for a long time any of the profit which shall accrue from New France. See how a disinterested man speaks of it! The inclinations of nature do not incite us to transfer to a barbarous land the advantages which we can enjoy in a well-governed Realm. 233 Let us say then that these hidden impulses come from the springs of the sacred providence of the great God, who seems to have grand purposes for so many poor Peoples, abandoned for so long a time. Here is what other Associates write me. I hope that the aid which is sent you will cause the harvest to increase; that is the chief aim which those have who interest themselves in this matter. I wish I had as much power as I have desire for the advancement of the glory of God in this country, and for the conversion of these poor Savages. Another writes to me as follows: There is likelihood that, while our Company continues its business without gain, your colony in spiritual matters will increase more and more. The intention of the greater part of those [16] interested in it has been for no other purpose than to aid in the conversion of these poor Savages, which cannot be done without your sufferings, toils, and hardships, nay, even at the peril of your life.
Ie n'aurois iamais faict, si ie voulois recueillir tout ce qu'escriuent sur ce suiet vn grand nombre de personnes, dont la modestie me condamne au silence, autant que leur bon exemple m'obligeroit à en parler, si ie ne craignois de les offenser: c'est pour cette raison que ie me tais sur les saincts desirs de plusieurs Religieux, sur les fortes affectiõs qu'ont vn tres grand nombre de nos Peres, de venir trauailler en cette nouuelle vigne de nostre Seigneur, & défricher cette Barbarie: il est vray que ces volontez de viure & mourir en la Croix de Iesvs, sont conformes à leur profession; mais c'est chose bien plus estonnante de voir des hommes attachez comme de grandes intelligences aux plus hautes spheres des affaires du monde, se délasser dans les soins de la Nouuelle France, tant ils la cherissent. Bien plus, il se trouue des Dames 234 qui veulent partager cette gloire auec eux, surmontant l'infirmité [17] de leur sexe par la generosité de leur courage.
I should never finish were I to review all that is written on this subject by a great number of persons, whose modesty condemns me to silence as much as their good example would oblige me to speak, if I did not fear to offend them. It is for this reason that I say nothing about the holy wishes of many Religious, and the strong desires which a great number of our Fathers have to come to work in this new vineyard of our Lord, and to clear this land of Barbarism. It is true that these desires to live and to die in the Cross of Jesus are in keeping with their profession; but it is a thing much more astonishing to see men who are engaged, because of their great abilities, in the highest spheres of the affairs of the world, take their recreation in working for New France, so dearly do they love her. Much more, there are found 235 some Ladies who wish to share this glory with them, rising above the weakness [17] of their sex through the generosity of their courage.
Ie cherchois l'an passé vne ame courageuse qui peût arborer le grand estendart de la charité en ces contrées: ce grand Dieu des bontez y a pourueu. I'apprends que Madame de Combalet y veut mettre la main, & fonder vn Hospital en la Nouuelle France. Voicy comme il luy a pleu m'en donner aduis. Dieu m'ayant donné le desir d'aider au salut des pauures Sauuages, apres auoir leu la Relation que vous en auez faicte, il m'a semblé que ce que vous croyez qui puisse le plus seruir à leur conuersion, est l'establissement des Religieuses Hospitalieres dans la Nouuelle France; de sorte que ie me suis resoluë d'y enuoyer cette année six ouuriers, pour défricher des terres, & faire quelque logement pour ces bonnes Filles. Ie vous supplie de vouloir prendre soin de cét establissement: i'ay prié le P. Chastelain de vous en parler de ma part, & de vous declarer plus particulierement mes intentions: si ie puis contribuer quelque autre chose pour le salut de ces pauures gens, pour lesquels vous prenez tant de peine, ie m'estimeray bien-heureuse. Là dessus que diray-ie autre chose, si ce n'est que [18] tout le Ciel presente deuant le throsne de Dieu ces sainctes pensées, ces grandes resolutions, & que tous les Anges redoublent leurs Cantiques d'honneur & de loüanges pour vne si saincte entreprise; ce sont les actions de graces que nous faisons à cette illustre Dame, au nom de tous les saincts Anges gardiens de ces pauures Barbares, qui ne sçauroient comprendre la grandeur de l'amour qu'on leur porte. Ie leur ay faict entendre qu'vne grande Dame alloit faire dresser vne grande maison, où on receuroit tous leurs malades, 236 qu'on les coucheroit dans de bons lits, qu'on les nourriroit delicatement, qu'on leur donneroit des medecines & des onguens necessaires pour les guerir, & qu'on ne leur en demanderoit aucune recompense. Ils me respondent auec estonnement, que cela va bien: mais neantmoins ie cognois par leurs sousris, qu'ils ne croiront point ce miracle que par les yeux. En vn mot, ils ne sçauroient comprendre la grandeur de cette charité; suffit que le Dieu des cœurs, qui fait germer cette saincte pensée dans vn bon cœur, voit son diuin ouurage, & y prend [19] plaisir; certes il n'y a rien si puissant que cette inuention pour attirer ces pauures Barbares, voire mesme pour peupler parmy eux des seminaires de garçons & de filles. Nostre Seigneur soit beny dans les temps, & dans l'eternité.
I sought last year a brave soul who might plant the great standard of charity in these lands; the mighty God of bounties has provided one. I learn that Madame de Combalet wishes to put her hand to the work, and found a Hospital in New France.62 See how it has pleased her to inform me of it: God having given me the desire to aid in the salvation of the poor Savages, it has seemed to me, after reading the Account which you have written of it, that what you consider can best serve for their conversion is the establishment in New France of Hospital Nuns. I have therefore resolved to send thither this year six workmen, to clear some land and to construct a lodging for these good Sisters. I entreat that you will take care of this establishment. I have asked Father Chastelain to speak to you about it for me, and to explain to you my plans more in detail. If I can do anything else for the salvation of these poor people, for whom you take so much trouble, I shall consider myself happy. With regard to that, what shall I say, save that [18] all Heaven presents before the throne of God these holy thoughts, these noble resolutions; and that all the Angels redouble their Chants of honor and praise for so holy an undertaking. These are the thanks that we render to this illustrious Lady, in the name of all the holy guardian Angels of these poor Barbarians, who cannot comprehend the greatness of the love that is felt for them. I informed them that a great Lady was about to erect a large house, where all their sick would be received; that they would be laid on soft beds, and daintily fed; that they would be supplied with the medicines and 237 ointments needed for their cure, and that no pay would be required for them. They answer me with astonishment that that is good; but, nevertheless, I know by their smiles that they will believe this miracle only with their eyes. In one word, they cannot understand the greatness of this charity; it is sufficient that the God of hearts, who causes this holy thought to spring up in a pious heart, sees his divine work and takes [19] pleasure therein. Verily there is nothing so powerful as this device to win these poor Barbarians, nay, even to fill among them the seminaries for boys and girls. Our Lord be blessed, through time and through eternity.
Si ie m'engage plus auãt dans les sentimens de deuotiõ qu'vne infinité d'ames sainctes, qu'vn tres-grand nombre mesme de Religieuses nous tesmoignent auoir pour l'amplification de la foy en la Nouuelle France, ie passeray de beaucoup la iuste grandeur d'vn Chapitre; mais n'importe la charité couure tout. I'apprends qu'en l'Eglise de Mont-martre, lieu si sacré pour les despoüilles de tant de Martyrs, & par la presence de tant d'ames espurées, les Religieuses font à leur tour oraison iour & nuict pour solliciter & forcer le Ciel à respandre ses sainctes benedictions sur nos trauaux. Les Carmelites sont toutes en feu: les Vrsulines remplies de zele: les Religieuses de la Visitation n'ont point de paroles assez significatiues pour témoigner leur ardeur. Celles de Nostre Dame coniurent qu'on leur donne part aux souffrances qu'il faut subir parmy [20] ces Peuples; & les Hospitalieres 238 crient qu'on les passe dés l'année prochaine. La nature n'a point de souffles si sacrez, qui puissent allumer ces brasiers: ces flammes prouiennẽt d'vn feu tout diuin, d'vn feu increé & subsistant. Nous vous portons plus d'enuie, que de compassion dans vos souffrances, écriuent quelques vnes. Nous vous accompagnons de nos petites prieres, particulierement vers la saincte Vierge, à qui nous sommes dediées, & vers nostre Pere sainct Ioseph, & nostre Mere saincte Terese, & aux Anges du pays où vous estes, afin que leurs forces & leur puissance soient auec vous. O le grand secours! S'il estoit ausst facile, dit vn autre, de bastir vn Conuent de Carmelites, que de dresser vne Cabane de Sauuages, & que nous eussions autant de pouuoir, que d'impuissance & de foiblesse, vous trouueriez des à present grand nombre de Sœurs tres disposées de vous aller ayder.
If I were to occupy myself further with the sentiments of devotion manifested by a multitude of pious souls, and by a very great number even of Nuns, for the extension of the faith in New France, I would considerably exceed the proper length of a Chapter; but no matter, charity covereth all. I learn that in the Church of Mont-martre,63 a place sacred as the depository of so many Martyrs and by the presence of so many purified souls, the Sisters take turns praying, by day and by night, to solicit and to constrain Heaven to bestow its holy benedictions upon our labors. The Carmelites are all on fire; the Ursulines are filled with zeal; the Nuns of the Visitation have no words significant enough to show their ardor; those of Nostre Dame implore permission to share in the sufferings which must be undergone among [20] these Peoples; and the Hospitalieres insist that they be brought over here next year.64 Nature has no breath sacred enough to light these fires; these flames 239 arise from a fire all divine, from an increate and living fire. We bear you more envy than compassion in your sufferings, write some of them. We accompany you with our feeble prayers, particularly to the holy Virgin, to whom we are dedicated, and to our Father, saint Joseph, and our Mother, saint Theresa, and to the Angels of the country where you are, that they may be with you in their strength and power. Oh, what great help! If it were as easy, says another, to build a Carmelite Convent as it is to raise one of the Cabins of the Savages, and if we were as powerful as we are impotent and weak, you would find from now on a great many Sisters very ready to go to your aid.
Voicy les propres termes d'vne autre. Il faut que vous sçachiez que la Nouuelle France commence d'entrer dans les esprits de plusieurs personnes, ce qui me fait croire que Dieu la regarde d'vn œil fauorable. Helas! que diriés vous, mon R. Pere, [21] si sa diuine Majesté disposoit les affaires en sorte, que nous eussions bien tost le courage, & le moyen de vous aller trouuer. Ie vous diray que si telle est la volonté de Dieu, qu'il n'y a rien en ce monde, qui m'en puisse empescher, quand mesme ie deurois estre engloutie des ondes en chemin.
Here are the exact words of another. You must know that New France is beginning to enter the minds of a great many people, which makes me think that God is looking upon it with a favorable eye. Ah, what would you say, my Reverend Father, [21] if his divine Majesty were so to shape events that we would soon have the courage and the means to go to you. I will tell you that if such be the will of God, there is nothing in this world that can prevent me, even if I were to be engulfed in the waves on the voyage.
Voila le cœur d'vne vraye Vrsuline, qui me va découurant les voyes par où son Ordre pourra vn iour passer en ces grandes forests. Pendant que i'écris cecy, i'ay deuant mes yeux les noms de treize Religieuses du mesme Ordre, qui protestent dans vne lettre commune enuoyée au R. P. Adam, qu'elles ont toutes le mesme dessein, & leur Superieure brusle du 240 mesme feu; I'ay laissé, dit-elle, prendre l'essor aux desirs de nos bonnes Sœurs, qu'elles ont couché sur ce papier selon leur ferueur; il n'y a rien de moy que l'approbation que i'en fay par l'apposition de mon nom, pour vous témoigner que ie n'en quitte pas la partie. Ie vous porte plus d'enuie que vous ne me faites de pitié dans les trauaux où vous allez entrer. Mais écoutons ces ames resoluës. Il n'y a point de difficultez qui nous épouuantent, & bien que la foiblesse & l'infirmité de nostre sexe [22] soit grande, nostre Seigneur fortifie, & rehausse si puissamment nostre courage, que nous nous enhardissons de dire auec sainct Paul, nous pouuons tout en celuy qui nous conforte; la mer ny les tempestes n'ont point assez d'horreur pour épouuanter des cœurs, qui n'ont ny vie, ny mouuemens, que pour celuy qui a mis la sienne pour les racheter, & qui ne desirent rien tant que de pouuoir donner la leur pour son amour, & pour le salut des Sauuages. N'est il pas vray de dire apres cela, que la parfaite amour bannit la crainte. Ie passe souz silence d'autres termes aussi pathetiques, & des affections aussi fortes que celles-cy, sorties des cœurs & de la bouche d'vn grand nombre de bonnes ames d'autres saincts Ordres, voire mesme de personnes engagées dans le monde. Si des femmes tendres & delicates pour ie ne sçay quels interests, disent quelques-vnes, se sont iettées courageusement dans le hazard des mers, nostre cœur blesmira-il à la veuë des mesmes dangers? puis que nous ne pretendons passer dans cette Barbarie, que pour honorer & benir le Dieu des mers? Celles qui pretendent passer les premieres, apres s'estre deffiées de leur foiblesse, disent tout [23] haut, que se confiant en Dieu, elles ne craignent plus rien, sinon que le trop grand delay. Or ie réponds aux vnes & aux autres, qu'elles ne sçauroient auoir 242 trop de deuotion, pour prier le Ciel de fauoriser cette entreprise; mais qu'elles pourroient auoir trop de precipitation, si elles passoient sans qu'on leur donnast aduis, que le Païs est en estat de les receuoir: chaques choses ont leur temps, Dieu prend le sien quand il luy plaist; c'est celuy qu'il faut attendre en patience & en douceur. Finissons, i'en ay assez dit pour faire voir que la Nouuelle France est bien auant dans le cœur de Dieu, puis qu'elle a si bonne place dans ceux de tant de personnes, qui luy sont si cheres.
This is the spirit shown by a true Ursuline, who goes on to show me in what ways her Order will some day be able to cross over into these great forests. While I am writing this, I have before my eyes the names of thirteen Sisters of the same Order, who protest, in a general letter sent to Reverend Father Adam, that they all have the same purpose and that their Superior burns with the same fire: I have allowed, says she, our good Sisters to give full scope to their desires which they have set down on this paper according to their zeal; there is nothing of myself in it, except 241 the approbation I show by affixing my name, as an evidence that I do not abandon the party. I envy you more than I pity you in the labors you are about to begin. But let us hear further from these resolute spirits: There are no difficulties which daunt us; and, although the weakness and infirmity of our sex [22] is great, our Lord so powerfully fortifies and enhances our courage, that we are emboldened to say with saint Paul, we can do all in him who strengtheneth us; neither the sea nor tempests have horrors enough to frighten hearts which live and throb only for him who has given his own to redeem them, and who desire nothing so much as to be able to give theirs for his love and for the salvation of the Savages. Is it not right to say, after that, that perfect love casteth out fear? I pass over in silence other words as touching, and expressions of interest as strong as these, uttered from the hearts and lips of many good souls of other holy Orders, yea even from people of the world. If delicate and refined women, actuated by we know not what interests, say some of them, have cast themselves bravely into the hazards of the deep, shall our hearts fail at the sight of the same dangers, since we do not claim to cross over into this land of Barbarism, except to honor and bless the God of the sea? Those women who expect to cross first, after having distrusted their own weakness, say quite [23] boldly that, trusting themselves to God, they no longer fear anything, unless it be the too great delay. Now I answer both that they cannot have too much devotion in praying Heaven to favor this enterprise; but that they can have too much haste, if they should come over here before being notified that the Country is in a condition to receive them. Everything in its time; 243God takes his as it pleases him, and it is upon him we must wait in patience and in meekness. Let us finish. I have said enough on this subject to show that New France is near to the heart of God, since it holds so good a place in those of so many persons who are so dear to him.
DES SAUUAGES BAPTISEZ CETTE ANNÉE, & DE QUELQUES ENTERREMENS.
IL semble que nostre Seigneur veüille authoriser la pureté de immaculée Conception de sa saincte Mere, par les [24] grands secours qu'il donne à ceux qui honnorent cette premiere grandeur de la Vierge. I'enuoyay l'an passé à V.R. la formule d'vn vœu, que nous fismes suiuans son conseil dans toutes nos Residences le huietiesme de Decembre, iour dedié a cette Conception sacrée; nous cachions cette deuotion, & V. R. l'a publiée la faisant imprimer en mesmes termes que nous l'auons voüée, & que nous la voüerons encore Dieu aydant tous les ans à mesme iour. La benediction que le ciel a versé sur nos petits trauaux depuis ce temps-là, est si sensible; que ie conuierois volontiers tous nos Peres de l'Ancienne France, voire de tout le monde, & toutes les bonnes ames qui cherissent la conuersiõ de ces Peuples, de s'allier de nous par ces saincts vœux, vnissant tous les ieusnes, toutes les prieres, toutes les souffrãces, toutes les saintes actions les plus secrettes de ceux qui entreront dans ces alliances, pour estre presentées à la Diuinité en l'honeur & en action de grace de l'immaculée Conception de la saincte Vierge: afin d'obtenir par son entremise l'application du sang de son Fils [25] à nos pauures Sauuages, l'entier dénuëment & l'amour de 246 Iesvs en la Croix, auec vne mort vrayment Chrestienne, à ceux qui procurent leur salut, & à tous les associez en la pratique de cette deuotion, dont la formule est à la fin de la Relation de l'an passé. I'écriuois dans cette Relation, que nous auions baptizé vingt deux personnes, nous en auons baptizé cette année plus d'vne centaine depuis ces vœux presentez à Dieu, & fort peu auparauant. En tout on a fait enfans de l'Eglise depuis le depart des Vaisseaux iusques à present cent quinze Sauuages. De plus, Dieu nous a donné de grandes ouuertures pour le salut de ces Peuples, les faisant resoudre à deux points, qui font voir que la foy entre dans leur ame. Le premier est, qu'ils ne sont pas marris qu'on baptize leurs enfans malades, voire ils nous appellent pour ce faire. Le deuxiesme, que les plus âgez mesmes commencent à desirer de mourir Chrestiens, demandans le baptesme en leurs maladies, pour ne point descendre dans les feux, dont on les menace. Bref nous auons obtenu ce que nous n'osions quasi demander, tant [26] nous les voyons alienez de ces pensées; c'est de donner quelques petites filles: mais ie parleray de cecy en son lieu. Toutes ces faueurs sont venuës du ciel par les merites de la sainte Vierge, & de son glorieux Espoux, depuis les vœux dont i'ay fait mention. Descendons en particulier, & suiuons l'ordre du temps de ces Baptesmes.
OF THE SAVAGES BAPTIZED THIS YEAR, AND SOME BURIALS.
IT seems that our Lord wishes to authorize the purity of the immaculate Conception of his holy Mother, by the [24] great assistance he gives to those who honor this chief dignity of the Virgin. I sent last year to Your Reverence the formula of a vow which we made according to your advice in all our Residences, on the eighth of December, a day dedicated to this sacred Conception. We concealed this act of devotion, and Your Reverence has published it, using the same words in which we made the vow, and in which we will pledge ourselves again, God helping, every year on the same day. The blessings that heaven has bestowed upon our insignificant labors, since that time, are so evident that I would like to urge upon all our Fathers of Old France, yea even of all the world, and all the good souls who cherish the conversion of these Tribes, to ally themselves with us through these holy vows, uniting all the fasts, all the prayers, all the sufferings, all the most secret acts of virtue, of those who will enter into this alliance, to be presented to the Divinity in honor of and as an act of thanks for the immaculate Conception of the holy Virgin, in order to obtain through her mediation the application of the blood of her Son [25] to our poor Savages, the entire abnegation and love for Jesus on the Cross, with a 247 truly Christian death, to those who procure their salvation and to all those associated in the practice of this act of devotion, the formula of which is given at the end of last year's Relation. I wrote in that Relation that we had baptized twenty-two persons; this year, since these vows were presented to God, we have baptized more than a hundred, and, before that, very few. In all, since the departure of the Ships up to the present, we have made one hundred and fifteen Savages children of the Church. Furthermore, God has given us great openings for the salvation of these Tribes, making them resolve upon two points which show that the faith has entered into their souls. The first is, that they are not vexed at us for baptizing their sick children; indeed, they even summon us to do this. The second is, that the more aged ones are likewise beginning to wish to die Christians, asking for baptism when they are sick, in order not to go down into the fires with which they are threatened. In short, we have obtained what we hardly dared to ask for, so greatly [26] do we see them alienated from their former inclinations; that is, the promise to give us some little girls, but I will speak of this in its place. All these favors have come from heaven, through the merits of the holy Virgin and of her glorious Spouse, since the vows which I have mentioned. Let us come down to particulars, and follow the order of time of these Baptisms.
Le neufiesme de Decembre, iustement le lendemain de la feste de la Conceptiõ: Le sieur Iean Nicolet, Truchement pour les Algonquins aux trois Riuieres, vint donner aduis aux Peres, qui demeuroient en la Residence de la Conception, scize au mesme lieu, qu'vn ieune Algonquin se trouuoit mal, & qu'il seroit 248 à propos de le visiter. Les Peres se transportent incontinent en sa Cabane, demandant permission à son pere de l'instruire, Dieu sembloit auoir disposé les cœurs de ces Barbares, que nous luy auions presentez, faisant nos vœux le iour precedent. Ce pauure Barbare se monstre fort content du bien qu'on procuroit à son fils: le Pere Buteux l'instruit, & pource que le malade estant Algonquin n'entendoit qu'à demy la langue Montagnese, dont se [27] seruoit le Pere, vne femme Sauuage bien versee en ces deux langues, seruoit d'interprete, faisant couler par sa bouche la foy & les veritez Chrestiennes dans l'ame de ce pauure ieune garçon, sans les retenir pour soy: iustement à la façon de ces canaux, ou de ces aqueducs, qui versent les sources d'eau toutes entieres, sans rien reseruer pour eux. Enfin le douziesme du mois, voyant que leur malade abaissoit, ils le baptiserent apres l'auoir instruit, & luy donnerent nom Claude; il mourut bien tost apres, prononcant les saincts noms de Iesvs & de Marie, ses parens demanderent aux Peres, s'ils ne seroient pas bien contents qu'on mist ce corps aupres des François; C'est bien nostre desir, repartent-ils. Nous luy ferõs vn honneur, leur dismes nous, que nous denierions au plus grãd Capitaine du mõde, s'il n'estoit Chrestiẽ. Hastez vous donc de preparer ce qui est necessaire pour l'enterrer à vostre mode, dirent-ils, puis qu'il est à vous. Il se fit vn beau conuoy de tous nos François, apres lesquels venoient les Sauuages deux à deux, auec vne modestie qui ne sentoit rien du Barbare. A l'issuë de l'enterrement le pere du defunct [28] fit vn festin aux Sauuages, pendant lequel, comme il ne mangeoit point selon leur coustume; tantost il chantoit, maintenant il discouroit; I'ay perdu l'esprit, disoit-il, la mort de 250 mon fils me tire hors de moy-mesme; ie me suis veu autrefois entre les mains de nos ennemis, tout prest d'estre mis en pieces, & d'estre déchiré à belles dents, iamais ie ne perdy courage, il ne faut pas que ie le perde maintenant; i'ay dequoy me consoler, puis que mon fils, s'il eust vescu, n'auroit pas manqué de tirer vengeance des Hiroquois. Et se tournant vers les Peres, Vous auez de beaucoup allegé ma douleur, rendans les derniers honneurs à mon fils. Voila la harangue de ce pauure Barbare, sur les funerailles de son fils, qui a bien d'autres pensées maintenant dans le ciel.
On the ninth of December, the very next day after the feast of the Conception, sieur Jean Nicolet,29 Interpreter for the Algonquins at the three Rivers, came to inform the Fathers who lived in the Residence of the Conception, situated at the same place, 249 that a young Algonquin was sick, and it would be well to visit him. The Fathers immediately hastened to his Cabin, and asked his father's permission to instruct him; God seemed to have prepared the hearts of these Barbarians, whom we had presented to him in our vows the day before. This poor Barbarian appeared very glad at the good that was being done to his son; Father Buteux instructed him; and, as the sick man was an Algonquin, and only half understood the Montagnese tongue, which [27] the Father used, a Savage woman, well versed in both these languages, served as interpreter, allowing the faith and Christian truths to flow from her lips into the soul of this poor young man without retaining them for herself,—precisely like those canals or aqueducts which discharge whole fountains of water, without reserving any for themselves. Finally, on the twelfth of the month, seeing their patient was sinking, they baptized him, after having given him instruction, and named him Claude; he died shortly afterwards, pronouncing the holy names of Jesus and Mary. His parents asked the Fathers if they would not like to have his body placed near the French. "That is indeed our desire," they answered. "We will show him an honor," we told them, "that we would refuse to the greatest Captain in the world, if he were not a Christian." "Hasten then and prepare what is necessary to bury him in your way," they said, "since he is yours." A fine escort was formed, consisting of all our Frenchmen; and after them came the Savages, two by two, with a modesty which savored in no wise of Barbarians. After the burial, the father of the dead man [28] gave a feast to the Savages, during which,—as he 251 did not eat, according to their custom, now singing, now talking,—he said, "I have lost my courage, the death of my son has undone me; at other times I have seen myself in the hands of our enemies, about to be cut to pieces and torn by their teeth, and I have never lost courage; I ought not to lose it now, for I have something to console me, since my son, if he had lived, would not have failed to wreak vengeance upon the Hiroquois." And turning towards the Fathers, "You have greatly soothed my grief, by rendering the last honors to my son." Such was the discourse of this poor Barbarian at the obsequies of his son, whose thoughts are now quite different in heaven.
Le vingt-deuxiesme du mesme mois, les mesmes Peres ressentirent l'effect des bontez de la saincte Vierge, au baptesme d'vn ieune garçon âgé d'enuiron dix ans: cét enfant ne vouloit point du tout ouïr parler de nostre creance, s'imaginant qu'estre baptizé, & mourir incontinent apres, estoit la mesme chose. Et en effect [29] comme nous ne confions pas aisément ces eaux sacrées, sinon à ceux qu'on voit n'en deuoir point abuser pour estre voisins de la mort, ces Barbares ont eu pour vn temps cette pensée, que le Baptesme leur estoit fatal. Nous auions beau leur representer que nous estions tous baptisez, & que nous viuions plus long temps qu'eux: Ces eaux, disoient-ils, sont bonnes pour vous, mais non pas pour nous. Les Peres voyans ces resistances, s'addressent à nostre commune Mere, & luy demandent cette ame pour son Fils. Chose estrange! l'enfant non seulement ne les fuit plus, mais il demande d'estre porté en leur maison. Le Pere Quentin à ces paroles, le prend, l'embrasse, l'apporte tout languissant en sa 252 chambre, où il fut baptizé, & nommé André par Monsieur de Malapart, son parrain. Ce pauure petit estoit d'vne humeur si douce & si facile, qu'il se rendoit aymable à tout le monde: voila pourquoy le Pere Buteux l'ayant autrefois demandé à sa mere; Ie n'ay garde, fit-elle, de te le donner, ie l'ayme comme mon cœur. C'est vne prouidence bien particuliere du bon Dieu, que cette mere fust absente pendant [30] son instruction & son baptesme. Car il est croyable qu'elle y auoit apporté de l'empeschement, suiuant l'erreur qui les a tenu long-temps, que ce qui nous donne la vie leur cause la mort; on eut bien de la peine d'auoir le corps de ce petit innocent apres sa mort, comme ie vay dire tout maintenant.
On the twenty-second of the same month, the same Fathers experienced the effects of the goodness of the holy Virgin, in the baptism of a young boy about ten years of age. This child did not wish to hear us speak of our belief at all, imagining that to be baptized and to die immediately after was the same thing. And, in fact, [29] as we do not readily bestow these sacred waters except upon those who we see are not going to abuse them, on account of their proximity to death, these Barbarians for a while had this idea that Baptism was fatal to them. We explained clearly to them that we were all baptized, and that we lived longer than they did. "These waters," they said, "are good for you, but not for us." Our Fathers, seeing this resistance, addressed themselves to our common Mother, and asked from her this soul for her Son. Wonderful thing! the child not only no longer avoids them, but he asks to be brought to their house. At these words, Father Quentin takes him in his arms, and carries him, weak 253 and languid, into his own room, where he is baptized and named André, by Monsieur de Malapart,65 his godfather. This poor child was of a disposition so sweet and gentle, that he made himself loved by every one; hence when Father Buteux once asked his mother for him, "I have no intention," said she, "of giving him to thee, I love him as my own heart." It is a very special providence of the good God that this mother was absent during [30] his instruction and baptism. For it is probable that she would have thrown some impediments in the way, in accordance with the error so long prevalent among them, that what gives life to us gives death to them. There was considerable trouble in getting the body of this little innocent after his death, as I am now going to relate.
Le vingt-septiesme, Monsieur de Maupertuis donna le nom de Marie à vne petite fille âgée de deux ans, que les Peres baptizerent; elle estoit fille de defunct Capitanal, Capitaine des Sauuages, homme vaillant, & fort sage pour vn Barbare. Il auoit laissé trois enfans à sa femme, vn garçon âgé d'enuiron dix-sept ans, & deux petites filles: la plus petite de ces filles est au ciel, le garçon est mort tres-miserablement, comme ie diray cy apres. A mesme temps qu'il mourut, le petit André trespassa: or comme ils estoient parens, on les enterra dans vn mesme sepulchre, au desceu de nos Peres, qui en ayant eu le vent se vindrent plaindre à la grande mere d'André, de ce qu'on auoit enterré ce petit baptizé sans les aduertir. Le Pere Buteux prie qu'on leur rende le corps pour le placer auec nous: vn Sauuage [31] luy repart, Va-t'en, on ne t'entend pas; c'est vne réponse que nous font par fois les Sauuages, quand on les presse de faire vne chose qui ne leur agrée pas. Il est vray que 254nous ne parlõs encore qu'en begayant, mais neantmoins quand nous leur disons quelque chose conforme à leurs desirs, iamais ils ne nous font ces reproches. Le Pere voyant cela va querir l'Interprete, on luy répond que l'affaire est faite, que l'enfant est enterré auec le fils du Capitanal, & que la femme du Capitanal s'offenseroit, si on foüilloit en la fosse de son fils. Le Pere la va trouuer, la prie de laisser tirer du sepulchre le corps de ce petit enfant, elle ne répond aucun mot: vn Capitaine se trouuant là dessus, prend la parole. Hé bien, dit-il, les deux corps sont à toy, porte les auec les François: mais ne les separe point, car il s'entr'ayment. Si sont-ils bien loing l'vn de l'autre, fit le Pere, l'vn a esté baptisé, & l'autre non, & par consequent l'vn est bien heureux, & l'autre gemit dans les flammes. Ne tient-il qu'à cela pour estre ensemble, & pour estre bien heureux, fit ce Sauuage, tu n'as point d'esprit, déuelope celuy qui n'est pas baptisé, & luy iette [32] tant d'eau sur la teste que tu voudras, & puis les enterre en mesme sepulchre. Le Pere se sousrit, & luy fit entendre que cela ne seruiroit de rien. Ce Barbare en fin acquiesça, & nos Peres tirerẽt le petit André du sepulchre profane, & le mirent en terre saincte. Vnus assumetur, & alter relinquetur. Apres l'enterrement la mere de celuy qui estoit mort sans Baptesme, voyant qu'on auoit rebuté son fils, cõme le corps d'vne ame damnée, pleuroit à chaudes larmes. Ah mon fils, disoit-elle, que ie suis marrie de ta mort: le Pere alors qui auoit veu les Iongleurs soufflans ce ieune garçon en sa maladie; luy dit, voila la guerison que ces badins promettoient à ton fils: ta petite fille est malade, donne toy bien de garde de les appeller, ny de la faire chanter. Iamais, dit-elle, ils n'en approcheront, si elle empire ie 256 vous appelleray: quelque temps apres les Peres la iugeant bien malade, la baptiserent au grand contentement de la mere.
On the twenty-seventh, Monsieur de Maupertuis66 gave the name Marie to a little girl two years old, whom the Fathers baptized; she was the daughter of the late Capitanal, Captain of the Savages,—a brave man and very wise for a Barbarian.67 He had left his wife with three children, a boy of about seventeen years, and two little girls; the smaller of these girls is in heaven, the boy died very pitiably, as I shall tell hereafter. At the same time that he died, little André passed away; now, as they were relations, they were buried in the same grave, without our Fathers knowing it; they, when they had heard about it, went to André's grandmother to complain that this little baptized boy had been buried without their knowledge. Father Buteux begged them to give him the body to place in our cemetery; a Savage [31] answered him, "Go away, we do not understand thee." This is an answer that the Savages occasionally 255 make to us, when we urge them to do something that does not suit them. It is true that, as yet, we speak only stammeringly; but, still, when we say something which conforms to their wishes they never use these reproaches. The Father, seeing this, went in search of the Interpreter; he is told that the affair is ended, that the child is buried with Capitanal's son, and that Capitanal's wife would be offended if we were to ransack the grave of her son. The Father goes to see her, and begs her to allow them to take the body of this little child out of the grave; she answers not a word; a Captain who is present begins to talk. "Oh well," says he, "the two bodies belong to thee, take them to the French; but do not separate them, for they are fond of each other." "Yet they are quite distant from each other," said the Father; "the one has been baptized and the other has not, and consequently the one is happy and the other groans in the flames." "If that is all it depends upon to be together and to be happy," said this Savage, "thou hast no sense; take up the one who has not been baptized, and throw [32] as much water on his head as thou wishest, and then bury them in the same grave." The Father smiled, and gave him to understand that that would avail nothing. This Barbarian finally acquiesced; and our Fathers took little André from the profane grave, and placed him in holy ground. Unus assumetur, et alter relinquetur. After the burial, the mother of the one who died without Baptism, seeing her son had been discarded like the body of a lost soul, shed bitter tears. "Ah, my son," she said, "how sorry I am for thy death." Then the Father, who had seen the Jugglers blowing upon this youth in his 257 sickness, said to her, "Behold the cure that these triflers promised to thy son; thy little girl is sick, be careful not to summon them nor have them sing to her." "Never," said she, "shall they come near her; if she grows worse, I will call you." Some time afterward the Fathers, deeming her very sick, baptized her, to the great satisfaction of the mother.
Le trente-vniesme vne fille âgée d'enuiron seize ans fut baptisée, & nommée Anne par vn de nos François. Le Pere Buteux l'instruisant luy dit, que si estant Chrestienne elle venoit à mourir, son [33] ame iroit au Ciel dãs les ioyes eternelles. A ce mot de mourir elle eut vne si grande frayeur, qu'elle ne voulut plus iamais prester l'oreille au Pere: on luy enuoya le Sieur Nicolet truchement, qui exerce volontiers semblables actions de charité, elle l'escoute paisiblement; mais comme ses occupations le diuertissent ailleurs, il ne la pouuoit visiter si souuent: c'est pourquoy le Pere Quentin s'efforça d'apprendre les premiers rudimens du Christianisme en Sauuage, afin de la pouuoir instruire: cela luy reüssit si bien, que cette pauure fille ayant pris goust à cette doctrine salutaire, desira le Baptesme, que le Pere luy accorda. La grace a plusieurs effects; on remarqua que cette fille fort desdaigneuse & altiere de son naturel, deuint fort douce & traittable estant Chrestienne.
On the thirty-first a girl about sixteen years old was baptized and named Anne by one of our Frenchmen. Father Buteux while instructing her, told her that, if she were a Christian, when she came to die her [33] soul would go to Heaven to joys eternal. At this word, "to die," she was so frightened that she would no longer listen to the Father. Sieur Nicolet, the interpreter, who willingly performs such acts of charity, was sent to her, and she listened to him quietly; but, as his duties called him elsewhere, he could not visit her very often. Hence Father Quentin tried to learn the first rudiments of Christianity in the Savage tongue, in order to be able to instruct her; he succeeded in this so well that the poor girl, having tasted this wholesome doctrine, desired Baptism, which the Father granted her. Grace produces many results; it was remarked that this girl, naturally very disdainful and proud, grew very gentle and tractable on becoming a Christian.
Le septiesme de Ianuier de cette année mil six cens trente six, le fils d'vn grand Sorcier ou Iongleur fut faict Chrestien, son pere s'y accordant apres de grandes resistances qu'il en fit: car comme nos Peres éuentoient ses mines, & le decreditoient, il ne pouuoit les supporter en sa Cabane. Cependant comme [34] son fils tiroit à la mort, ils prierent le sieur Nicolet de faire son possible pour sauuer cette ame: ils s'en vont donc le Pere Quentin & luy en cette maison d'écorce, pressent fortement ce Sauuage de consentir au baptesme de son petit fils: comme il faisoit la 258 sourde oreille, vne bonne vieille luy dit: Quoy pense-tu que l'eau que ietteront les Robes noires sur la teste de ton enfant, le fasse mourir? Ne vois tu pas qu'il est déja mort, & qu'à peine peut-il respirer? Si ces gens là te demandoient ta Pourcelaine, ou tes Castors, pour les offices de charité qu'ils veulent exercer enuers ton fils, tu aurois quelque excuse; mais ils donnent & ne demandent rien, tu sçay le soin qu'ils ont des malades, laisse les faire; si ce pauure petit meurt ils l'interreront mieux que tu ne sçaurois faire. Le malade fut donc baptizé, & nommé Adrien par le sieur du Chesne, Chirurgien de l'habitation; il mourut quelque temps apres. Le Pere Buteux le demanda pour l'enseuelir à nostre façon. Non, non, dirent les parens: tu ne l'auras pas tout nud, attends que nous l'ayons paré, & puis nous te le donnerons. Ils luy peignent la face de [35] bleu, de noir & de rouge; ils le vestent d'vn petit Capot rouge, puis l'enfourrent de deux peaux d'Ours, & d'vne robe de peau de Chat sauuage, & par dessus tout cela d'vn grand drap blanc, qu'ils auoient acheté au Magazin, ils accommodent ce petit corps dans tout ce bagage, en forme d'vn paquet bien lié de tous costez, & le mettent entre les mains du Pere, qui baise doucement ces sacrées dépoüilles pour témoigner aux Sauuages l'estime que nous faisons d'vn petit Ange baptizé. On l'enterra au Cimetiere de nos François, auec solemnité: ce qui plaist fort à ces Barbares, & qui les induit bien souuent à permettre qu'on face Chrestiens leurs enfans.
On the seventh of January of this year one thousand six hundred and thirty-six, the son of a great Sorcerer or Juggler was made a Christian, his father consenting to it after having offered a great deal of opposition; for, as our Fathers were revealing his schemes and throwing discredit upon him, he could not endure them in his Cabin. However, as [34] his son was on the verge of death, they begged sieur Nicolet 259 to do all he could to save this soul. So they went, Father Quentin and he, to his bark house, and strongly urged this Savage to consent to the baptism of his little son; as he turned a deaf ear, a good old woman said: "What! dost thou think the water the black Robes will throw upon the head of thy child will make him die? Dost thou not see that he is already dead, and that he can hardly breathe? If these people were asking thy Porcelain or thy Beavers, for the charitable acts which they exercise towards thy son, thou wouldst have some excuse; but they give and ask nothing; thou knowest how they care for the sick, let them go on; if this poor little one dies, they will bury him better than thou couldst." So the sick child was baptized and named Adrien by sieur du Chesne,68 Surgeon of the settlement; he died some time afterwards. Father Buteux asked for him, to bury him in our way. "No, no," said the parents, "thou canst not have him naked; wait until we have adorned him, and then we will give him to thee." They painted his face [35] blue, black, and red; they dressed him in a little red Cloak, and lined it with two Bear skins and a robe of wild Cat skin, and over all placed a large white sheet which they had bought at the Store. They arranged the little body in all this paraphernalia, in the form of a package tied closely on all sides, and placed it in the hands of the Father, who gently kissed these sacred remains, to show the Savages how greatly we esteemed a little baptized Angel. It was buried in our French Cemetery, with solemnity. This greatly pleases these Barbarians, and often influences them to allow their children to be made Christians.
Le huictiesme du mesme mois de Ianuier, vne ieune fille vniquement aymée de ses parens, mais encor plus de Dieu, s'en alla au Ciel, apres auoir esté lauée 260 dans le sang de l'Agneau. Ie remarqueray en cét endroit les folies que fit son pauure pere pour la pouuoir guerir. Son beau frere luy vint dire qu'il auoit songé que sa niepce gueriroit, si on la faisoit coucher sur vne peau de mouton, variée de diuerses figures; on en cherche aussi [36] tost, on en trouua, on peint dessus mille grotesques, des canots, des auirons, des animaux, & chose semblable: les Peres qui n'auoient pas encore instruit cette fille, sont instance que ce remede est inu[ti]le: mais il le faut éprouuer. La malade repose sur ces peintures, & n'en reçoit aucune reelle guerison. Vn autre Charlatan fut d'auis, que si on donnoit à la malade vn drap blanc pour cheuet, sur lequel on auroit figuré des hommes chantans & dançans, que la maladie s'en iroit. On se met incontinent en deuoir de peindre des hommes sur vn drap; mais ils ne firent que des marmousets, tant ils sont bons Peintres: ce remede ne succeda non plus que le premier. La pauure fille se couche sur ce drap, sans reposer, ny sans guerir. Que ne peut l'affection naturelle des peres & des meres enuers leurs enfans? Ces bonnes gens cherchoient par tout la santé de leur fille, horsmis en celuy qui la pouuoit donner. Ils consultent vne fameuse Sorciere, c'est à dire vne fameuse badine. Cette femme dit qu'elle auoit appris, soit du Manitou, soit d'vn autre, ie m'en rapporte, qu'il falloit tuer vn chien, & que les hommes le mangeassent [37] en festin. De plus, qu'il falloit faire vne belle robe de peau de Cerf, l'enrichir de leurs matachias rouges faits de brins de Porc épic, la donner à la malade, & qu'elle en gueriroit. Comme on preparoit ce festin, vn Sauuage songea, que pour la guerison de cette fille, il falloit faire vn banquet 262 de vingt testes d'Elans: voila les parens de la fille bien en peine: car comme il n'y auoit gueres de neige, on ne pouuoit courre, encore moins prendre l'Eslan. Sur cette grande difficulté on consulte les Interpretes des songes, il fut conclud qu'il falloit changer ces vingt testes d'Orignac en vingt grãds pains tels qu'ils en achetent de nos François, & que cela auroit le mesme effect. Ils ne se tromperent pas, d'autant que ces pains & ce festin de chien, ne firent autre chose que remplir le ventre des Sauuages; c'est tout ce qu'auroient peu faire ces vingt testes d'Orignac: car pour guerir vn malade, ny les banquets, ny les belles robes ne seruent de rien.
On the eighth of the same month of January, a 261young girl peculiarly loved by her parents, but still more so by God, went to Heaven after having been washed in the blood of the Lamb. I will notice in this place the follies her poor father committed, in order to be able to cure her. His brother-in-law came to tell him that he had dreamed his niece would recover, if they had her lie upon a sheepskin painted with various figures; a search was made for one [36] immediately, one was found, and they painted thereon a thousand grotesque figures, canoes, paddles, animals, and such things. The Fathers, who had not yet instructed this girl, urged earnestly that this remedy was useless; but they must try it. The patient rested upon these paintings, but received no real benefit. Another Charlatan was of the opinion that, if they gave the sick girl a white sheet as pillow, upon which had been drawn pictures of men singing and dancing, the sickness would disappear. They began immediately to paint men upon a sheet, but they made nothing but monkeys, such good Painters are they; this remedy succeeded no better than the first. The poor girl lay down upon this sheet without resting, and without recovering. What cannot the natural affection of fathers and mothers do for their children? These good people sought everywhere the health of their daughter, except in him who could have granted it. They consulted a famous Sorceress, that is, a famous jester. This woman said she had learned,—whether from Manitou or some one else, I cannot say,—that they would have to kill a dog and that the men should make [37] a feast of it. Furthermore, that they would have to make a beautiful robe of Deer skin, trim it with their red matachias made of Porcupine quills, and give it 263 to the patient; and that she would thus recover. While they were preparing this feast, a Savage dreamed that, for the recovery of this girl, they would have to prepare a banquet of twenty head of Elk. Now the girl's parents were placed in great anxiety, for, as there was but little snow, they could not pursue and much less capture the Elk. In this great difficulty, they consulted the Interpreters of dreams; it was decided that they must change the twenty head of Moose to twenty big loaves of bread, such as they buy from our French, and that this would have the same effect. They were not mistaken, inasmuch as this bread and this dog feast did nothing but fill the stomachs of the Savages; and this is all the twenty Moose heads could have done, for, to cure the sick, neither banquets nor beautiful robes avail.
Pendant qu'on appliquoit ces beaux remedes, les Peres s'addressoient à Dieu pour le salut de cette pauure ame: ils venoient voir cette pauure fille; mais les [38] parens ne vouloient pas permettre qu'on luy parlast de nostre creance, s'imaginant que le Baptesme nuisoit au corps, quoy qu'il en fust de l'ame. Attendez, disoient-ils, quand nostre fille n'en pourra plus, quand nous aurons cherché tous les remedes, dont nous nous seruons, s'ils ne reüssissent, nous vous permettrons de l'instruire. Les Peres voyans cela desisterent pour vn temps de visiter la malade, traictant de la guerison de son ame auec Dieu. La mere de la fille se sentit portée à desirer qu'on la vinst instruire, son mary y contrarioit. Enfin, Dieu qui tient les cœurs de tous les hommes entre ses mains, amolit ceux de ces Barbares, pour le bien de leur enfant; non seulement ils n'ont plus d'auersion des Peres, mais au contraire ils les font inuiter, leur donnant asseurance que leur fille les écouteroit volontiers. Les Peres y 264 volent aussi tost, le Pere Buteux prend la parole, déduit le mieux qu'il peut les principaux articles de nostre foy. Les parens, pour ayder le Pere qui n'a pas encore la perfection de la langue, & pour soulager leur enfant, reïteroient doucement, & expliquoient en termes plus significatifs [39] ce qu'on disoit à cette pauure ame, qui se montroit alterée de cette doctrine, comme vne terre seiche de la rosée du Ciel: on employe quelque temps à l'enseigner, tousiours auec le contentement des parens, & beaucoup plus de la malade. Pendant la nuict elle disoit par fois à sa mere, Ne sera-il pas bien tost iour, le Pere ne viendra-il pas de bon matin, puis s'addressant à Dieu, luy disoit. Mißi ka, khichitaien chaouerimitou, toy qui as tout fait, fais moy misericorde. Khiranau, oue ka nipien khita pouetatin khisadkihitin. Toy qui est mort pour nous, ie crois en toy, ie t'ayme, secours moy. Le Pere la visitant, elle luy disoit, Tu me réioüis quand tu me viens voir, i'ay retenu ce que tu m'as enseigné, & là dessus luy expliquoit fidelement. Le soir auant sa mort, vn sien oncle estant venu voir les Peres, & soupant auec eux, leur dit, Ma niepce est bien malade, vous la deuriez baptiser: on luy replique, qu'on la veut plainement instruire; Si toutesfois, luy dit-on, tu la voyois notablement baisser, appelle nous, & nous l'irons voir. Sur les dix ou onze heures de nuict, ce pauure Sauuage s'en vint au trauers de la neige, & d'vn [40] froid tres piquant, crier à pleine teste proche de l'habitation de nos François, qu'ils vinssent viste baptiser la malade, & qu'elle s'en alloit mourant. Les peres s'éueillent à ces cris bien étonnez, que ny les grands chiens qu'on détache la nuict, ny la rigueur du froid n'auoient point empesché ce bon homme de les venir appeller. Le sieur Nicolet, 266 & le sieur de Launay les accompagnerent, celuy cy fut le Parrain, & la nomma Marie, son pere & sa mere, quoy que Barbares, témoignerent receuoir du contentement de cette action, & remercierent les Peres & nos François, d'auoir pris la peine de sortir pendant vne nuict si fascheuse, que le sieur Nicolet s'en trouua mal. La pauure fille n'eut qu'autant de paroles, qu'il en falloit pour accepter le baptesme, qu'elle auoit tant desiré: car si tost qu'elle l'eut receu elle entre en l'agonie, & bien tost apres s'en alla en Paradis, auec l'étolle d'innocence, dont le Ciel la venoit de couurir. Son oncle la voyant morte, fit appeller le Pere Buteux, & luy dit, Vous n'aymez pas seulement pendant la vie, mais encore apres la mort, ma niepce est à vous, enterrez la à vostre [41] mode. Faites vne grande fosse; car mon frere à qui la tristesse a dérobé la parole, veut loger auec elle son petit bagage: ils vouloient enterrer auec cette fille deux chiens, & plusieurs autres choses: pour les chiens, on leur dit que les François ne seroient pas bien aises qu'on logeast auec eux de si laides bestes; Permets nous donc, dirent-ils, de les enterrer prés de vostre Cimetiere; car la defuncte les aymoit, & c'est nostre coustume de donner aux morts, ce qu'ils ont aymé ou possedé pendant leur vie. On combat tant qu'on peut cette superstition, qui se va abolissant tous les iours; neantmoins on tolere en ces premiers commencemens beaucoup de choses, qui se détruiront d'elles mesmes auec le temps. Si on refusoit à ces pauures ignorans, de mettre dans la fosse de leurs trespassez leur petit equipage, pour aller en l'autre vie, disent-ils, ils nous refuseroient aussi l'abord de leurs malades, & ainsi plusieurs ames se perdroient, qu'on va petit à petit recueillant, 268 iusques à ce que les iours de la grande moisson viennent. Ils enueloperent donc le corps mort de plusieurs robes, ils luy donnerent ses affiquets, ses [42] braueries, quãtité de porcelaine, qui sont les diamans & les perles du païs, & de plus on mit dans la fosse deux auirons, & deux grands sacs remplis de leurs richesses, & de diuers outils ou instrumens, dont se seruent les filles & les femmes. Pour conclusion le pere de cette fille tant aymée, voyant l'honneur qu'on rendoit à son enfant, & comme on luy auoit fait faire vn beau cercueil, ce qui plaist infiniment à ces Barbares, il se ietta sur le col du Pere Buteux, & luy dit Nikanis, mon bien-aymé, en verité ie cognois que tu m'ayme, & tous vous autres qui portez cét habit, vous cherissez nostre Nation. Puis apostrophant son enfant; Ma fille que tu es heureuse d'estre si bien logée: cét homme est l'vn des principaux de sa nation, sa femme s'est fait Chrestienne, comme nous dirons en son lieu, nous esperons qu'il mourra Chrestien, aussi bien que ses plus proches. Ainsi soit-il.
While they were making use of these fine remedies, the Fathers were addressing themselves to God for the salvation of this poor soul; they came to see the wretched girl, but her [38] parents would not permit them to talk to her about our belief, imagining that Baptism injured the body, whatever it might do for the soul. "Wait," said they; "when our daughter is completely exhausted, when we have tried all the remedies of which we can avail ourselves,—if they do not succeed, we will permit you to instruct her." The Fathers, upon hearing this, desisted for a while from visiting the sick girl, negotiating for the recovery of her soul with God. The mother of the girl felt inclined to have her instructed, her husband was opposed to this. At last, God, who holds the hearts of all men in his hands, softened those of these Barbarians, for the good of their child. 265Not only were they no longer averse to the Fathers, but on the contrary they had them invited there, assuring them that their daughter would listen to them willingly. The Fathers immediately fly thither; Father Buteux begins to talk, presenting as well as he can the principal articles of our faith. The parents, to assist the Father, who is not yet well versed in the language, and to soothe their child, repeat softly and explain in clearer terms [39] what was said to this poor soul, which showed itself as thirsty for this doctrine as the dry earth for the dew from Heaven; some time was employed in instructing her, the parents always contented, and the patient still more so. During the night, she would sometimes say to her mother, "Will it not soon be day? Will the Father not come early in the morning?" Then addressing God, she would say to him: Missi ka khichitaien chaouerimitou, "Thou who hast made all, have pity upon me." Khiranau, oue ka nipien khita pouetatin khisadkihitin. "Thou who hast died for us, I believe in thee, I love thee, help me." When the Father visited her, she said to him, "Thou givest me joy when thou comest to see me; I have remembered what thou hast taught me," and thereupon she explained it to him accurately. The evening before her death, one of her uncles, having come to see the Fathers and remaining to sup with them, said, "My niece is very sick, you ought to baptize her." They replied that they wished to instruct her sufficiently. "If, however," they said to him, "thou see her perceptibly weakening, call us, and we will go and see her." At ten or eleven o'clock at night, this poor Savage came through the snow and the [40] piercing cold, and cried out in a loud voice when he 267 neared the French settlement, that they should come quickly and baptize the sick girl, for she was going to die. The fathers, awakened by these cries, were indeed astonished that neither the great dogs that are let loose at night, nor the rigor of the cold, had prevented this good man from coming to call them. Sieur Nicolet and sieur de Launay69 accompanied them; the latter was Godfather and gave her the name Marie. Her father and mother, although Barbarians, showed that they were pleased at this act, and thanked the Fathers and our Frenchmen for having taken the trouble to come out on a night so bad that sieur Nicolet was made sick by it. The poor girl had only words enough to accept the baptism which she had so much desired; for, as soon as she had received it, she entered into the pangs of death, and soon after went to Paradise, clad in the robes of innocence with which Heaven had just covered her. When her uncle saw that she was dead, he had Father Buteux called and said to him, "You love, not only during life, but even after death; my niece belongs to you, bury her in your [41] way. Make a big grave, for my brother, whom grief has stricken dumb, wishes to place with her her little belongings." They wished to bury with this girl two dogs, and several other things. As to the dogs, they were told that the French would not be pleased if such ugly beasts were placed among them. "Permit us, then," said they, "to bury them near your Cemetery; for the dead girl loved them, and it is our custom to give to the dead what they loved or possessed when they were living." We do all we can to oppose this superstition, which is every day becoming less general; nevertheless, one tolerates, in these 269 first beginnings, many things which in time will disappear of themselves. If these poor ignorant people were refused the privilege of placing in the graves of their dead their few belongings, to go with them to the other life, they say, they would also refuse to allow us to approach their sick; and thus many souls would be lost which we are gathering in little by little, until the days of the great harvest come. So they enveloped the dead body in several robes; they gave her her trinkets, [42] her ornaments, a quantity of porcelain, which is the diamonds and pearls of this country;70 and besides this they put in the grave two paddles, and two large bags filled with their wealth, and with different utensils or instruments which the girls and women use. Finally, the father of this girl, so dearly beloved,—seeing the honor they were showing his child, and that they had made her a beautiful coffin, a thing which gives infinite pleasure to these Barbarians,—threw himself upon Father Buteux's neck and said, "Nikanis, my well-beloved, in truth I recognize that thou lovest me, and that all of you, who wear this gown, cherish our Nation." Then apostrophizing his child: "My daughter, how happy thou art to be so well lodged!" This man is one of the principal men of his nation; his wife has become a Christian, as we shall relate in the proper place. We hope that he will die a Christian as well as his family. So may it be.
Le vingtiesme du mesme mois Dieu fit paroistre sa bonté en la conuersion & au Baptesme d'vn Sauuage, dont nos Peres sembloient quasi auoir desesperé: ce ieune homme estant malade, le Pere Buteux [43] l'alla visiter: comme il y alloit grand nombre de personnes dans sa cabane, il l'inuita de venir faire vn tour en nostre maison, si sa maladie luy permettoit: il s'y transporte incontinent, apres quelques discours le Pere le iette sur les articles de nostre creance, mais auec peu de succés: car ayant espousé la fille d'vn des plus grands Charlatans du païs, il n'estoit pas pour se rendre à la premiere semonce: comme on le pressoit sur les biens de la vie future, s'il n'en vouloit 270 pas iouïr, il repartit, qu'il ne pouuoit pas croire cela; car mon ame, disoit-il, apres ma mort n'aura point d'esprit, & par consequent ne sera pas capable de ces biens. Comment sçais tu, luy fit le Pere, que les ames apres leur trespas sont stupides, & sans connoissance; deux de nos hommes, replique-il, sont retournez autresfois apres leur mort, & l'ont dit à ceux de nostre nation. Ces ames qui retournerent auoient-elles de l'esprit? Non, fit-il. Tu te trompes, dit le Pere, car c'est auoir de l'esprit, de cognoistre qu'on n'a point d'esprit; mais laissons cette subtilité, est-ce pas auoir de l'esprit que d'estre bon chasseur? iamais les Sauuages ne nieront [44] cette proposition, car leur plus grande Philosophie & Theologie n'est pas en leur teste, mais en leurs pieds. Or est-il, poursuiuit le Pere, qu'il y a des ames des Sauuages qui chassent brauement aux ames des Castors & des Eslans, donc elles ont de l'esprit. A cét argument vn peu trop pressant pour vn Sauuage il ne respondit autre chose, sinõ que puis que ses gens n'alloient point au Ciel, qu'il n'y vouloit point aller; Vous autres, disoit-il, vous asseurez que vous allez là haut, allez y donc à la bonne heure, chacun aime sa nation, pour moy i'iray trouuer la mienne. Le Pere voyant bien qu'il s'opiniastreroit chãge de discours, l'interroge sur son mal; C'est, respond-il, vn meschant Algonquain qui m'a procuré cette maladie qui me tient dans le corps, pource que m'estant fasché contre luy, la peur qu'il eut que ie ne le tuasse l'a induit à traitter de ma mort auec le Manitou. Et comment sçais-tu cela? I'ay faict consulter le Manitou, qui m'a dit que ie me hastasse de faire des presens aux Manitousiouekhi, ce sont leurs Iongleurs, & qu'il preuiẽ droit 272 mon ennemy, luy ostant la vie, & par ainsi que ie guerirois: mais [45] mõ malheur est que ie n'ay plus rien, i'ay donné ma Pourcelaine & mes Castors, & à faute de pouuoir continuer ces presens il faut que ie meure. Voila l'vnique vtilité de l'art de ces Iongleurs, c'est qu'ils tirent tout ce qu'ils peuuent des pauures malades, & quand ils n'ont plus rien ils les abandonnent. Les Iaponois ont des erreurs toutes semblables, ils croyent que les pauures ne pouuans rien donner aux Bonzes, ne sçauroient aller en Paradis. Les Chrestiens sont obligez d'adorer & de recognoistre la bonté de leur Dieu. Que la foy a de clarté pour estre vn flambeau obscur, & que nostre creance pour estre releuée par dessus les forces de la nature, s'accorde bien auec la raison! Les Theologiens disent bien à propos, qu'il faut auoir piam motionem, pour donner consentement aux propositions de nostre foy; il faut que la volonté s'amolisse, & qu'elle quitte sa dureté naturelle; ce qui se fait par vn doux soufle ou mouuement du S. Esprit, lequel nous induit à croire. Ie voy tous les iours des hommes conuaincus sur cette verité, que nostre creance est bonne, qu'elle est saincte, qu'elle est conforme à la raison, & apres [46] tout cela, ne voyant aucune conclusion de ces premices, ie m'escrie, Qu'auons nous faict à Dieu pour nous auoir donné la Foy, qui a tant de peine d'entrer en l'ame de ces pauures Sauuages! Mais pour retourner à nostre ieune homme, les Peres auoient comme desesperé de son salut; neantmoins comme la conuersion d'vne ame depend de celuy qui est tout-puissant, ils ne laissoient pas de le visiter, pour luy donner de fois à autre quelque crainte de l'enfer, ou quelque esperance de la vie eternelle. En 274 fin ce pauure ieune homme fut touché tout à coup, cet entendement plein de tenebres commence à voir le iour, & sa volonté deuient soupple & obeyssante aux volontez de Dieu, comme vn enfant bien né aux desirs de ses parens. Les Peres entrans certain iour en sa Cabane il leur fait present d'vn morceau d'Eslan qu'on luy auoit donné: le Pere Buteux luy dit, Nous ne venons pas icy pour receuoir, mais pour te donner; nous ne cherchons pas tes biens, mais nous te voulons donner ceux du Ciel; si tu voulois croire en Dieu que tu serois heureux! Oüy, dit-il i'y veux croire, & ie veux aller auec luy; il disoit [47] cela les mains iointes, les yeux esleuez au Ciel, d'vn accent si deuot, auec vne posture si composée, que les Peres resterent tous remplis de ioye & d'estonnement, voyant que Dieu en fait plus en vn moment que tous les hommes en cent ans; aussi est-il le Dieu des cœurs. Voila ce cœur de pierre changé en vn cœur de chair, il escoute auidemẽt ce qu'il croioit déja, il est tout plein de regrets de ses resistances, il ne peut assez admirer la bonté de celuy qui l'a si doucement vaincu. Les Peres l'ayant veu si bien disposé, offrent pour luy le sacré sainct sacrifice de la Messe, & apres vne bonne instruction luy changerent en fin le nom sauuage d'Amiskoueroui au nom de Nicolas, qui luy fut donné au sainct Baptesme. Dieu sçait prẽdre son temps quand il luy plaist. A l'heure qu'il fut touché, qu'il fut baptisé, & qu'il mourut, certains gauffeurs & badins qui demeuroient en sa Cabane, & qui auroiẽt faict leur possible pour le détourner du Christianisme estoient allez a la chasse, ils retournerent iustement deux heures apres sa mort, bien estonnez de ce qui c'estoit passé: mais quis vt Deus? Qui pourra 276 détourner la bonté de Dieu, [48] non plus que ses foudres? Non est qui se abscondat à calore eius. Il n'y a cœur de bronze qui ne se liquefie, quand Dieu le veut brusler.
On the twentieth of the same month, God showed his goodness in the conversion and Baptism of a Savage, of whom our Fathers had almost despaired. This young man was sick, and Father Buteux [43] went to visit him. As a great many people were going into his cabin, he invited him to make a visit to our 271house, provided his illness would permit it; he went there immediately. After some conversation, the Father reverted to the articles of our belief, but with little success; for, having married the daughter of one of the greatest Charlatans of the country, he would not surrender at the first summons. When the blessings of the future life were urged upon him, and he was asked if he did not wish to enjoy them, he answered that he could not believe those things. "For," said he, "after my death my soul will have no intelligence, and hence will not be capable of enjoying these blessings." "How dost thou know," replied the Father, "that souls, after their departure from this life, are without sensibility and knowledge?" "Two of our men," he answered, "once returned, after their death, and told this to the people of our nation." "Did those souls that returned have any intelligence?" "No," he replied. "Thou art mistaken," said the Father, "for it is intelligence to know that one has not intelligence; but let us leave these subtleties. Does it require intelligence to be a good hunter?" The Savages will never deny [44] this proposition, for their greatest Philosophy and Theology is not in their heads, but in their feet. "Now is it true," continued the Father, "that there are souls of Savages that are bravely hunting the souls of Beavers and of Elks? Then they must have intelligence." To this argument, a little too forcible for a Savage, he answered nothing, except, that as his people were not going to Heaven, he did not wish to go there. "You people," said he, "are sure of going up yonder. Well and good, go there, then; each one loves his own people; for my part, I shall go and find mine." The Father, seeing clearly that 273he would be obstinate, changed the subject and asked him about his disease. "It is," he replied, "a wicked Algonquain who has given me this disease which sticks in my body, because I was angry at him; and his fear that I would kill him induced him to bargain for my death with the Manitou." "And how dost thou know that?" "I have had the Manitou consulted, and he told me I should make haste and give presents to the Manitousiouekhi,"—these are their Jugglers,—"and that he would forestall my enemy, taking his life, and that thus I would be cured; but [45] my misfortune is that I have nothing more,—I have given my Porcelain and my Beavers; and, because I cannot continue these presents, I must die." So the only use to which these Jugglers put their art is to draw what they can from poor sick people; and, when they have nothing more, they abandon them. The Japanese have similar errors. They believe that, as the poor can give nothing to the Bonzes, they cannot go to Paradise. Christians are obliged to adore and to acknowledge the goodness of their God. What light there is in faith, though it be a dark lantern; and how well our belief, though it may be elevated above the forces of nature, conforms to reason! Theologians say very truly that it is necessary to have the piam motionem in order to consent to the propositions of our faith; the will must be softened and must give up its natural hardness. This is done by the gentle breathing or stirring of the Holy Spirit, which leads us to believe. I daily see men who are convinced of this truth, that our belief is good, that it is holy, that it conforms to reason; and, after [46] all that, seeing no conclusions drawn from these premises, I exclaim, "What have we done to 275God that he gives us this Faith, which enters with so much difficulty into the souls of these poor Savages!" But to return to our young man. The Fathers had, as it were, despaired of his salvation; nevertheless, as the conversion of a soul depends upon him who is all-powerful, they did not cease to visit him, to impart to him, from time to time, some fear of hell, or some hope of eternal life. At last, this poor young map was touched all at once; this understanding full of darkness began to see the day; and his will became supple and obedient to the will of God, like a dutiful child to the desires of its parents. One day, when the Fathers entered his Cabin, he made them a present of a piece of Elk-meat which had been given him; Father Buteux said to him, "We do not come here to receive, but to give to thee; we are not seeking thy goods, but wish to give thee those of Heaven; if thou wouldst believe in God, how happy thou wouldst be!" "Yes," said he, "I wish to believe, and I wish to go to him." He said [47] this with his hands clasped, his eyes raised to Heaven, with an accent so devout and a manner so composed, that the Fathers were filled with joy and astonishment, seeing that God does more in a moment than all men can do in a hundred years; he is indeed the God of hearts. Behold this heart of stone changed into a heart of flesh. He listens eagerly to what he already believes; he is full of regret at his former opposition; he cannot sufficiently admire the goodness of him who has so gently vanquished him. The Fathers, seeing him so well disposed, offered for him the holy sacrifice of the Mass; and, after thorough instruction, finally changed the savage name Amiskoueroui to the name Nicolas, which was 277 given to him in holy Baptism. God knows how to take his time when he pleases. At the time he was converted, when he was baptized and when he died, certain scoffers and triflers who lived in his Cabin, and who would have done all they could to divert him from Christianity, had gone to the chase; they returned exactly two hours after he died, very much astonished at what had taken place; but quis ut Deus? Who can turn away the goodness of God, [48] any more than his thunderbolts? Non est qui se abscondat à calore ejus. There is no heart of bronze that will not melt when God wishes to heat it.
Le vingt-cinquiesme, iour de la Conuersion de sainct Paul, vn ieune Sauuage fut nommé Paul, son pere luy procura dans sa maladie, ce qu'il ne prenoit pas pour soy dans la santé: tant s'en faut qu'il se monstrast fasché qu'on instruisist son fils, âgé de quinze à seize ans, qu'au contraire il l'exhortoit à prester l'oreille aux Peres, & par fois les venant visiter luy-mesme, & les ayant ouy parler des choses de l'autre vie, il racontoit par apres à ses enfans ce qu'il auoit apris, n'ayant pas assez de courage d'embrasser & professer les veritez qu'il aprouuoit en son cœur. Les respects humains font bien du mal par tout.
On the twenty-fifth, the day of saint Paul's Conversion, a young Savage was named Paul. His father secured for him in his sickness what he did not take for himself in health. So far was he from showing anger at the instruction given his son, a boy of fifteen or sixteen, that on the contrary, he urged him to listen to the Fathers; and having sometimes visited them himself, and having heard them speak of the realities of the other life, he related afterwards to his children what he had learned, not having enough courage to embrace and profess the truths that he approved in his heart. Fear of the world does a great deal of harm everywhere.
Le vingt-huictiesme & vingt-neufiesme, deux sœurs ont esté enrollées au Catalogue des enfans de Dieu. La plus petite, âgée de deux ans, chante maintenant ses grandeurs parmy les Chœurs des Anges. L'aisnée l'a suiuie quelque temps apres, elle auoit enuiron seize ans, quand elle prit vne nouuelle naissance en Iesus-Christ, [49] estant tombée malade, il ne fut pas difficile de luy persuader qu'elle se fist Chrestienne. Il semble qu'elle auoit déja la foy deuant que les Peres luy parlassent; son frere frequentoit en nostre Maison, instruisant nos Peres en sa langue, & comme on luy parloit souuent de nos Mysteres, il racontoit à sa sœur ce qu'il auoit appris. Il estoit plus heureux iettãt cette semence sacrée, que les Peres mesmes: car on n'a point remarqué qu'elle ait encore germé en son ame, & elle a porté des fleurs & des fruicts dans le cœur de sa sœur: laquelle interrogée 278 en sa maladie, si elle ne vouloit pas estre baptisée, répondit, qu'elle en auoit vn grand desir. Les Peres la voulans instruire, trouuerent qu'elle en sçauoit assez pour receuoir le sainct Baptesme, ce qui les étonna & consola: Elle fut donc nommée Ieanne, receuant auec ce nom si grande abondance de grace, qu'il sembloit que le Fils de Dieu prist vn plaisir particulier en cette nouuelle Espouse. Le Pere Buteux la voyant sur son depart pour s'en aller dans les bois auec sa mere, & les autres Sauuages, luy dit, Adieu ma fille, souuenez vous que vous estes maintenant [50] amie de Dieu, & que si vous mourez, il vous menera dans sa maison, remplie de tout bon-heur. Adieu mon Pere, repartit-elle, ie ne vous verray plus; mais il importe peu que ie meure, puisque ie dois aller en si bon lieu. Elle dit cela auec vn tel sentiment de pieté, que les larmes en vindrent aux yeux des deux Peres, rauis de voir vne petite Barbare, parler en Ange de Paradis. Mais que vous pourrions nous donner, Ieanne, puis que vous nous quittez pour vn si long-temps? luy dirent-ils. Si vous auez du raisin donnez m'en vn peu, ce sera la derniere fois que vous me soulagerez en ma maladie, car ie m'en vais mourir dans les bois: mais ie croy que i'iray au Ciel; à vostre auis, mon Pere? Oüy ma fille, vous y irez, si vous perseuerez en la foy. Asseurez vouz, dit-elle, que ie croy en Dieu, & que i'y croiray toute ma vie. Ils luy donnerent tout le raisin qu'ils auoient de reste, qui n'estoit pas grande chose, le peu qu'on leur auoit enuoyé, ayant déja esté distribué à beaucoup d'autres malades. Quand on vint à lier cette pauure fille auec sa petite sœur, toutes deux nouuellement baptisées, sur leurs longues traisnes, pour les 280 mener [51] dans ces grandes forests, il sembloit aux Peres qu'on leur arrachast le cœur: car ces pauures gens n'auoient autres viures qu'vn peu de pain qu'ils leur donnerent; leur disner & leur souper estoit en la prouidence de Dieu, leurs hostelleries la neige & les arbres, & vn peu d'écorce. Vn grand Nordoüest, qui est le vent le plus froid de ces Contrées, souffloit sur ces pauures malades, & cependant ils s'en alloient tous aussi contens, comme s'ils eussent deu entrer dans vne terre de promission. O que ie me voulois de mal, m'écrit le Pere qui m'a enuoyé ces memoires, voyant ce beau spectacle! ces gens me condamnoient de pusillanimité, ne iettant pas si fortement ma confiance en Dieu, qu'ils la iettent en leurs arcs & en leurs fleches, & ne faisant par vertu, ce que ces Barbares font par nature.
On the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth, two sisters were enrolled in the Catalogue of the children of God. The smaller, about two years old, now sings his greatness among the Choirs of the Angels. The elder followed her, a short time afterward. She was about sixteen years old when she received a new birth in Jesus Christ; [49] having fallen sick, it was not hard to persuade her to become a Christian. It seems that she had already possessed the faith, before 279 the Fathers talked with her; her brother was in the habit of visiting our House to instruct our Fathers in his language; and, as they often spoke to him of our Mysteries, he related to his sister what he had learned. He was happier than the Fathers themselves in scattering this sacred seed; although it has not been observed to have as yet germinated in his soul, it has borne flowers and fruit in the heart of his sister. When she was asked during her sickness if she did not wish to be baptized, she answered that she greatly desired it. The Fathers, intending to instruct her, found that she knew enough to receive holy Baptism, which surprised and consoled them. So she was called Jeanne, receiving with this name so great an abundance of grace, that it seemed as if the Son of God took particular pleasure in this new Spouse. Father Buteux, seeing her at her departure to go into the woods with her mother and the other Savages, said to her, "Farewell, my daughter; remember that you are now [50] a friend of God, and that if you die he will take you to his house, filled with all blessings." "Farewell, my Father," she replied, "I shall see you no more; but it matters little if I die, since I am to go to such a good place." She said this with so deep a sense of piety, that tears came to the eyes of the two Fathers, who were carried away at seeing a little Barbarian speak like an Angel of Paradise. "But what can we give you, Jeanne, since you are going to leave us for so long a time?" they said to her. "If you have any raisins, give me a few; this will be the last time you will relieve me in my sickness, for I am going to die in the woods. But I believe that I will go to Heaven. Do you think so, my Father?" "Yes, my 281 daughter, you will go there, if you continue in the faith." "Be assured," she said, "that I believe in God, and that I will believe in him all my life." They gave her all the raisins they had left, which were not many,—the few that had been sent them having already been distributed to many other invalids. When they came to tie this poor girl with her little sister, both newly baptized, upon the long sledges, to take them [51] into these great forests, it seemed to the Fathers like tearing out their hearts; for these poor people had no other food than a little bread that they gave them; their dinner and supper depended upon the providence of God, their hostelries were the snow and trees, and a little bark. A strong Northwester, the coldest wind of these Countries, blew upon these poor invalids, and yet they went away as contented as if they were about to enter a promised land. "Oh, how disgusted I was with myself," writes the Father who sent me these memoirs, "when I saw this beautiful sight! These people condemned me of cowardice, for not placing my confidence in God as strongly as they do theirs in their bows and arrows, and in not doing from virtue what these Barbarians do from nature."
See Vol. VII., for particulars of this document.
As with its predecessor for 1635, the Relation of 1636 (Paris, 1637), although for the convenience of bibliographers styled Le Jeune's, is a composite. The first half, closing with p. 272, is the annual report of Le Jeune, as superior, dated August 28, 1636; the second half, separately paged, is a special report on the Huron mission, by Brébeuf, dated Ihonatiria, July 16, 1636.
For the text of the document, we have had recourse to the Lamoignon copy of the original Cramoisy edition in the Lenox Library, which is there designated as "H. 65," because described in Harrisse's Notes, no. 65.
Collation (H. 65). Title, with verso blank; "Extraict du Privilege du Roy" (dated Paris, Dec. 22, 1636), p. (1); "Approbation" by the provincial (dated Paris, Dec. 15, 1636), p. (1); "Table des Chapitres," pp. (4); Le Jeune's Relation (11 chaps.), pp. 1-272; Brébeuf's Huron Relation, (in two parts, 4 and 9 chaps. respectively), pp. 1-223; verso of last leaf blank.
There are two copies in the Lenox Library, in which we have discovered a number of textual variations which have never been noted before. For the sake of convenience we shall designate these as Lamoignon284 and Bancroft, the names of former owners whose individual impress they bear. Our reprint, as previously stated, is from the Lamoignon copy. The Quebec reprint (vol. 1, 1858) follows a copy with the text corresponding with the Bancroft variations. All the differences which we have discovered occur in the Huron Rel ation, and the references are to the pagination of that part. We give the principal ones below.
| Lamoignon. | Bancroft. |
| P. 85, last line ends with "s'il ne leur fust" | P. 85, last line ends with: "s'il ne leur fust arriué" |
| The last four lines of p. 85 are spaced freely to make up for the elision of "arriué." | |
| P. 146, l. 2, reads: "d'où ils tirent" | P. 146, l. 2, reads: "dont ils tirent" |
| P. 146, l. 22, reads: "alliance. Si leurs champs" | P. 146, l. 22, reads: "alliances, si leurs champs" |
| P. 146, l. 23, reads: "les occupe ils sont" | P. 146, l. 23, reads: "les occupe; ils sont" |
| P. 158, l. 9, reads: "cõtre" | P. 158, l. 9, reads: "contre" |
| P. 158, l. 10, reads: "les tourmentẽt: le" | P. 158, l. 10, reads: "les tourmentent" |
| P. 158, l. 13, reads: "que ces pauures miserables chanteront" | P. 158, l. 13, reads: "que ce pauure miserable chantera" |
| P. 158, l. 18, reads "s'ils estoiẽt vaillãs hommes, ils leur arrachẽt" | P. 158, l. 18, reads: "s'il estoit vaillant homme, ils luy arrachent" |
| P. 159, last line ends with "quelque Peuple auec qui ils" | P. 159, last line ends with: "quelques Peuples auec lesquels ils" |
There is still another edition of this Relation in which the matter was reset entirely, and in which the text-page is much larger than in the one described above. Pilling (Bibliography of the Iroquoian Lan285guages, p. 18) describes the British Museum copy, and the following collation is based on his very careful account of it.
Collation (H. 66). Title, with verso blank, 1 leaf; "Table des Chapitres," pp. (2); Le Jeune's Relation, pp. 1-199; Brébeuf's Huron Relation, pp. 1-164.
Copies of H. 65 may be found in the following libraries: Lenox (two variations), Harvard, Library of Parliament (Ottawa), Brown (private), Archives of St. Mary's College (Montreal), and the British Museum. The Barlow copy (1889), no. 1276, sold for $17.50. Priced by Harrassowitz (1882), no. 23, at 125 marks. Copies of H. 66 are in the British Museum, and in the Bibliothèque Nationale (imperfect). We know of no example in America.
(Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of English text.)
1 (p. 9).—Concerning the increase of French colonists at this time, see vol. vii., note 8.
2 (p. 13).—Pemptegoüs: one of numerous variants of the name Penobscot (often mentioned by Lescarbot and Biard as Pentegoët). Specific reference is here made to the peninsula of Matchebiguatus (contracted later to Bagaduce), the site of the present Castine, at the mouth of Penobscot River (see vol. ii., note 6). It was visited by Champlain in 1604, and by John Smith, twelve years later. From that time, it was more or less frequented by English fishing vessels; and, in 1630, the Plymouth Company established here a post for traffic with the Indians. It is this trading station to which Le Jeune refers; in 1635, it was taken for the French by Charles d'Aulnay de Charnisay, a lieutenant of the Commander de Razilly.
The family of Razilly (Razilli or Rasilly), of Touraine, was one of rank, ability, and renown. Early in the seventeenth century it was represented mainly by three brothers—François, who in 1612 undertook, with Daniel de la Touche de la Ravardière, to found a French colony at Maranham, in Brazil; Claude, seigneur de Launay, who also went to Maranham—this colony being destroyed by the Portuguese in 1615; and Isaac, a chevalier of Malta, and commander of the isle Bouchard. All of these men held positions of honor and responsibility in the court, the army, or the navy. François served later as field marshal in the army, and was also sent as ambassador to Savoy. Guérin says that Claude and Isaac became two of the most skillful and renowned seamen of their age; they were commanders of squadrons, and even admirals, in many important naval contests. A memoir relating to "colonies, in view of the increase in the maritime power of France," was presented (1626) by Isaac de Razilly to Richelieu, to which Guérin ascribes much influence in securing the formation of the Company of New France, in the following year.
Isaac was one of the Hundred Associates, and after 1628 was their naval commander. In the spring of 1629, the company, hearing 288 that Kirk's expedition was about to set out from England, prepared a fleet, loaded with supplies for the suffering colonists at Quebec. Orders were given that some of the vessels should sail directly from Dieppe or La Rochelle for Canada, leaving the rest to go later, under Razilly. These orders were neglected, so that, instead of reaching Quebec by the end of May, and thus affording timely aid to Champlain, the ships waited for Razilly—whose commission for Canada was, however, revoked upon the conclusion of the peace of Susa (April 24, 1629), and he was instead sent to Morocco. The vessels finally set sail from La Rochelle, but were delayed by bad weather, thus failing to reach Quebec before its capture by Kirk. The ship commanded by De Caen was taken by the English; that belonging to the Jesuits was wrecked off Canso (see vol. iv., doc. xix.); and those under Desdames and Joubert made their way back to France. In the spring of 1630, another expedition was fitted out by the Company of New France, under Razilly's command, for the recapture of Canada; but it was not despatched thither, owing to the promise of Charles I. to restore Quebec to France—an agreement that was, however, not carried into effect until 1632, because of Louis's delay in paying the dowry that he had promised with Henrietta Maria, Charles's queen. Finally, in that year, De Caen was sent to occupy Quebec for his king. At the same time, Razilly was commissioned to "put the Company of New France in possession of Port Royal"—for which purpose he was given an armed ship named "Espérance en Dieu," and the sum of 10,000 livres; he was also to take with him three Capuchin missionaries. The document authorizing this enterprise was signed by Richelieu March 27, 1632, two days before the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye. Razilly's formal commission to receive Port Royal from the English bears date of May 10 in the same year. These documents are given by Margry, in MSS. rel. Nouv. France, vol. i., pp. 85, 110.
Razilly was appointed governor of Acadia, D'Aulnay and Charles de la Tour being his lieutenants; he also obtained from the Company of New France (May 29, 1632) a concession at St. Croix river and bay, 12 by 20 leagues in extent. He established his seat of government at La Hêve. In January, 1635, was formed an association—headed by Isaac and Claude de Razilly, and Cardinal Richelieu—to colonize Port Royal and La Hêve. Isaac de Razilly died in November of that year, and was succeeded by D'Aulnay as governor of Acadia. Claude de Razilly inherited his brother's estates, which, with his own interests in Acadia, he subsequently transferred to D'Aulnay. Harrisse says (Notes, p. 57): "He seems to have died in poverty, about the year 1666—at least, we have reason to suppose this, from the petition in verse addressed to the king in 1667, 289 by his sister Marie, a celebrated poetess known as 'Calliope' [1621-1704] to whom Louis XIV. granted a pension of 2,000 livres, in consideration of the straitened circumstances to which she had been reduced by her brother's losses (Titon du Tillet, Parnasse François, Paris, 1732, fol., p. 487)."
Concerning the Razillys, see Guérin's Navig. Français, pp. 313-338; Harrisse's Notes, pp. 53-57; and Moreau's Histoire de l'Acadie Françoise (Paris, 1873), pp. 112-117, 129-144.
3 (p. 13).—Quebec, like the other Canadian provinces, possesses great mineral wealth. Magnetic and hematite iron ores are abundant; and a rich vein of chromic iron has recently been found and worked, at Coleraine. A considerable quantity of copper is also mined in Quebec; gold to the amount of $260,905 was produced during the years 1877-94; and in 1894, this province yielded 101,318 ounces of silver. Among its other important mineral productions are asbestos, phosphates, petroleum, and building-stones.
Pierre Boucher (governor of Three Rivers in 1653-58 and 1662-67) thus mentions the mineral products of Canada, in his Histoire véritable et natvrelle de la Novvelle France, (Paris, 1664), chap. i.: "Springs of salt water have been discovered, from which excellent salt can be obtained; and there are others, which yield minerals. There is one in the Iroquois Country, which produces a thick liquid, resembling oil, and which is used in place of oil for many purposes. There are also many mines, according to report; I am certain that there are mines of iron and copper in many places. Various reliable persons have assured me that there is a great abundance of lead, and that not far from us; but, as it is along the road by which our Enemies pass, no one has yet dared to go thither to make its discovery."
4 (p. 15).—In regard to the Canadian policy of the Hundred Associates, see vol. iv., notes 21, 38; and vol. vii., note 18. Cf. Faillon (Col. Fr., pp. 343-352); he complains that the company, although at first making some efforts to bring over colonists, soon evaded the obligations imposed by their charter, and sent to Canada few besides their own fur-trade employees; that they cleared no land, and only sent provisions to the colony; that they made concessions (as to Giffard, Bourdon, and many others) obliging those to whom lands were given to assume the company's duties of clearing lands, and sending and supporting colonists—which acts should at the same time inure to the benefit of the Associates, and be credited to their account, as if performed by them.
5 (p. 17).—Concerning Duplessis-Bochard, see vol. v., note 34.
6 (p. 19).—Le Jeune states, in the Relation for 1634 (vol. vii. of this series, p. 229), that this fort was built on St. Croix Island (see vol. ii., note 66). The island was afterwards known by the name of 290 the fort. Ferland (Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 260, note) thus cites Faucher: "The little island below Richelieu, where now is a light-house, is precisely the same where was formerly situated a fort, to intercept passage in time of war. The channel adjacent to the island has been measured, and its greatest width is seven arpents; vessels generally pass at a distance of three or four arpents from the island. In all the river, there is no place more suitable for the erection of a fort. At low tide, no water remains in the channel."
7 (p. 19).—Metaberoutin: the Three Rivers (St. Maurice); see vol. ii., note 52.
8 (p. 45).—Pierre Pijart was born at Paris, May 17, 1608, and, soon after attaining his majority, became a Jesuit novice. His studies were successively pursued at Paris, La Flèche, and Caen; and, in July, 1635, he came to Canada. He was at once assigned to the Huron mission, where he remained five years. In November, 1640, he went with Garnier to open the Mission of the Holy Apostles among the Tionnontates or Tobacco Nation. This tribe, however, refused to listen to them; and within a year they were obliged to abandon this mission for a time. Pijart was employed at the Ste. Marie residence for some three years. In September, 1645, he was located at Three Rivers, being mentioned by Lalemant, in the Journal des Jésuites (Quebec, 1871), p. 5, as "procureur des Hurons." In August, 1650, he returned to France.
9 (p. 47).—Pierre Feauté, a lay brother in the Jesuit order, came to Canada in the summer of 1635; occasional mention of him in Journ. des Jésu. shows that he was employed in the Jesuit residence of Notre-Dame des Anges in 1636, and, later, at Quebec. In November, 1651, he made a voyage to France, whither he seems to have finally returned in October, 1657.
Rochemonteix (Jésuites, vol. i., p. 212) cites Catalogus Provinciæ Franciæ to show that Brother Pierre le Tellier was, toward 1665, in charge of the petite école, or primary department, of the college of Quebec.
10 (p. 47).—Claude Quentin came to Canada in July, 1635, and was assigned soon afterwards to the residence of Three Rivers, with Buteux, where he remained two years. In the summer of 1638, he was sent to the station at Miscou, returning some time later to Quebec, on account of ill-health. In the autumn of 1641, he was appointed procuror of the Canadian missions, occupying this position about six years—during which time he made several journeys between Canada and France, apparently making a final return to the latter country Oct. 21, 1647.
11 (p. 47).—François Joseph le Mercier was born at Paris, Oct. 291 4, 1604, and, at the age of eighteen, entered the Jesuit novitiate. In 1635, he came to Canada, and labored in the Huron mission until its destruction; he was at Ossossané in 1641-42, and at Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye in 1644. In June, 1656, he went, with other Jesuits, on the mission to the Onondagas, returning to Quebec the following year. He remained on the St. Lawrence during the rest of his labors in Canada, being superior of the missions in that province from August, 1653, until 1658, and again from 1665 to 1670. In November, 1659, he was assigned to a mission at Côte de Beaupré, where he labored nearly a year, being declared vicar of Quebec in October, 1660. Sommervogel says that Le Mercier returned to France in 1673, and was then sent to Martinique as superior of that mission, where he remained until his death, June 12, 1690.
Le Mercier, as superior, wrote various Relations of the Canadian missions, which will appear in later volumes of this series. The Hurons named him Chaüosé; the Iroquois, Teharonhiagannra.
12 (p. 49).—Echom (correctly spelled Echon): see vol. v., note 44.
13 (p. 55).—Anguien river: named for the eldest son of the prince of Condé, whose titular designation was duke of Anguien, or Enghien, from the city of that name in Hainault, near Brussels. The nobleman thus referred to (also mentioned in Relation for 1636, chap. i.) was later known as "the great Condé;" in 1642, he married a niece of Richelieu. The last scion of the house of Condé who bore this name was the unfortunate Louis Antoine, duke of Enghien, court-martialed and shot at Vincennes, March 21, 1804, by order of Napoleon Bonaparte.
The Anguien River cannot well be identified; the name does not appear on maps of that time.
14 (p. 59).—Petite Nation: see vol. v., note 56.
15 (p. 61).—Jean de Quen was born at Amiens in May, 1603, and became a Jesuit novice Sept. 13, 1620, at Rouen. His studies were pursued at Paris; and he afterwards became a teacher in the colleges at Amiens (1630-31), and Eu (1632-35). Coming to Canada in the summer of 1635, he was employed for several years at Quebec—at the college, and at Notre-Dame de Récouvrance. In 1640, he was at Sillery, of which mission he was the head from 1641 to 1649. During this time, he also made evangelizing journeys to neighboring tribes: and, at times, labored in the Ste. Croix mission at Tadoussac, and at Three Rivers. In June, 1651, he went on a mission to the Oumaniwek tribe, and apparently spent the ensuing two years in labors with this and other tribes on the upper Saguenay, with his headquarters at Tadoussac. To him is ascribed the honor of having, while engaged in this work, discovered Lake St. John. In 1655-56, he was superior of the missions of New France, and seems 292 to have remained at Quebec until his death, which occurred Oct. 1, 1659, occasioned by a contagious fever brought on a French vessel, whose sick and dying sailors De Quen was nursing at the hospital.
In August, 1878, the demolition of the old Jesuit College at Quebec brought to light the remains of De Quen, Du Peron, and Jean Liégeois. For detailed accounts of this discovery and its attendant circumstances, with valuable historical information regarding this and other buildings in that city, see Faucher de Saint-Maurice's Relation des fouilles dans le Collège des Jésuites (Quebec, 1879); also Rochemonteix's Jésuites, vol. i., pp. 225-227, 456-465.
16 (p. 61).—Concerning these Turkish pirates, and others, see vol. iv., note 29.
17 (p. 65).—André Richard (here written Antoine, apparently by some error), born Nov. 23, 1600 (or 1599), became a Jesuit, Sept. 26, 1621, at Paris. A student successively at Paris, La Flèche, and Rouen, he was a teacher at Amiens (1624-26), Orleans (1626-28), Caen (1629-30), and Nevers (1631-33). In February, 1634, he departed for Canada, and, with Perrault, was stationed at Cape Breton, replacing Daniel and Davost. Richard remained at this mission about six years, being then sent to Miscou as a co-worker with Jean d'Olbeau, who had gone there in the preceding year; the latter fell ill with scurvy in December, 1642, and, afflicted with paralysis resulting therefrom, he was obliged to leave for France in the following summer—dying, however, while on the voyage, through an accidental explosion of powder, which destroyed the ship.
In 1646, Richard was joined by De Lyonne; and he remained on the coast of Gaspe—during most of the time, at Miscou—until 1661, making voyages to France in 1658 and 1659. According to Dionne ("Miscou," in Canada-Français, July, 1889), he spent the year 1661-62 at Chedabouctou in Acadia, after which he went back to France. Returning to Canada in 1666, he became superior of the Jesuit residence at Three Rivers; he is said to have died in 1696.
18 (p. 65).—Charles Turgis was born at Rouen, Oct. 14, 1606, and became a Jesuit as soon as he attained his majority. He studied at La Fléche and Clermont, and was a teacher in the former college during two years. In 1635, he arrived in Canada, and was sent to Miscou with Du Marché, to minister to the French (then 23 in number) residing at that post. The climate of Miscou, although now salubrious, seems to have been, at that early time, full of danger to Europeans; the island was repeatedly swept by the scurvy, which was usually fatal. The missionaries soon became its victims; Du Marché was compelled to return to France, and Turgis, although more robust, and longer resisting the disease, was laid low by it in March, 1637, dying on May 4. An account of his illness and death 293 is given in the Relation for that year, which says of him: "He was equally regretted by the French and by the Savages, who honored and tenderly loved him."
19 (p. 65).—Charles du Marché was assigned to the Miscou station at the same time as Turgis (1635), the missionary residence being named St. Charles. Within a year of their arrival, Du Marché was attacked by the prevalent scourge of that region—the mal du terre, or scurvy—and was compelled to return to Quebec. Here he remained a few months, being employed at the chapel as confessor; in August, 1636, he was aiding Buteux at Three Rivers; later, he returned to France.
20 (p. 67).—Concerning Jean Liégeois, see vol. vii., note 7.
Gilbert Burel, a lay brother, had come to Canada with the first Jesuit missionaries (1625), and again, with Le Jeune, in 1632. The latter mentions him in 1626 (see vol. iv., p. 183); but his name does not occur in the Relations, excepting in this passage in our text.
21 (p. 69).—Sonontoerrhonons, also variously written Entouhonorons (Champlain), Sonnontouans, Tsonnontouans: the westernmost and also the largest of the five Iroquois tribes or cantons; by early Dutch writers called Sennecas or Sinnekens, by the English Senecas, and among themselves Nun-dá-wa-o-nó (Morgan) or Nan-do-wah-gaah (Marshall). The latter writer says that the name Sonnontouan is derived from the Seneca words onondah, "hill," and go waah, "great,"—"the people of the great hill," alluding to Boughton Hill, where was located their principal village, Ga-o-sa-eh-ga-aah (or Gandagaro); and that "Seneca" is a corruption of Nan-do-wah-gaah.—See his pamphlet, First visit of De la Salle to the Senecas [Buffalo, 1874], p. 44.
Beauchamp, in his "Origin and Early life of the N. Y. Iroquois," Transactions of Oneida Hist. Society, 1887-89, (Oneida, N. Y., 1889), p. 124, derives the Senecas "from the Eries, perhaps within historic times. That the Senecas differed from the other Iroquois, in religious observances, totems and clans, habits of life, and other things, is very clear." He also writes, in a recent letter: "The Senecas always had two great villages, and were probably at first a minor confederacy—the two branches being clearly distinguished in all historic times, and even now. Among the leading founders of the League they had two great chiefs where the others had but one, in every account. In the last half of the seventeenth century, the two great Seneca towns, "held by their two branches, were at Mendon, and at Boughton Hill, Victor. In 1660, the easternmost Seneca village was 20 miles west of Geneva, and all were comprised within a very few miles." Their villages are shown on J.S. Clark's map of "Seneca Castles and Mission Sites," in Hawley's "Early 294 Chapters in Seneca History," Cayuga Co. Hist. Collections, No. 3, (Auburn, N. Y., 1884); see also his note identifying their sites, pp. 25, 26. This paper is a careful and minute account of the Jesuit missions among the Senecas (1656-84), with valuable annotations by both Hawley and Clark. The chief Seneca villages in recent times were near the sites of the present Geneva, Canandaigua, Lima, and Avon.
22 (p. 71).—This chief, La Perdrix, is mentioned also in the Relation for 1634. In regard to the Island tribe, see vol. v., note 57.
23 (p. 71).—Attiguenongha (Atignenongach, Attigneenongnahac, Attiniatoenten): this and the Attignaouantan, or Bear Nation, (see vol. v., note 17), were not only the most important, but the oldest of the Huron tribes, "having received into their country, and adopted, the others" (Relation for 1639, chap. i.), and being able to trace their tribal history for two centuries back. This tribe was the southernmost of the Huron clans; one of its most important towns was Teanaustayé, located in what is now Medonté township. Here was situated the Jesuit mission of St. Joseph, destroyed by the Iroquois in 1649.
24 (p. 71).—Arendarhonons, Ahrendarrhonons, or Renarhonons (Sagard, who also calls them "nation de la Roche"): the easternmost tribe of Hurons, located west of the Severn River. They were the first of the Hurons to engage in trade with the French, and regarded themselves as the special allies of the latter. It was with this tribe that Champlain spent the winter of 1615-16 (see vol. v., note 52), at their village of Cahiagué, where, later, was established the Jesuit mission of St. Jean Baptiste.
25 (p. 75).—The Ottawa and St. Lawrence Rivers have many and often dangerous rapids; but both rivers are now rendered navigable by canals around the rapids. The Chaudière Falls above Ottawa, and the Lachine Rapids above Montreal, are the most noted of these obstructions. In the St. Lawrence River are 30 miles of rapids. The elevation between Lake Ontario and tidewater is 240 feet.
The name "Rivière des Prairies" was at first applied to the Ottawa River (see vol. ii., note 53); but it is now restricted to the channel that separates Isle Jésus from the island of Montreal.
26 (p. 81).—Simon Baron was one of the Jesuit donnés. Sulte says (Can.-Français, vol. ii., p. 53): "He had lived at Chibou, Cape Breton Island, about 1631, and had there acquired some surgical knowledge. In 1634, he was in the service of the Jesuits, and accompanied the missionaries to the Huron country, whence he returned in 1637. He is mentioned at Three Rivers in 1637, 1658, and 1664." During the epidemic of 1637, Baron acquired renown through his facility in handling the lancet.
295 27 (p. 85).—Concerning La Rochelle, see vol. v., note 60.
28 (p. 91).—For location of Toanché, see vol. v., note 61.
29 (p. 99).—Jean Nicolet, a native of Cherbourg, France, came to Quebec in 1618, probably at the age of about 20 years. Like Marsolet, Brulé, and others, he was sent by Champlain to live among the Indians, that he might acquire a knowledge of the country, of the natives, and of their language. For this purpose, Nicolet went (1620) to the Algonkins of Allumettes Island, where he remained two years; while among this tribe, he accompanied a large body of their warriors to the Iroquois country, in order to arrange a treaty of peace—an enterprise successfully accomplished. He then spent some nine years among the Nipissings, during which time he wrote an account of these savages, their customs, etc., as Le Jeune informs us in the Relation for 1636.
Upon the recovery of Canada by the French, Nicolet returned to Quebec, probably early in 1633. In June, 1634, Champlain sent him on an exploring expedition westward—partly in the hope of finding the "sea of China" which was at that time supposed to lie not far west of the regions of America then known, and thereby discovering the long-looked-for short passage to Asia; partly to become acquainted with the savage tribes lying beyond the "Mer douce" (Lake Huron), and to extend the French trade for peltries. Upon this trip (accompanying Brébeuf as far as Allumettes Island), Nicolet went to his old abode, Lake Nipissing. Thence, with a bark canoe, and an escort of seven Hurons, he voyaged by French River into Lake Huron, and northward to St. Mary's Straits and Mackinac; and thence by Lake Michigan, Green Bay, and the Fox River, as far as a village of the Mascoutins, probably in what is now Green Lake county, Wisconsin. He was thus the first white man who, so far as is recorded, had entered this region. From the Mascoutin village, he journeyed southward to what is now Northern Illinois,—afterwards returning to Canada by the same route on which he had set out; he reached Quebec early in the autumn of 1635. This notable voyage was generally supposed to have occurred in 1639, until Sulte advanced the theory, in Mélanges d'Histoire et de Littérature (Ottawa, 1876), pp. 426, 436, that it must have been in 1634-35—a theory apparently verified by Butterfield, in his painstaking Discovery of the Northwest by Jean Nicolet (Cincinnati, 1881).
Nicolet, after his return to Canada, resumed his employment (begun in 1633) as clerk and interpreter at Three Rivers. Oct. 7, 1637, he married Marguerite (then aged eleven years), second daughter of Guillaume Couillard. Probably about this time, he obtained, 296 jointly with his brother-in-law, Le Tardif (see vol. v., note 49), the estate of Belleborne (so named from the brook of Belleborne, which traverses the "plains of Abraham"). In 1641, the Iroquois having attacked the Algonkins in the near vicinity of Three Rivers, Nicolet, with the Jesuit Ragueneau, attempted, but with little success, to turn aside the hostile savages.
Nicolet died Oct. 29, 1642, being drowned at Sillery; he left but one child, Marguerite, who in 1656 married Jean Baptiste le Gardeur.
Full accounts of Nicolet and of his discoveries are given in Butterfield's monograph, and by Sulte, ut supra; also in Jouan's "Jean Nicolet," and Butterfield's bibliography of the subject, Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. xi., pp. 1-25. Cf. also Sulte's "Notes on Jean Nicolet," Id., vol. viii., pp. 188-194. Nicolet river and lake, in Wolfe county, Que., are named for this noted explorer; the river had been, until about 1640, known as the St. Jean.
30 (p. 103).—Le Borgne: this name, meaning "the one-eyed," was applied by the French, during many years, to the Algonkin chief at the head of the Island tribe (see vol. v., note 57), whose native name was Tessouehat (or Tessoueatch).
Champlain mentions that, in June, 1603, he met at Tadoussac an Algonkin sagamore named Besouat; Laverdière (Champlain, p. 76) thinks this is simply an error for Tesouat. Just ten years later, Champlain visited Tessouat at Allumettes Island, and speaks of the latter as "a good old Captain."
Again, in 1629, he mentions Le Borgne (apparently the successor of the first-named) as "a good Savage and a man of intelligence" (Laverdière's ed., p. 1198). It was this man who is mentioned in our text as alarming the Hurons by reports of Champlain's intended vengeance for Brulé's murder; he died in August, 1635. In the spring of that year, he had gone (as Brébeuf tells us) with an Algonkin embassy to the Huron country, to ask the latter tribes to unite with them in an attack upon the Iroquois, which proposal was declined by the Hurons.
A third Le Borgne was Tessouehat (called by the Hurons Andesson or Ondesson), characterized by the missionaries as "unusually arrogant and malicious" (Relation for 1641). Much to their surprise, he came down to Montreal in March, 1643, for Christian instruction, and was baptized under the name of Paul. In the Relation for that year, Vimont says of this chief: "As soon as he became a Christian, God gave him the gentleness and meekness of a little child;" and the missionaries were greatly delighted and edified by his piety.
In May, 1646, a chief of this name took part in a council held at Three Rivers with an embassy from the Iroquois; but, as he invoked 297 the sun to be a witness of the negotiations, he must have been a heathen, and therefore a successor to the preceding chief. This same man was rebuked by a converted Indian at Sillery for not being a Christian; but his pious death, after an illness of two years, is recorded in the Relation for 1654. He, too, like his predecessor, was renowned as much for his arrogance as for his eloquence.
31 (p. 105).—Oënrio (Ouenrio, or Wenrio): the site of this village, which was located in a populous Huron neighborhood, has not been identified beyond question. Du Creux's map places it near the head of an inlet—evidently the one now known as Dault's Bay, on the west side of Tiny township; and he associates it with the mission of St. Charles. There are remains which correspond very nearly to this position; though some have supposed that Oënrio was nearer Penetanguishene Bay, where the remains of another village have been found. As it contained part of the Hurons from Toanché, it may be assumed that it was not far from Thunder Bay.—A.F. Hunter.
32 (p. 111).—Sagamité: see vol. v., note 28.
33 (p. 115).—Mer douce: see vol. i., note 54.
34 (p. 115).—Brébeuf here gives the Huron names of the other tribes composing the great Huron-Iroquois family. Concerning the Khionontaterrhonons (Tobacco Nation), see vol. v., note 18.
Atiouandaronks (Attiwandarons, Atiraguenrek, or Atirhangenrets): called by the French "Nation Neutre," because they were at peace with both the Hurons and the Iroquois, between whom they lived. Harris thus endeavors to account for this neutrality, in his paper, "The Flint-Workers," Publications of Buffalo Historical Society, vol. iv. (Buffalo, 1896), p. 239: "There is but one solution of this problem, and that is to be found in the immense quantities of flint along the east end of Lake Erie. Without flint arrow and spear heads, the Iroquois could not cope with the Hurons, nor the Hurons with the Iroquois; and, as the Neutrals controlled the chert beds, neither nation could afford to make the Neutrals its enemy."
Eastward of the Neutrals, lay the territories of the Five Nations, or Iroquois League. Clark's map of this region, showing locations of the several tribes and of their villages, is given in Hawley's Early Chapters of Cayuga History, 1656-84 (Auburn, N. Y., 1879); Morgan (Iroq. League) also gives a map, showing locations in recent times. For historical sketch of the tribes included in the League, see Beauchamp's Origin of N. Y. Iroquois (cited in note 21, ante) pp. 119-142; he says: "The Huron-Iroquois family thus seems to have been the last wave of the migratory tribes advancing from the west and northwest, and had not reached the sea 300 years ago, except a few individuals on the St. Lawrence. The Tuscaroras might also be excepted.... Almost parallel with these [the 298 Algonquins], but a little later as a whole, the Huron-Iroquois, finding the southern regions occupied, advanced along the north, through Michigan, Canada, and Ohio, pressing toward the sea, but generally prevented from reaching it by the Algonquins. This is very nearly the tradition of the Delawares, who represent the Iroquois as moving from the west in a line parallel with their own migrations, but a little in the rear. The Huron-Iroquois occupied temporarily the solitudes of Canada and New York, as well as Michigan and Northern Ohio, gathering strength within their narrow limits, until they could force a passage south along the Susquehanna. There the Andastis stopped and grew strong. The Eries passed along the south shore of their lake, the Hurons and Neutrals on the north. The Tuscaroras reached North Carolina, and all the southern Iroquois may have had temporary homes in New York at an early day." For estimates of the military strength of the respective tribes, in 1660 and 1677, see Parkman's Jesuits, p. 297.
(1) Sonontoerrhonons (Senecas): see note 21, ante. (2) Ouioenrhonons (Ouiogweronons, Oiogouins, or Goyogouins): the Cayugas, next east from the Senecas, and probably kindred with them. The name of the tribe is derived from that of the lake, the meaning of which is variously rendered. Beauchamp says (Iroq. Trail, p. 57): "D. Cusick makes it Go-yo-goh, 'mountain rising from water;' Albert Cusick, Kwe-u-kwe, 'where they drew their boats ashore;' L. H. Morgan, Gwe-u-gweh, 'at the mucky land.' All seem to refer to the higher and firm land beyond the Montezuma marshes." Much valuable information regarding this tribe is given in Hawley's Early Cayuga Hist. (cited supra); on p. 21, a note by Clark thus mentions their chief towns: "Their principal village, Goi-o-gouen (a name also applied by the early French writers to the country and canton of the Cayugas), appears to have been located at this time [1657] about 3½ miles south of Union Springs, near Great Gully Brook. Thiohero, ten miles distant, was on the east side of Seneca River, at the northern extremity of Cayuga Lake. The archæological remains in the vicinity of Goi-o-gouen indicate different locations occupied at different periods, one of which was on a point at the junction of two ravines about four miles from the lake; this was very ancient, and probably occupied in the prehistoric age." The site of Thiohero has been recently identified, 2½ miles east of Savannah. (3) Onontaerrhonons (Onnontaes, Onnondaetonnons, or Onnontagués): the Onondagas (in their own tongue, Onondáhka). Beauchamp says (Orig. of N. Y. Iroquois, pp. 123, 124, 130): "It is very likely that there was an earlier Huron-Iroquois settlement of Central New York [before the coming of the Mohawks] from 299 Jefferson county, where there are many fort sites. Among these are traces of Huron burial customs, and the earthenware is generally finer than that farther south, there being often temporary deterioration in such things, as men recede from the parent stock. From that region the Onondagas certainly came, as they relate.... I have little doubt that the Onondagas were driven out of Jefferson county by the Hurons, about the same time that the Mohawks had to leave Montreal." An interesting mention of this tribe, at nearly the same time as Brébeuf's (possibly a little earlier), is made by Arent Van Curler (who calls them "Onnedagens"), in his Journal of 1634-35, (accompanied by an Iroquois vocabulary), a translation of which, with notes by James G. Wilson, is published in Annual Report of Amer. Hist. Association, 1895, pp. 81-101. This was probably the most influential of the Five Nations; their village of Onnontagué (Onondaga) was the capital of the confederacy, where their principal councils were held. Clark says (Early Cayuga Hist., p. 9): "This was situated on a considerable elevation between two deep ravines, formed by the west and middle branches of Limestone Creek, in the present town of Pompey, N. Y., two miles south of the village of Manlius. It contained at this time [1656] 300 warriors, with 140 houses, several families often occupying a single house. Their cornfields extended for two miles, north and south, and in width from one-half to three-fourths of a mile, interspersed with their dwellings. The grand council chamber was here, in which all matters of interest, common to the several nations of the League, were decided. This site was abandoned about 1680." Beauchamp writes: "At the time of Champlain's attack on the Oneida town, the Onondagas were living on the east side of Limestone Creek, about 1½ miles west of Cazenovia Lake. Alarmed by this invasion, they went farther south, selecting a site which commanded the whole valley. Then, as the Huron war progressed favorably, they went northward again, crossing the ridge and reaching the west branch of Limestone Creek, being on its banks a little south of Pompey Center about 1640. In 1654, Le Moyne visited them at their great village still farther north, at Indian Hill, two miles south of Manlius village. Thence, by a gradual removal, they went to the east side of Butternut Creek, where their fort was burned in 1696. Soon afterward, they occupied the east side of Onondaga Valley, but were almost entirely on the west side of the creek by 1750; and after the sale of their lands they retired to their present reservation." (4) Onoiochronons (Oneiouchronons, Oneiouts, or Onneyouts): "the people of the stone," commonly known as Oneidas. This tribe and the Cayugas were of somewhat inferior rank among the other Iroquois tribes. According 300 to Pyrtæus, "the alliance having been first proposed by a Mohawk chief, the Mohawks rank in the family as the eldest brother, the Oneidas as the eldest son; the Senecas, who were the last that consented to the alliance, were called the youngest son." Cf. Relation for 1646, chap. i.: "Onnieoute is a tribe which, the greater part of its men having been destroyed by the upper Algonquins, was compelled to call upon the Annierronnons to repeople it; whence it comes that the Annierronnons call it their daughter." They lived almost entirely in Madison county, having usually one village, but sometimes two. Their settlements were entirely confined to the valleys of Oneida and Oriskany Creeks,—mainly the former." (5) Agnierrhonons (Agnongherronons, Anniengehronnons, Agniers, or Aniers): "the people of the flint," called Maquas by the Dutch, and Mohawks by the English; the easternmost of the Iroquois tribes, occupying the lower part of the Mohawk River valley. They were probably the inhabitants of Hochelaga (Montreal), whom Cartier found in 1535, and the name Canada, then first used by the French, is itself a Mohawk word. Their own traditions represent the Mohawks as living on the St. Lawrence, in alliance with the Algonkin tribe of Adirondacks; a dispute arising between them, the former were driven out by their Algonkin neighbors, probably late in the sixteenth century.—See Beauchamp's N. Y. Iroquois; cf. Sulte's sketch of the Algonkin-Iroquois wars, in vol. v. of this series, note 52; the latter thinks that the Montreal Iroquois had retired to Lake Simcoe by 1615. Beauchamp says (Iroq. Trail, p. 55): "The three Mohawk castles were in Montgomery county. When first visited by the Dutch, there was a castle for each clan, the Bear, Wolf, and Turtle. Two villages only were in existence about 1600, as the Wolf clan sprang out of the Bear (according to an early writer), having probably lived with them. One of the two villages is on the south side of the river; the other is in Ephrata, in Fulton county." Wilson says, in a note on Van Curler's Journal (Am. Hist. Asso. Rept., 1895, p. 99): "The abandoned castle pointed out by the Mohawks seems to have marked their farthest eastern extension. Their early villages were in a radius of a dozen miles from Canajoharie, but they moved eastward until checked by the Mohicans. Later, European pressure forced them back until the western castle was at Danube." The sites of these Mohawk towns in 1642, as identified by Clark, are thus given by Shea, in his translation of Martin's Life of Jogues (3rd ed., N. Y., 1885), p. 85: "Ossernenon (Osserinon, Agnié, Oneougiouré, or Asserua), later Cahniaga or Caughnawaga, was near the present station of Auriesville; Tionnontoguen, on a hill just south of Spraker's Basin, about 13 miles west of Ossernenon; Andagaron, or Gandagaron, between them, 301 and also on the south side of the river." Beauchamp makes some corrections on Clark's map, which will be noted in later volumes. It was at Ossernenon that the martyrdom of Isaac Jogues occurred—an event which is now being commemorated by the erection of a costly memorial church, at Auriesville.
Andastoerrhonons (or Andastes): called Minquas by the Dutch, and Susquehannocks or Conestogas by the English. Ragueneau (Relation for 1648) mentions "the Andastoëronons, allies of our Hurons, and who talk like them." Clarke (Early Cayuga Hist., p. 36, note) thus describes them: "Andastes, a term used generically by the French, and applied to several distinct Indian tribes located south of the Five Nations, in the present territory of Pennsylvania. They were of kindred blood and spoke a dialect of the same language as the Iroquois of New York. The most northerly of these tribes, called by Champlain in 1615 Carantouannais, were described by him as residing south of the Five Nations, and distant a short three days' journey from the Iroquois fort attacked by him that year, which fort is supposed to have been located in the town of Fenner, Madison Co., N. Y. Late researches appear to warrant the conclusion that the large town called Carantouan by Champlain was located on what is now called "Spanish Hill," near Waverly, Tioga Co., N. Y. One of the most southerly tribes was located at the Great Falls between Columbia and Harrisburg, Pa., and in the vicinity of the latter place; described by Gov. Smith in 1608 as occupying five towns, and called by him Sasquesahanoughs or Susquehannas. At an early date, a tribe resided in the vicinity of Manhattan, called Minquas; and the Dutch colonists appear to have applied this term to all cognate tribes west of them and south of the Five Nations. The Jesuit Fathers had no missions among them, although frequent reference is made in the Relations to the wars between them and the Iroquois. These tribes were engaged in various wars with the Iroquois, which began as early as 1600 and continued with more or less frequency until 1675, those nearest the Five Nations being first overthrown. At the latter date, their power for further resistance appears to have been completely broken, and they were incorporated into the League; a part, however, retreated southward, and were menaced by the Maryland and Virginia troops, the last remnant falling victims to the butchery of the 'Paxton boys' [1763]." Cf. Shea's paper on these tribes, Hist. Mag., vol ii., pp. 294-297. In 1651, a part of the Minquas, then living on the Delaware River, sold their lands to the Dutch West India Company, reserving only the right of hunting and fishing thereon (N. Y. Colon. Docs., vol. i., pp. 593-600). There was also a division known as the "Black Minquas," who were claimed by the Mohawks as an offshoot.
302 Rhiierrhonons (Riguehronons, Eriechronons, Errieronons, or Erigas): called by the French "Nation du Chat" ("Cat Nation"). This appellation was given, according to the Relation for 1654, "because in their country are a prodigious number of wild cats." But on this point Beauchamp writes thus: "Albert Cusick, my Onondaga interpreter, tells me that Kah-kwah [another name applied to this tribe] means 'an eye swelled like a cat's,'—that is, prominent rather than deep-set; this would indicate that the name refers to a physical characteristic, rather than to the wild cats mentioned by the missionaries." This tribe inhabited the south shore of Lake Erie; they were fierce and warlike, and used poisoned arrows; they had frequent wars with the Iroquois, and were vanquished and utterly destroyed by the latter in 1655-56.
Ahouenrochrhonons (Awenrherhonons, or Wenrôhronons): a small tribe at the eastern end of Lake Erie, lying between the Eries and the Neutrals. According to the Relation for 1639, this tribe was for some time allied to the Neutrals; but, some dispute arising between them, the Awenrherhonons left their own country in that year, and took refuge with the Hurons. The Relation for 1641 (chap. vi.) mentions them as living at the town of Khioetoa (St. Michel), and as well disposed towards the missionaries.
The two remaining tribes in Brébeuf's list have not yet been identified. Beauchamp thinks the Scahentoarrhonons may have been the Skenchiohronons, mentioned as a sedentary tribe in the Relation for 1640 (indicated on Sanson's map as Squenguioron, at the west end of Lake Erie); the Conkhandeenrhonons he conjectures to have been the Carantouans, or possibly one of the divisions of the Senecas (q.v., ante).
35 (p. 117).—Sonontoen (Sonnontouan, Tsonnontouan, or Tegarnhies): see note 21, ante: the chief town of the Senecas. It was also known by the names of Totiakton, Theodehacto and Dá-u-de-hok-to (Morgan), meaning "at the bend," or "bended stream." It is in the town of Mendon, on the N.E. bend of Honeoye Creek, two miles N. of Honeoye Falls, and 12½ miles due S. from the centre of Rochester; see Clark's map, cited in note 21, ante.
Franquelin's Carte de la Louisiane (1684) shows Sonontouan east of the present Genesee River; south of it a point is thus designated, fontaine d'eau qui brule, "spring of water which burns." Cf. the fontaine brulante on Bellin's map in Charlevoix's Nouv. France, tome i., p. 440. René de Galinée, in his journal of La Salle's voyage (1669-70), also mentions this spring, as situated four leagues south of Sonnontouan. Marshall, commenting on this in his pamphlet, De la Salle among the Senecas, p. 23, note, describes the 303spring (one of many in Western New York), in which an inflammable gas rises from the water, and is readily lighted with a match.
At Sonnontouan was located the Jesuit mission of La Conception.
36 (p. 117).—A similar description of Ataentsic and Jouskeha is given by Sagard (Canada, Tross ed., pp. 452-455), from whom Brébeuf seems to have obtained part of the information given in the text—two sentences being the same, word for word, as in Sagard—an appropriation easily explained, in view of Brébeuf's recent arrival among the Hurons, and consequent difficulties in obtaining a knowledge of their beliefs. Sagard says that they told him that "this God Youskeha existed before this Universe, which, with all that was therein, he had created; that, although he grew old, like all things in this world, he did not lose his being and his power; and that, when he became old, he had power to rejuvenate himself in a moment, and to transform himself into a young man of twenty-five or thirty years; thus he never died, and remained immortal, although, like other human beings, he was to some extent subject to corporeal necessities."
Lafitau (Mœurs des Sauvages, t. i., pp. 244, 401) also mentions Ataentsic—"the Queen of the Manes"—but names her grandson Tharonhiaouagon. Parkman thinks this latter personage (also written Tarenyowagon) was a divinity peculiar to the Iroquois Five Nations. Brinton discusses these legends at length in American Hero-Myths (Phila., 1882), pp. 53-62; and also in Myths of the New World (3rd ed.), pp. 156, 203-205; in the latter work, he considers that Taronhiawagon was but Jouskeha (Ioskeha) under another name, and explains the stories of all these deities as myths of the Sun and Moon, of Night and Day, of the conflict between light and darkness. Cf. Parkman's Jesuits, lxxv.-lxxvii., and the outline of Huron cosmogony given by Hale in Jour. Amer. Folk-Lore, vol. i., pp. 177-183; see also Cusick's account of the creation, in Beauchamp's Iroquois Trail, pp. 1-5.
37 (p. 121).—For references on the subject of the immortality of souls, see vol. vi., note 17.
38 (p. 125).—Scanonaenrat (where was the mission of St. Michael) was one of the largest towns of the Huron country—itself comprising the entire nation of the Tohontahenrats. It was on the forest trail leading from the upper mission towns in Tiny township to Teanaustayé (St. Joseph), and about 1¼ leagues from the latter (Relation for 1639). Du Creux's map places it at a short distance northwest of the small body of water now known as Orr Lake; and there are extensive remains in the tract between this lake and the modern village of Waverley that correspond very well with the numerous references to St. Michael in the Relations. Here have 304 been found, in a space about two miles square, traces of a large town, and of half a dozen others, smaller, but similar. With each of these sites there is, instead of the usual ossuary, a cemetery of isolated graves. In this respect the Tohontahenrats appear to have differed from the other Huron nations, who adopted the ossuary almost to the exclusion of every other mode of burial. One small ossuary, however, was found in this tract in 1895 (Ontario Archæol. Rept., 1894-95, p. 42). Among its contents were four brass finger-rings, on which can be distinctly seen the cross and the initials I. H. S. Patches of ground strewn with iron tomahawks—indubitable signs of Indian conflict—are common in this neighborhood, confirming the Jesuits' accounts of the battles of 1648-50, when seven hundred Huron warriors were quartered here (Relation for 1649, chap. iii.), and suggesting other conflicts which these chroniclers had probably overlooked in the general confusion of that period. Several farms in the first concession of Medonté township (lots 68 to 74 inclusive), in the immediate neighborhood of St. Michael, abound in this class of relics. Dr. Taché's location of this mission town, as given in the map of the Huron country in Parkman's Jesuits, is several miles from the correct position.—A. F. Hunter.
39 (p. 125).—Lake of the Hiroquois: see vol. i., note 67.
40 (p. 135).—See Hunter's note on the Tobacco Nation, vol. v., note 18. Hale found, in 1872-74 (Jour. Amer. Folk-Lore, vol. i., p. 178), among the Wyandots of the Anderdon Reserve, "the most archaic form of the Huron-Iroquois speech that had yet been discovered. I believe it to be the dialect which was spoken by the tribe formerly known to the French colonists as the 'Tobacco People' (Nation du Petun), but among the Hurons and Iroquois as the Tionontates (corrupted by the English to Dionondaddies), which means, apparently, 'people beyond the hills.'"
41 (p. 139).—Neutral Nation (Atiwandaronks): see note 34, ante. Their villages were situated north of Lake Erie, mainly on the western side of Niagara (Onguiaahra) River. The Récollet La Roche-Daillon, writing in 1627, says (Shea's Le Clercq, vol. i., pp. 265, 266) that the Neutrals had then twenty-eight towns, cities, and villages, under one renowned chief, Souharissen, who "acquired this honor and power by his courage, and by having been repeatedly at war with seventeen nations that are their enemies, and taken heads or brought in prisoners from them all." Coyne writes us: "The early reports and maps show clearly that they occupied the entire north shore of Lake Erie, from river to river, besides extending a short distance east of the Niagara. There can be no reasonable doubt that the numerous earthworks and village sites from Detroit to Buffalo, on the north shore, are remains of the Neutral tribes or 305 nation. Sanson's map of 1656, and Du Creux's of 1660, are perfectly clear on this point, and entirely consistent with Lalemant's relation of the visit of Brébeuf and Chaumonot to this nation in 1640-41, as well as with Champlain's brief reference and Daillon's letter describing his sojourn there in 1626-27." Beauchamp writes: "A fort and cemetery in Cambria, Niagara county, I consider a town of the Neutrals. It contains French articles, and there were no Seneca towns in that vicinity at any time." Cf. the description of these remains given by O. Turner, in Pioneer History of Holland Purchase (Buffalo, 1850), pp. 26-28.
Morgan says (Iroq. League, p. 41, note): "The Neuter nation were known to the Iroquois as the 'Cat Nation'—the word itself, Je-go-sa-sa, signifying 'a wild cat' Charlevoix has assigned this name to the Eries." Marshall thinks, in his Niagara Frontier (rev. ed., Buffalo, 1881), p. 6, that "the Neutral Nation were called Kah-kwas by the Senecas, and were exterminated by them as early as 1651." Beauchamp differs from this opinion, saying: "On the map of 1680, the Kakouagoga, 'a nation destroyed,' is placed near Buffalo, but no mention is made of the Eries; for this reason I think Marshall mistaken in identifying the Kah-kwas with the Neutrals."
For a more detailed account of this tribe, see Harris's Flint-Workers, cited in note 34, ante; and Coyne's Country of the Neutrals.
42 (p. 139).—The village of Onentisati (Onnentisati) was situated about midway on the west side of Tiny township. In the Ontario Archæological Museum are some relics taken from a bone-pit at the supposed site of Onentisati—three portions of beavers' jaws with teeth, two bone awls, one trumpet-mouthed pipe-head, and one of cylindrical shape.—A. F. Hunter.
43 (p. 141).—François Petit-Pré was one of the Jesuit engagés; he remained with the missionaries in the Huron country during several years, and was the only Frenchman at the mission who escaped the pestilence of 1637. The registers of Three Rivers mention him as present there in 1635, and again in 1641. The river Petit-Pré, in Montmorency county, Que. (granted to Jean de Lauson, in 1652), may have been named for him.
44 (p. 157).—Julien Perrault arrived in Canada April 30, 1634, and, with André Richard, was sent to the Cape Breton mission. He must have returned to France within a year, for his name does not appear in the list given by Le Jeune at the end of the Relation for 1635, nor is his name mentioned elsewhere in the Relations.
45 (p. 157).—For various names applied to Cape Breton Island, see vol. ii., note 62. For its history, with copious bibliographical and statistical notes, see Bourinot's valuable monograph, Historical 306 and Descriptive Account of the Island of Cape Breton (Montreal, 1892). An excellent map of the island is given at the end of Brown's Cape Breton.
46 (p. 157).—Chibou: also known as Grand Chibou or Cibou; the inland estuary or lake now called Bras d'Or, which extends from the eastern to the southwestern part of the island, almost severing it in two. The name Bras d'Or is modern (perhaps a corruption of Labrador, the name, given the inlet on old charts, both French and English). See Bourinot's Cape Breton, p. 93; and Brown's Cape Breton, pp. 2, 5, 77.
47 (p. 159)—Marmot: either the hoary marmot (see vol. vi., note 22), or the allied species, Arctomys monax, commonly called "woodchuck," which abounds throughout the northern United States and Canada.
Parrot fish: a name given to various species of the families Labridæ and Scaridæ, from their brilliant colors, or the peculiar shape of the head. Most of these species belong to tropical or semi-tropical regions, but several are found along the northern Atlantic coast. That mentioned in the text may be the cunner or blue-perch, Ctenolabrus adspersus.
48 (p. 185).—For origin of the term "patriarch," as applied to priests, see vol. i, pp. 161, 163, and note 25.
49 (p. 215).—The war here referred to was a part of the Thirty Years' War. Gustavus Adolphus, the leader of the Protestant alliance, was killed at the battle of Lutzen, Nov. 16, 1632. Richelieu had, in 1631, formed a treaty of alliance between France and Sweden; this was renewed in 1633, with Oxenstiern, the successor of Gustavus; and France, in accordance therewith, gave moral and financial support to the Protestants in their struggle against Austria and Spain. Finally, in May, 1635, France, having formed an alliance with Holland, declared war against Spain, and the allied armies invaded the Netherlands; while other French armies were sent into Lorraine, Germany, and Italy. Thus scattered, and often under inefficient commanders, the armies of France could accomplish little; and for years the war continued with but slight advantage for either side. Not until Oct. 24, 1648, was the long conflict ended by the treaty of Westphalia.
50 (p. 217).—The death of Champlain, who had long been governor of New France (see vol. ii., note 42), occurred Dec. 25, 1635. His successor was Charles Huault de Montmagny, a chevalier of the military order of St. John of Jerusalem, more commonly known as Knights of Malta. His commission was dated March 10, 1636; but Sulte (Can.-Français, vol. ii., p. 59) notes that certain official "acts" of the Hundred Associates, dated at Paris Jan. 15, 1636, 307 mention Montmagny as "governor for the said company, under the authority of the king and of the cardinal duke of Richelieu, of Quebec and of other places on the river St. Lawrence." This would imply that the Associates had appointed him to this post in anticipation of Champlain's death, or possibly to supersede the latter. He arrived at Quebec on June 11 following.
The praises lavished by the missionaries upon Montmagny seem largely justified by his conduct as governor, and by the opinions of other historians. He was a man of great personal courage, executive ability, good judgment, and profound piety. He was a warm friend and supporter of the Jesuit missions, as also of the new religious colony founded at Montreal, which he escorted thither in May, 1642. Montmagny's commission was renewed June 6, 1645. Eleven months later, he received from the Company of New France a concession of land at Rivière du Sud, 1½ leagues along the St. Lawrence, and four leagues in depth; also of two islands in the same river, Île aux Oies and Île aux Grues.
Recalled to France, Montmagny left Canada Sept. 23, 1647. He remained at Paris at least four years; Ferland (Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 363, note) cites a MS. of Aubert de la Chesnaye as stating that Montmagny spent the last years of his life with a relative at St. Christopher's, W.I., but thinks there is no proof of the correctness of this assertion.
51 (p. 217).—Pierre Chastellain and Charles Garnier arrived at Quebec with Montmagny, June 11, 1636; and on July 21 they left Three Rivers with the Indian trading canoes, to join the mission in the Huron country. Both were attacked by the smallpox in the following September, but in due time recovered their health. Chastellain labored at Ihonatiria about two years; was at Ossossané in 1638-39; then at St. Joseph (Teanaustayé). In November, 1640, he was left in sole charge of the residence of Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye, and was there in 1644. The Journ. des Jésu. mentions him as officiating at Quebec from December, 1650, to March, 1664. The Hurons called him Arioo.
52 (p. 217).—Charles Garnier was born May 25, 1606, and became a Jesuit novice Sept. 5, 1624, at Paris. His studies were pursued at Clermont, 1626-36, except while he was an instructor at Eu (1629-32). In 1636 he came to Canada (see note 51, ante), and labored among the Hurons. In November, 1639, he went with Isaac Jogues on a mission to the Tobacco Nation; but this tribe feared them as sorcerers, owing to the calumnies of certain Hurons, and after a few months the Jesuits were driven away, and obliged to return to the Huron missions. A year later, Garnier, with Pierre Pijart, made another though similarly unavailing attempt to reach this tribe. 308But in 1647 a third effort proved successful, and Garnier, with several assistants, established in the Tobacco Nation two missions, St. Jean and St. Mathias. These were highly prosperous until Dec. 7, 1649, when the town of Etarita (St. Jean) was destroyed by an Iroquois band, most of the inhabitants killed or made prisoners, and Garnier himself slain. The Relation for 1650 (chap. iii.) gives a long account of the life, death, character, and devoted piety of this missionary. Among the Hurons he was known as Ouaracha (Waracha). Two of his brothers were also priests—Henry a Carmelite, and Joseph a Capuchin.
53 (p. 219).—Upon the death of Champlain (see note 50, ante), a temporary successor was appointed, Marc Antoine de Brasdefer, sieur de Chasteaufort, the commandant of the new post at Three Rivers, whose commission had been for some time in the hands of Le Jeune—the former, according to Kingsford (Canada, vol. i., p. 149), having "been appointed to act as Governor in case of any extraordinary event. The Jesuit Father had accordingly possessed the unusual power of superseding Champlain, when he had deemed it advisable." Chasteaufort accordingly administered the affairs of the colony until the arrival of Montmagny (June, 1636). He then resumed command of the post at Three Rivers, where he still was in February, 1638.
54 (p. 221).—M. de Courpon was admiral of the fleet of Canada in 1641. Sulte says (Can.-Français, vol. ii, p. 119, note) that De Courpon, in that year, gave his own surgeon to Maisonneuve for the new colony at Montreal.
55 (p. 221).—Nicolas Adam, four days after his arrival (June 12, 1636), was seized by a fever which brought on a stroke of paralysis, disabling his hands and feet. In the Relation for 1637 (chap. xv.) he relates how he was cured, after an illness of three months, by a novena of communions in honor of the Virgin. He remained at Notre-Dame des Anges, giving religious instruction to the residents there. In the summer of 1642, he returned to France, at the command of his superiors; according to Rochemonteix (Jésuites, vol. i., p. 433, note), because he could not learn the Indian language.
56 (p. 221).—Ambroise Cauvet, a lay brother, is mentioned by Journ. des Jésu. as at Quebec in 1645, 1646, and 1648, employed in various ways as a domestic and artisan; he returned to France Sept. 18, 1657.
57 (p. 221).—The Norman families of Le Gardeur and Le Neuf (allied by marriage) came together to Canada with Montmagny (June, 1636), and were prominent and influential among the early colonists. Catherine de Cordé, widow of René le Gardeur, sieur de Tilly, came with two sons and a daughter; and Jeanne le Marchant, 309 widow of Mathieu le Neuf de Hérisson, brought two sons and two daughters. Some of these had also wives and children; in all, they numbered 18 persons; Sulte gives a list of their names and relationships in Can.-Français, vol. ii., p. 60. The remainder of the 45 persons mentioned in the text probably included their servants, and families brought over as colonists.
Pierre le Gardeur, sieur de Repentigny, (born about 1610?) had at this time three children, and fixed his residence at Quebec. During 1642-47, he was commander of the Canadian fleet of the Hundred Associates; and in his care Dauversière placed the provisions, arms, and other supplies purchased by the latter for the colony of Montreal (1642). In the autumn of 1644, Le Gardeur and Jean Paul Godefroy (afterwards his son-in-law), went to France as delegates from the inhabitants of Canada, to obtain from the government some restriction of the fur-trade monopoly hitherto enjoyed by the Company of New France; they also requested that Récollets might be sent to Canada as parish priests, for the benefit of the French population—the Jesuits being mainly missionaries to the Indian tribes. The latter effort failed; but the fur trade was ceded by the company to the French colonists of the St. Lawrence valley; the latter were obliged to support their government, the garrisons, and the religious establishments, and to pay the company 1,000 pounds of beaver skins annually as a seignorial rent. For particulars of this arrangement, see Ferland's Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., pp. 338, 339; the royal decree confirming it (dated March 6, 1645) is given in Édits du Conseil du Roi concernant le Canada (Quebec, 1854), pp. 28, 29. Other decrees (March 27, 1647, and March 5, 1648) reorganized the government, and granted a considerable degree of autonomy to the inhabitants.—See Ferland, ut supra, pp. 356-358, 363-365; and Sulte's Can.-Français, vol. iii., pp. 7, 8, 14; cf. Faillon's Col. Fr., vol. ii., pp. 92-94.
Pierre le Gardeur had done much to bring about these political changes; but, for some reason, he opposed the new ordinances, so strongly that he was superseded in the command of the fleet. Departing immediately afterwards for Canada, he died at sea (July, 1648), from an epidemic disease that prevailed on shipboard. He had obtained from the Company of New France (April 16, 1647) two concessions on the St. Lawrence—the seigniory of Lachenaye, and that afterwards known as Cournoyer, opposite Three Rivers.
58 (p. 221).—Jacques le Neuf de la Poterie (born 1606) came to Canada in 1636, with Pierre le Gardeur, whose sister Marguerite was his wife (see note 57, ante). In the preceding January, De la Poterie had obtained a grant of the seigniory of Portneuf, above Quebec, on which he made improvements, and where at first he resided. 310He was governor of Three Rivers during November, 1645-August, 1648; June, 1650-August, 1651; September, 1652-July, 1653; and July, 1658-December, 1662. In 1649, he purchased a fief at Three Rivers from Champflour; and in the same year he obtained a grant of the Isle aux Cochons, at the mouth of the St. Maurice River. About this time, he was active in the organization of a volunteer militia. In 1665, De Mézy (then governor of New France) a few days before his death gave De la Poterie a commission appointing the latter as his successor, in case of that event; but the council refused to recognize his authority, excepting over the militia. In October, 1666, he went to France; but it is not known whether he returned thence.
Sulte says (Can.-Français, vol. vii., p. 42) that the Le Neuf family became extinct after the conquest of Canada.
59 (p. 227).—Concerning the Marquis de Gamache, see vol. vi., note 9.
60 (p. 227).—Various acts of the Hundred Associates, from 1634 to 1647, are signed by Lamy (L'Amy), "for the company;" but other information regarding him is not available.
61 (p. 229).—This was Emery de Caen; concerning his indemnification for losses incurred at the capture of Quebec by Kirk, see vol. iv., p. 258, note 21; and vol. vii., note 18.
62 (p. 235).—Marie Madeleine de Wignerod (Vignerot) was the daughter of René de Wignerod, marquis du Pont de Courlai (who died in 1625), and of Françoise Duplessis, sister of Cardinal Richelieu. About 1620, Marie became the wife of Antoine de Beauvoir de Roure, marquis de Combalet; two years later, an officer in the Huguenot war, he fell in battle at Montpellier. His widow refused to marry again, and devoted her time and fortune to works of piety and charity. Le Jeune's Relation for 1635 directed her attention to the Canadian missions, and his suggestion as to the foundation of a hospital at Quebec at once appealed to her heart—an impression doubtless strengthened by the counsel of Vincent de Paul, who was an intimate friend of the Cardinal. She offered to send thither, at her own expense, some Hospital nuns from Dieppe; the Company of New France granted them lands; and the undertaking was aided not only by Madame de Combalet, but by Richelieu himself, who also gave his niece (1638) the estate of Aiguillon, and conferred upon her the title of duchess. After various delays, the Hotel-Dieu of Quebec was established in 1639. The Duchess d'Aiguillon continued for many years to aid this and other charitable enterprises; she died April 17, 1675.
63 (p. 237).—Montmartre: an eminence on the western side of Paris, about three hundred feet in height; so called (Lat. mons martyrum) 311 because St. Denis, bishop of Paris in the third century, and two other Christians, were beheaded at the foot of the hill. The Chapel of Martyrs built here was still visible in the seventeenth century; and in it Ignatius Loyola pronounced his first vows, Aug. 15, 1534. The church of St. Pierre de Montmartre, evidently the one referred to in the text, was built in the twelfth century, by Louis VI. It served as a chapel for the Benedictine convent also founded by that monarch, and rebuilt by Louis XIV.; this was a "royal convent," the abbess being appointed by the king, not elected by the nuns. During the Reign of Terror, the abbess and all the inmates of this house were guillotined. A costly church has recently been erected on the highest point of Montmartre, where formerly stood temples dedicated to Mars and Mercury.
The heights of Montmartre were long famous for quarries of gypsum (hence the name "plaster of Paris"). Here, too, was begun the Communist insurrection of 1871.—See Hare's Walks in Paris (N.Y. and London, 1888), pp. 481-486.
64 (p. 237).—Concerning the Ursulines, see vol. v., note 3. Sulte says (Can.-Français, vol. ii., p. 67): "The seigniory of Ste.-Croix, in Lotbinière county, measuring one league of frontage by six in depth, was granted Jan. 15, 1637, by the company, to Jean de Beauvais, commissary of the French marine, in order to found at Quebec a convent of Ursuline nuns."
There were many orders of hospital nuns, formed mainly to nurse the sick, but often also caring for neglected children and repentant women. The one introduced by the duchess d'Aiguillon was apparently that of the Hospital Sisters of the Mercy of Jesus, established in 1630, according to the rule of St. Augustine: it was confirmed eight years later by letters patent, and in 1664 and 1677 by papal bulls.
Both the Ursuline and the Hospital nuns arrived at Quebec Aug. 1, 1639.
65 (p. 253).—Sulte (Can.-Français, vol. ii., pp. 40, 54, 92) gives this information regarding him: "André de Malapart, a native of Paris, a soldier and a poet, wrote an account of this campaign [the expulsion of Stewart's colony from Cape Breton by Charles Daniel; see vol. iv. of this series, note 46], which he addressed to M. Jean de Lauson, and which was published in 1630. In 1635, he was at Three Rivers, and four years later was commandant at that post. He was still in Canada in 1641." Tanguay (Dict. Généal., vol. i., p. 406) says: "In 1649, the registers designate him as 'arcis moderator' [commandant];" but the date here given is apparently a typographical error.
66 (p. 253).—M. de Maupertuis was in charge of the trading post at Three Rivers, in 1635-36.
312 67 (p. 253).—Capitanal, or Kepitanal (Creuxius, Hist. Canad., pp. 116, 182): a Montagnais chief of great ability. Le Jeune gives at length (vol. v., pp. 205-211) the speech delivered by this man at a conference between Champlain and the Montagnais savages, May 24, 1633, and highly praises his intellect and eloquence. Capitanal died in the autumn of 1634: his traits of character, and his relations with the French, are described by Le Jeune in the Relation for 1635, ante, p. 55.
68 (p. 259).—Adrien du Chesne (Duchêne), a surgeon, came from Dieppe to Canada, probably about 1620. He remained with his wife at Quebec during the English occupation; and, after the return of the French, practised his profession at Quebec and Three Rivers. In October, 1645, he is mentioned by the Journ. des Jésu. (p. 9), in connection with his nephew Charles le Moyne, the father of the noted explorer Le Moyne d'Iberville.—See Sulte's Can.-Français, vol. ii., pp. 7, 144.
69 (p. 267).—Pierre de Launay (born 1616), a native of the province of Maine, France, is first mentioned in January, 1636, as an agent of the Hundred Associates; this position he seems to have retained at least until 1645; in that year he married Françoise Pinguet, at Quebec. Certain Indians from Tadoussac made complaints to the Quebec council (June, 1646) concerning De Launay's methods of trade, and the exorbitant prices charged by him. He was killed by the Iroquois, Nov. 28, 1654.
70 (p. 269).—Porcelain, which is the diamonds and pearls of this country: According to Littre, porcelain (a word of Italian origin; adopted, with slight variations, into nearly all European languages) was a name given, from very early times, to a univalvular, gastropodous mollusk, Cypræa; especially used for the species C. moneta, the money cowry of Africa and the East Indies, and for its shell. The same term was applied to the nacre (from which were made vases, ornaments, etc.) obtained from the shells of this and many other mollusks; and the enameled pottery brought from the Orient about the 16th century was also called "porcelain," from its resemblance to this nacre.
The early explorers on this continent found shells, or beads made therefrom, everywhere in use among the natives as currency. Cartier mentions this article as called "esurgny" by the Indians at Montreal; Champlain and other French writers applied the term already familiar to them, "porcelain;" the English colonists adopted the name in use among the natives of New England, "wampum" (from wompi, "white"); while the Dutch traders called it "sewan" (seawant, or zee-wand; a corruption of seah-whóun, "scattered, loose").
313 An interesting account of this Indian money is given by Roger Williams, in his Key into the Language of America (London, 1643),—reprinted, with careful and extensive annotations (mainly philological) by J. H. Trumbull, in Publications of the Narragansett Club, vol. i. (Providence, R. I., 1866). In chap. xxvi. of this work, pp. 173-178, "Concerning their Coyne," the author says: "The Indians are ignorant of Europes Coyne; yet they have given a name to ours, and call it Monêash from the English Money. Their own is of two sorts; one white, which they make of the stem or stocke of the Periwincle, which they call Meteaûhock, when all the shell is broken off: and of this sort six of their small beads (which they make with holes to string the bracelets) are currant with the English for a peny. The second is black, inclining to blew, which is made of the shell of a fish which some English call Hens, Poquaûhock, and of this sort three make an English peny.... This one fathom of this their stringed money, now worth of the English but five shillings (sometimes more), some few yeeres since was worth nine, and sometimes ten shillings per Fathome: the fall is occasioned by the fall of Beaver in England: the Natives are very impatient, when for English commodities they pay so much more of their money, and not understanding the cause of it; and many say the English cheat and deceive them, though I have laboured to make them understand the reason of it.... Their white they call Wompam (which signifies white): their black Suckduhock (Súcki signifying blacke). Both amongst themselves, as also the English and Dutch, the blacke peny is two pence white: the blacke fathom double, or two fathom of white. Before ever they had Awle blades from Europe, they made shift to bore this their shell money with stone, and so fell their trees with stone set in a wooden staff, and used wooden howes: which some old & poore women (fearfull to leave the old tradition) use to this day. They hang these strings of money about their necks and wrists, as also upon the necks and wrists of their wives and children." Trumbull (pp. 140, 175, ut supra) says that the Poquaûhock was the Venus mercenaria, the round clam, or quahaug; the Meteaûhock was probably the Pyrula carica or P. canaliculata, which have retained the name of "periwinkle" on the coast of New England. (The two latter species are also known as Fulgur carica and Scycotypus canaliculata.) From these shells were cut beads of cylindrical shape, through which holes were drilled; these beads were then strung upon cords, or the sinews of animals, and, when woven into plaits about as broad as the hand, made wampum "belts." In early times, various articles were used as substitutes for the shell beads—colored sticks of wood, porcupine quills, and glass or porcelain beads, brought from Europe by the traders.
314 The early traders readily adopted wampum as a medium of exchange in their transactions with the Indians, in both purchase and sale. Thus it "quickly became a standard of values, the currency of the colonists to a great extent in their transactions with each other, and even a legal tender." In Massachusetts, "wampampeag" was legal tender (Act of 1648) for all debts less than forty shillings, "except county rates to the treasurer,"—the white at eight for a penny, and the black at four for a penny. "So slow were the red men to relinquish this currency, that wampum continued to be fabricated until within fifty years in several towns of New York State (chiefly at Babylon, L. I.) to meet the demand for it by Western fur traders."—See Ingersoll's "Wampum and its History," in American Naturalist, vol. xvii. (1883), pp. 467-479.
Beauchamp says (N. Y. Iroquois): "I have mentioned the lack of wampum among the early New York Iroquois, as a proof that they had not reached the sea; but it was not abundant even on the coast in prehistoric times. On early Iroquois sites it is not found, nor anything resembling it.... A few stray, prehistoric, small wampum beads might be expected low down in the Mohawk valley, but I know of none; west of this, they are absolutely unknown. When, therefore, we are told of ancient wampum belts in New York, coeval with and recording the formation of the Iroquois league, we may settle it in our minds that such do not exist and never did. The most ancient Onondaga belt is modern, and it is doubtful if any one is much over a century old."
Wampum was used not only as money, and for purposes of ornament; it was sent with a messenger as his credentials, and was the mark of a chief's authority; it was used for "presents" or gifts, both within and without one's tribe; it was paid as ransom for a prisoner, or as atonement for a crime; and was used in negotiating and in recording treaties. The wampum "means nothing to white man, all to Indian," said recently a prominent Onondaga. Cf. Hale's "Indian Wampum Records," in Popular Science Monthly, February, 1897.
Variable spelling and hyphenation have been retained. Minor punctuation inconsistencies have been silently repaired.
The first line indicates the orginal, the second the correction.
Note 20
