Project Gutenberg's Some Objections To Socialism, by Charles Bradlaugh

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org


Title: Some Objections To Socialism
       From "The Atheistic Platform", Twelve Lectures

Author: Charles Bradlaugh

Release Date: May 29, 2011 [EBook #36272]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOME OBJECTIONS TO SOCIALISM ***




Produced by David Widger





SOME OBJECTIONS TO SOCIALISM.

From "The Atheistic Platform", Twelve Lectures

By Charles Bradlaugh.


London: Freethought Publishing Company

63, Fleet Street, E.C.

1884



SOME OBJECTIONS TO SOCIALISM

The great evils connected with and resulting from poverty--evils which
are so prominent and so terrible in old countries, and especially in
populous cities--have, in our own land compelled the attention, and
excited the sympathy, of persons in every rank of society. Many remedies
have been suggested and attempted, and from time to time, during the
present century, there have been men who, believing that the abolition
of individual private property would cure the misery abounding, have
advocated Socialism. Some pure-hearted and well-meaning men and women,
as Robert Owen, Abram Combe, and Frances Wright, have spent large
fortunes, and devoted much of their lives in the essay to test their
theories by experiments. As communities, none of these attempts have
been permanently successful, though they have doubtless, by encouraging
and suggesting co-operative effort in England, done something to modify
the fierceness of the life struggle, in which too often the strongest
and most unscrupulous succeeded by destroying his weaker brother. Some
Socialistic associations in the United States,* as the Shakers and
the Oneida community, have been held together in limited numbers as
religious societies, but only even apparently successful, while the
numbers of each community remained comparatively few. Some communities
have for many years bravely endured the burden of debt, penury, and
discomfort, to be loyal to the memory of their founder, as in the case
at Icaria of the followers of Cabet. But in none of these was the sense
of private property entirely lost; the numbers were relatively so small
that all increase of comfort was appreciable, and in nearly all the
communities there was option of the withdrawal of the individual, and
with him of a proportion of the property he had helped to create or
increase.

     * Particulars of all existing Socialistic communities in the
     United States are given in the works of Mr. Hinds and Mr.
     Nordhoff.

During the past generation, Socialistic theory has been specially
urged in Germany, and the Socialist leaders there have acquired greater
influence because of the poverty of the people, and because too of the
cruel persecution to which Social Reformers, as well as Socialists, have
been subjected by Prince Bismarck's despotic government.

A difficulty arising from the repressive measures resorted to in
Germany has been that German emigrants to the United States and to
Great Britain, speak and write as if precisely the same wrongs had to be
assailed in the lands of their adoption as in the land of their birth.

Very recently in England--and largely at the instance of
foreigners--there has been a revival of Socialist propaganda, though
only on a small scale compared with fifty years ago, by persons claiming
to be "Scientific Socialists," who declare that such Socialists
as Robert Owen and his friends were Utopian in thinking that any
communities could be successfully founded while ordinary society exists.
These Scientific Socialists--mostly middle-class men--declare their
intense hatred of the _bourgeoisie_, and affirm that the Social State
they desire to create can only be established on the ruins of the
present society, by a revolution which they say must come in any event,
but which they strive to accelerate. These Scientific Socialists deny
that they ought to be required to propound any social scheme, and they
contemptuously refuse to discuss any of the details connected with the
future of the new Social State, to make way for which the present is
to be cleared away. Most of the points touched on in this lecture were
raised in the discussion on Socialism between myself and Mr. Hyndman
recently held in St. James's Hall. Others of the questions have been
raised in my articles in _Our Corner_, and in the reply there by Mr.
Joynes.

The Socialists of the Democratic Federation say that "Socialism is an
endeavor to substitute an organised co-operation for existence" for
the present strife, but they refuse to be precise as to the method
or character of the organisation, or the lines upon which it is to be
carried out. Their reason is, probably, that they have not even made the
slightest effort to frame any plan, but would be content to try first to
destroy all existing government. I suggest that this want and avoidance
of foresight is, in the honest, folly, and in the wise, criminality.
They mix up some desirable objects which are not all Socialistic
with others that are not necessarily Socialistic, and add to these
declarations which are either so vague as to be meaningless, or else in
the highest degree Socialistic and revolutionary.

Whilst Mr. Hyndman, one of the prominent members of the Democratic
Federation, thus speaks of Socialism as endeavoring "to substitute an
organised co-operation," Mr. E. Belfort Bax, another prominent member
and co-signatory of the manifesto, emphatically says, "no 'scientific'
socialist pretends to have any 'scheme' or detailed plan of
organisation." When organisation can be spoken of as possible without
any scheme or detailed plan, it shows that words are used without regard
to serious meaning.

These Socialists declare that there must be "organisation of
agricultural and industrial armies under State control," and that the
exchange of all production must be controlled by the workers; but they
decline to explain how this control is to be exercised, and on what
principles. We agree that there are often too many concerned in the
distribution of the necessaries of life, and that the cost to the
consumer is often outrageously augmented; but we suggest that this may
be reformed gradually and in detail by individual effort through local
societies, and that it ought not to be any part of the work of the
State. We point to the fact that there are now in Great Britain--all
established during the present reign--nearly one thousand distributive
co-operative societies, with more than half a million members, with over
seventeen and three-quarter millions of pounds of yearly sales, with two
and a half millions of stock-in-trade, with five and a quarter millions
of working capital, and dividing one and a half millions of annual
profit; and that these societies, each keeping its own property,
still further co-operate with one another to reduce loss in exchange by
havings a wholesale co-operative society in England, with sales in
1882 exceeding three and a half millions sterling, and another similar
wholesale society in Scotland, with transactions in the same year
to nearly one million sterling. We say the way to render the cost of
exchange of products less onerous to the laborer is by the extension and
perfection of this organisation of co-operative distribution, and that
this may be and is being done successfully and usefully, ameliorating
gradually the condition and developing the self-reliance of the
individual workers who take part in such co-operative stores, and thus
inciting and inducing other individuals to join the societies already
founded, or to establish others, and so educating individual after
individual to better habits of exchange. We say that this is more
useful than to denounce as idlers and robbers "the shopkeepers and their
hangers on," as is done by the present teachers of Socialism. We object
that the organisation of all industry under State control must paralyse
industrial energy and discourage and neutralise individual effort.

The Socialists claim that there shall be "collective ownership of land,
capital, machinery and credit by the complete ownership of the people,"
and yet they object that they are misrepresented when told that
they want to take the private economies of millions of industrious
wage-earners in this kingdom for the benefit of those who may have
neither been thrifty nor industrious. The truth is that, if language
is to have any meaning, the definitions must stand given by me and
unchallenged by my opponent in the St. James's Hall debate, viz.: (1)
"Socialism denies all individual private property, and affirms that
society, organised as the state, should own all wealth, direct all
labor, and compel the equal distribution of all produce." (2) "A
Socialistic State would be a State in which everything would be held
in common, in which the labor of each individual would be directed
and controlled by the State, to which would belong all results of such
labor." The realisation of a Socialistic State in this country would, as
I then urged, require (1) a physical force revolution, in which all the
present property owners unwilling to surrender their private properties
to the common fund would be forcibly dispossessed. This revolution would
be in the highest degree difficult, if not impossible, for property
holders are the enormous majority.

Mr. Joynes, in an article published in _Our Corner_, does challenge my
definition, and says that the immediate aim of Socialism "is not the
abolition of private property, but its establishment by means of the
emancipation of labor on the only sound basis. It is private capital
we attack, the power to hire laborers at starvation wages, and not
the independent enjoyment of the fruits of labor by the individual who
produces them." And he refers me to a paragraph previously dealt with
by me as an illustration of contradictory statement, in which he and his
cosignatories write: "Do any say we attack private property? We deny it.
We only attack that private property for a few thousand loiterers and
slave-drivers, which renders all property in the fruits of their own
labor impossible for millions. We challenge that private property which
renders poverty at once a necessity and a crime." But surely this
flatly contradicts the declaration by Mr. Hyndman in the debate, of
"the collective ownership of land, capital, machinery, and credit." I
am afraid that Mr. Joynes has in his mind some other unexplained meaning
for the words "capital" and "property." To me it seems impossible that
if everything be owned collectively, anything can be owned individually,
separately, and privately.

Mr. Joynes, however, apparently concedes that it is true that the
private property of "a few thousand loiterers and slave-drivers"
is attacked. Though he does not in his reply explain who these "few
thousand" are, I find in "The Summary of the Principles of Socialism,"
signed by Mr. Joynes, that they are "the capitalist class, the factory
owners, the farmers, the bankers, the brokers, the shopkeepers, and
their hangers-on, the landlords." But these make much more than a "few
thousand." The census returns for England and Wales alone show under the
headings professional classes, 647,075; commercial classes, 980,128 (and
these do not include the ordinary shopkeepers); farmers and graziers,
249,907; and unoccupied males over twenty, 182,282. Add to these
proportional figures for Scotland and Ireland, and it is at once seen
how misleading it is to speak of these as a "few thousand." Mr. Joynes
disapproves of my "small army of statistics." I object that he and his
friends never examine or verify the figures on which they found their
allegations. Mr. Joynes says that it is not private property, the fruits
of labor, that is attacked by the Socialists, but "private capital, the
power to hire laborers." Does that mean that £30 saved by an artisan
would not be attacked so long as he kept it useless, but that if he
deposited it with a banker who used it in industrial enterprise, or if
he invested it in railway shares, it would be forfeited? If an artisan
may, out of the fruits of his labor, buy for £3 and keep as his own
a silver watch, why is the £3 to be confiscated when it gets into the
hands of the Cheapside or Corn-hill watch dealer?

A property owner is not only a Rothschild, a Baring, or an Overstone, he
is that person who has anything whatever beyond that which is necessary
for actual existence at the moment. Thus, all savings however moderate;
all household furniture, books, indeed everything but the simplest
clothing are property, and the property owners belong to all classes.
The wage-earning classes, being largely property owners, viz., not only
by their household goods, but by their investments, building societies,
their small deposits in savings banks, their periodical payments to
their trade societies and friendly societies, they would naturally
and wisely defend these against confiscation. If the physical force
revolution were possible, because of the desperate energy of those
owning nothing, its success would be achieved with serious immediate
crime, and would be attended with consequent social mischief and
terrible demoralisation extending over a long period.

Mr. Hyndman has written that "force, or fear of force, is,
unfortunately, the only reasoning which can appeal to a dominant estate,
or will ever induce them to surrender any portion of their property." I
read these words to him in the debate, and he made no reply to them. I
object that a Socialistic State to be realised by force can only be so
realised after a period of civil war shocking to contemplate, and one in
which the wisest would go near madness.

But a Socialistic State, even if achieved, could not be maintained
without a second (mental) revolution, in which the present ideas and
forms of expression concerning property would have to be effaced,
and the habit of life (resulting from long-continued teachings and
long-enduring traditions) would have to be broken. The words "my house,"
"my coat," "my horse," "my watch," "my book," are all affirmations of
private property which would have to be unlearned. The whole current of
human thought would have to be changed.

In a Socialistic State there would be no inducement to thrift, no
encouragement to individual saving, no protection for individual
accumulation, no check upon, no discouragement to waste.

Nor, if such a Socialistic State be established, is it easy to conceive
how free expression of individual opinion, either by press or platform,
can be preserved and maintained. All means of publicity will belong
to, and be controlled by, the State. But what will this mean? Will a
Socialistic government furnish halls to its adversaries, print books for
its opponents, organise costly journals for those who are hostile to it?
If not, there must come utter stagnation of opinion.

And what could the organisation and controlling of all labor by the
State mean? In what could it end? By whom, and in what manner, would the
selection of each individual for the pursuit, profession, or handicraft
for which he was fittest be determined?

I object that the Socialistic advocates exaggerate and distort real
evils, and thus do mischief to those who are seeking to effect social
reforms. For example, they declare that the whole of the land of
the country is held by "a handful of marauders," who ought to be
dispossessed, and when told that there are 852,438 persons owning on
an average less than one fifth of an acre each, holding probably in
the neighborhood of towns, and that more than half a million of these
persons are members of building societies, paying for their small
properties out of their wage-earnings, they only say: "Do you suppose
those who hold building allotments will be dispossessed?" But if they
are not dispossessed, if their private property is left to them, then
"collective ownership" must have a new meaning. Pressed with the fact
that there are 205,358 owning on an average fifteen acres each, they
make no other answer. Yet this 1,037,896, representing with their
families more than four millions of human beings, are clearly not a
"handful," nor is there any evidence offered that they are "marauders."
My complaint is that the possibility of early Land Law Reform is injured
and retarded by such rashness. It is an undoubted evil that in this
crowded kingdom so few as 2,238 persons should own 39,924,232 acres of
land, and that the enormous holdings should be inadequately taxed, but
we need the influence of the one million small landowners to enable
us legally to reform and modify those obnoxious land laws which have
facilitated the accumulation of such vast estates in so few hands. In
the debate with myself, Mr. Hyndman spoke very contemptuously of the
"small ownerships" and "paltry building allotments," yet he ought to
know that the holders of these houses are law-abiding, peace-promoting
citizens, who are encouraged by these slight possessions, which give
promise of comfort in life, to strive so that the comfort shall be
extended and secured.

A sample of the wild and extraordinary exaggeration indulged in by
the Democratic Federation may be found on p. 48 of the "Summary of the
Principles of Socialism," where it is gravely declared that the "idlers
who eat enormously and produce not at all form the majority of the
population," and this may be fairly contrasted with another statement
by the same persons that the present conditions of labor have "brought
luxury for the few, misery and degradation for the many." If the latter
be accurate, the former must be a perversion.

The Socialists say that there are a few thousand persons who own the
National Debt, and they recommend its extinction; usually leaving it
in doubt as to whether this is to be by wholesale or by partial
repudiation. When reminded that there are an enormous number of small
depositors (at least 4,500,000 accounts in one year) owning through the
ordinary savings banks £45,403,569, and through the Post Office Sayings
Bank, £36,194,495, they neither explain the allegation as to the few
thousands, nor do they condescend to offer the slightest explanation as
to how any savings have been possible if all the wealth created by labor
has been "devoured only by the rich and their hangers-on." Repudiation
of the National Debt would ruin the whole of these. The Socialist leader
says that the small ownership of land and these small savings do not
really benefit the working classes, for that in times of depression the
savings are soon used up. That may often be true, but if there were no
savings then it must be starvation, pauperism, or crime; at least the
saving mitigates the suffering. When told that there are 2,300,000
members of friendly societies, who must represent at least 9,000,000
of the inhabitants of this country, and that these, amongst other
investments, have £1,397,730 in the National Debt, we are answered that
these are mere details. On this point I think Mr. Joynes a little fails
in candor. He takes one set of my figures, and says "the share of each
individual is on the average a little more than £3 3s., and the dividend
which annually accrues to each of these propertied persons is slightly
over 2s. It does not require a very high standard of intelligence to
enable a man to perceive that Socialists who intend to deprive him of
these 2s., and at the same time to secure him the full value of his
work, are proposing not to diminish his income, but to raise it in a
very high degree." Let me first say that the friendly society represents
to each artisan investor, not the 2s. per year, but his possible sick
money, gratuity on disablement, allowance whilst unemployed, etc.;
next, that here Mr. Joynes does in this actually admit an attack on
the private property of the laborer, and does propose to take away the
accumulated "fruits of labor" from the independent enjoyment of the
individual who earned it. And the working-man's house? and his savings
in the savings-bank, or in the co-operative store? Are these to be taken
too? If not, why not? and if yes, of how much of the fruits of his labor
is the laborer to be left by the Socialists in "independent
enjoyment"? When pressed that the confiscation of the railways "without
compensation," would bankrupt every life assurance company, and thus
destroy the provision made for hundreds of thousands of families,
because in addition to about' £5,262,000 in the Funds, and about
£75,000,000 invested on mortgages of houses and land, the life insurance
companies are extensive holders of railway securities--the advocates
of Socialism only condescend to say: "Who are the shareholders in the
railways? Do they ever do any good in the world? They are simply using
the labor of the dead in order to get the labor of the living." But
is this true? The shareholders originally found the means to plan,
legalise, and construct the railway, to buy the land, to pay the laborer
day by day his wage, whilst yet the railway could bring no profit, to
buy the materials for the permanent way, to purchase and maintain the
rolling stock. Many hundreds of shareholders in unsuccessful lines have
never received back one farthing of what they paid to the laborer. No
laborer worked on those unsuccessful lines without wage. Some railway
shareholders have got too much, but there are thousands of comparatively
poor shareholders who are to be ruined by the seizure of their shares
without compensation. It is not at all true that railway shareholders
use "the labor of the dead in order to get the labor of the living." On
the contrary, during the last few years the tendency on lines like the
Midland, has been to afford the widest facilities, and the greatest
possible comfort consistent with cheapness, to working-folk travelling
for need or pleasure. That all railway managers are not equally
far-seeing is true, that much more might be done in this direction is
certain, that some managing directors are over-greedy is clear, but that
the change has been for the better during the past twenty years
none would deny who had any regard for truth. That railway porters,
pointsmen, guards, firemen, and drivers are, as Mr. Joynes well urges,
often badly paid, and nearly always overworked, is true, but making the
railways State property would not necessarily improve this. The Post
Office is controlled by the State for the State, and the letter-carriers
and sorters are as a body disgracefully remunerated.

Mr. Joynes complains that I have not met the question of the "surplus
value" of labor, which he says "is the keystone of the Socialistic
argument." He does not explain upon what basis the alleged surplus
value is calculated, but shelters himself behind a vague, and I submit
incorrect, reference to a declaration by Mr. Hoyle, the well-known
earnest temperance advocate. Mr. Joynes says that in one and
a-half hours the laborer earns enough for subsistence. Mr. Hoyle's
often-repeated declaration is in substance to the effect, that if the
whole drink traffic of the country were abolished, and neither wines,
beers, nor spirits drunk by any of the industrial classes, then that the
working men could earn enough for comfort in very much less time than
they now do. Mr. Joynes here entirely overlooks the substance of Mr.
Hoyle's declaration, which is, in effect, that the working men do now
receive, and then spend wastefully, what would keep them. I have always
contended that in nearly every department of industry labor has been
insufficiently paid, in some cases horribly paid, and I have claimed
for the laborer higher wages, and tried to help to teach him, through
trades' unions and otherwise, how to get these higher wages; but if Mr.
Joynes and his friends mean anything, wages are to disappear altogether,
and the State is to apportion to each a sort of equal subsistence,
without regard to the skill or industry of the individual laborer,
so that the skilled engineer, the unskilled hod-carrier, the street
sweeper, the ploughman, and the physician, would each, in the
Socialistic State, have neither less nor more than the other.

The Socialists say "the laborers on the average replace the value of
their wages for the capitalist class in the first few hours of their
day's work; the exchange value of the goods produced in the remaining
hours of the day's work constitutes so much embodied labor which is
unpaid; and this unpaid labor so embodied in articles of utility, the
capitalist class, the factory owners, the farmers, the bankers, the
brokers, the shopkeepers, and their hangers-on, the landlords, divide
amongst themselves in the shape of profits, interests, discounts,
commissions, rent, etc." But without the capitalist where would be
the workshop, the plant, or the raw material? It would be better if
in co-operative production workmen would be their own capitalists, but
surely the owner of capital is entitled to some reward? If not how is he
to be persuaded to put it into fixed capital as factory and plant?
Why should he beforehand purchase raw material on which labor may be
employed, subsist labor while so employed, and take the risk of loss as
well as profit in exchanging the article produced? And why is not the
farmer to be sustained by the laborers if that farmer grows the food the
laborer requires? Why should not the shopkeeper be rewarded for bringing
ready to the laborer articles which would be otherwise in the highest
degree difficult to procure? If the laborer procured his own raw
material, fashioned it into an exchangeable commodity, and then went
and exchanged it, there are many to whom the raw material would be
inaccessible, and more who would lose much of the profits of their
labor in fruitless efforts to exchange. The vague declarations by the
Socialist that production and exchange are to be organised are
delusive without clear statement of the methods and principles of
the organisation. Robert Owen is called "Utopian" by these Democratic
Federation Socialists, but at least he did try to reduce to practice his
theories of production and exchange. The Democratic Federation say that
"surplus value" is produced by "labor applied to natural objects under
the control of the capitalist class." I object that but for capital,
fixed and circulating, there are many natural objects which would be
utterly inaccessible to labor; many more which could only be reached
and dealt with on a very limited scale. That but for capital the laborer
would often be unable to exist until the object had exchangeable
value, or until some one was found with an equivalent article ready to
exchange, and I submit that the banker, the shopkeeper, the broker may
and do facilitate the progress of labor, and would and could not do so
without the incentive of profit.

We agree that "wage" is often much too low, and we urge the workers in
each trade to join the unions already existing, and to form new unions,
so that the combined knowledge and protection of the general body of
workers as to the demand for, and value of, the labor, may be at
the service of the weakest and most ignorant. We would advocate the
establishment of labor bureaux, as in Massachusetts, so that careful and
reliable statistics of the value of labor and cost of life may be
easily accessible. We would urge the more thorough experiment on, and
establishment of, cooperative productive societies in every branch of
manufacture, so that the laborers furnishing their own capital and their
own industry, may not only increase the profit result of labor to the
laborer, but also afford at least a reasonable indication as to the
possible profit realised by capitalists engaged in the same industries.
We would increase wage (if not in amount, at any rate in its purchasing
power), by diminishing the national and local expenditure, and thus also
decreasing the cost of the necessaries of life. We would try to shift
the pressing burden of taxation more on to land, and to the very large
accumulation of wealth.

We contend that he or she who lives by the sale of labor should, with
the purchase money, be able to buy life, not only for the worker, but
for those for whom that worker is fairly bread-winner. And life means
not only healthy food, reasonable clothing, cleanly, healthy shelter,
education for the children until they are so sufficiently grown that
labor shall not mean the crippling of after life--but also leisure.
Leisure for some enjoyment, leisure for some stroll in the green fields,
leisure for some look into the galleries of paintings and sculpture,
leisure for some listening to the singer, the actor, the teacher;
leisure that the sunshine of beauty may now and then gild the dull round
of work-a-day life; and we assert that in any country where the price of
honest earnest industry will not buy this, then that if there are any in
that country who are very wealthy, there is social wrong to be reformed.
But this is the distinction between those with whom I stand and the
Socialists.

We want reform, gradual, sure, and helpful. They ask for revolution,
and know not its morrow. Revolution may be the only remedy in a country
where there is no free press, no free speech, no association of workers,
no representative institutions, and where the limits of despotic outrage
are only marked by the personal fear of the despot. But in a country
like our own, where the political power is gradually passing into the
hands of the whole people, where, if the press is not entirely free
it is in advance of almost every European country, and every shade of
opinion may find its exponent, here revolution which required physical
force to effect it would be a blunder as well as a crime. Here, where
our workmen can organise and meet, we can claim reforms and win them.
The wage-winners of Durham and Northumberland, under the guidance of
able and earnest leaders, have won many ameliorations during the past
twenty years. Each year the workers' Parliament meets in Trades Union
Congress, to discuss and plan more complete success, and to note the
gains of the year. Every twelve months, in the Co-operative Congresses,
working men and women delegates gather together to consult and advise.
Each annual period shows some progress, some advantage secured, and
though there is much sore evil yet, much misery yet, much crime yet,
much--far too much--poverty yet, to-day's progress from yesterday shows
day-gleam for the people's morrow.


Printed by Annie Besant and Charles Bradlaugh, at 63, Fleet Street,
London, E.O.--1884.






End of Project Gutenberg's Some Objections To Socialism, by Charles Bradlaugh

*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOME OBJECTIONS TO SOCIALISM ***

***** This file should be named 36272-8.txt or 36272-8.zip *****
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
        http://www.gutenberg.org/3/6/2/7/36272/

Produced by David Widger

Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
will be renamed.

Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
redistribution.



*** START: FULL LICENSE ***

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
http://gutenberg.org/license).


Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works

1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.  See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
States.

1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org

1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
1.E.9.

1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.

1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.

1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
that

- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."

- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
     License.  You must require such a user to return or
     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
     Project Gutenberg-tm works.

- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
     of receipt of the work.

- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.

1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
your equipment.

1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.


Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm

Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.


Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
http://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.

The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
page at http://pglaf.org

For additional contact information:
     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
     Chief Executive and Director
     gbnewby@pglaf.org


Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
particular state visit http://pglaf.org

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate


Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.

Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.


Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.


Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:

     http://www.gutenberg.org

This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.