The Project Gutenberg EBook of Benjamin Franklin, by Frank Luther Mott and Chester E. Jorgenson This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org Title: Benjamin Franklin Representative selections, with introduction, bibliograpy, and notes Author: Frank Luther Mott Chester E. Jorgenson Release Date: March 6, 2011 [EBook #35508] Language: English Character set encoding: UTF-8 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BENJAMIN FRANKLIN *** Produced by Mark C. Orton, Christine Aldridge and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net Transcriber's Notes: 1. Passages in italics are surrounded by _underscores_ Words with gesperrt (wide) letter spacing are surrounded with =equals= This text uses UTF-8 (unicode) file encoding. If the apostrophes and quotation marks in this paragraph appear as garbage, you may have an incompatible browser or unavailable fonts. First, make sure that your browser’s “character set” or “file encoding” is set to Unicode (UTF-8). You may also need to change the default font. 2. The editor of the original book marked some mispelled words with [_sic_], and these have been retained as written, uncorrected. Additional words found to be mispelled have been corrected and are listed under "Spelling Corrections" at the end of this e-text. Additionally this work contains a large number of word spelling variations found to be valid in Webster's English Dictionary as well as several unverified spellings that appear multiple times and inconsistant word capitalization and hyphenation, all of which have been retained as printed. The interested reader will find an alphabetic "Word Variations" list at the end of this e-text. 3. Numbered footnotes in Sections I-VII of the Introduction have been relocated to the end of the Introduction and marked with an "i-". Lettered footnotes in the "Selections" have been relocated directly under the paragraph they pertain to. 4. Additional Transcriber's Notes are located at the "Poor Richards Almanack" facsimile reproduction beginning on page 225, and at the end of this e-text. * * * * * * AMERICAN WRITERS SERIES * HARRY HAYDEN CLARK _General Editor_ * AMERICAN WRITERS SERIES _Volumes of representative selections, prepared by American scholars under the general editorship of Harry Hayden Clark, University of Wisconsin._ _Volumes now ready are starred._ AMERICAN TRANSCENDENTALISTS, _Raymond Adams, University of North Carolina_ *WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT, _Tremaine McDowell, University of Minnesota_ *JAMES FENIMORE COOPER, _Robert E. Spiller, Swarthmore College_ *JONATHAN EDWARDS, _Clarence H. Faust, University of Chicago, and Thomas H. Johnson, Hackley School_ *RALPH WALDO EMERSON, _Frederic I. Carpenter, Harvard University_ *BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, _Frank Luther Mott and Chester E. Jorgenson, University of Iowa_ *ALEXANDER HAMILTON AND THOMAS JEFFERSON, _Frederick C. Prescott, Cornell University_ BRET HARTE *NATHANIEL HAWTHORNE, _Austin Warren, Boston University_ OLIVER WENDELL HOLMES, _Robert Shafer, University of Cincinnati_ *WASHINGTON IRVING, _Henry A. Pochmann, Mississippi State College_ HENRY JAMES, _Lyon Richardson, Western Reserve University_ ABRAHAM LINCOLN *HENRY WADSWORTH LONGFELLOW, _Odell Shepard, Trinity College_ JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL, _Norman Foerster, University of Iowa, and Harry H. Clark, University of Wisconsin_ HERMAN MELVILLE, _Willard Thorp, Princeton University_ JOHN LOTHROP MOTLEY THOMAS PAINE, _Harry H. Clark, University of Wisconsin_ FRANCIS PARKMAN, _Wilbur L. Schramm, University of Iowa_ *EDGAR ALLAN POE, _Margaret Alterton, University of Iowa, and Hardin Craig, Stanford University_ WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT, _Claude Jones, Johns Hopkins University_ *SOUTHERN POETS, _Edd Winfield Parks, University of Georgia_ SOUTHERN PROSE, _Gregory Paine, University of North Carolina_ *HENRY DAVID THOREAU, _Bartholow Crawford, University of Iowa_ *MARK TWAIN, _Fred Lewis Pattee, Rollins College_ *WALT WHITMAN, _Floyd Stovall, University of Texas_ JOHN GREENLEAF WHITTIER [Illustration: _Pen drawing by Kerr Eby, after an engraving by Mason Chamberlin_ BENJAMIN FRANKLIN ÆT. 56] Benjamin Franklin REPRESENTATIVE SELECTIONS, WITH INTRODUCTION, BIBLIOGRAPHY, AND NOTES BY FRANK LUTHER MOTT _Director, School of Journalism University of Iowa_ AND CHESTER E. JORGENSON _Instructor in English University of Iowa_ [Illustration] AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY _New York_ · _Cincinnati_ · _Chicago_ _Boston_ · _Atlanta_ COPYRIGHT, 1936, BY AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY _All rights reserved_ MOTT AND JORGENSON'S FRANKLIN W.P.I. MADE IN U.S.A. _PREFACE_ Benjamin Franklin's reputation in America has been singularly distorted by the neglect of his works other than his _Autobiography_ and his most utilitarian aphorisms. If America has contented herself with appraising him as "the earliest incarnation of 'David Harum,'" as "the first high-priest of the religion of efficiency," as "the first Rotarian," it may be that this aspect of Franklin is all that an America plagued by growing pains, by peopling and mechanizing three thousand miles of frontier, has been able to see. That facet of Franklin's mind and mien which allowed Carlyle to describe him as "the Father of all Yankees" was appreciated by Sinclair Lewis's George F. Babbitt: "Once in a while I just naturally sit back and size up this Solid American Citizen, with a whale of a lot of satisfaction." But this is not the Franklin of "imperturbable common-sense" honored by Matthew Arnold as "the very incarnation of sanity and clear-sense, a man the most considerable ... whom America has yet produced." Nor is this the Franklin who emerges from his collected works (and the opinions of his notable contemporaries) as an economist, political theorist, educator, journalist, scientific deist, and disinterested scientist. If he wrote little that is narrowly belles-lettres, he need not be ashamed of his voluminous correspondence, in an age which saw the fruition of the epistolary art. The Franklin found in his collected and uncollected writings is, as the following Introduction may suggest, not the Franklin who too commonly is synchronized exclusively with the wisdom and wit of _Poor Richard_. Since the present interpretation of the growth of Franklin's mind, with stress upon its essential unity in the light of scientific deism, tempered by his debt to Puritanism, classicism, and neoclassicism, may seem somewhat novel, the editors have felt it desirable to document their interpretation with considerable fullness. It is hoped that the reader will withhold judgment as to the validity of this interpretation until the documentary evidence has been fully considered in its genetic significance, and that he will feel able to incline to other interpretations only in proportion as they can be equally supported by other evidence. The present interpretation is also supported by the Selections following--the fullest collection hitherto available in one volume--which offer, the editors believe, the essential materials for a reasonable acquaintance with the growth of Franklin's mind, from youth to old age, in its comprehensive interests--educational, literary, journalistic, economic, political, scientific, humanitarian, and religious. With the exception of the selections from the _Autobiography_, the works are arranged in approximate chronological order, hence inviting a necessarily genetic study of Franklin's mind. The _Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain_, never before printed in an edition of Franklin's works or in a book of selections, is here printed from the London edition of 1725, retaining his peculiarities of italics, capitalization, and punctuation. Attention is also drawn to the photographically reproduced complete text of _Poor Richard Improved_ (1753), graciously furnished by Mr. William Smith Mason. _The Way to Wealth_ is from an exact reprint made by Mr. Mason, and with his permission here reproduced. One of the editors is grateful for the privilege of consulting Mr. Mason's magnificent collection of Franklin correspondence (original MSS), especially the Franklin-Galloway and Franklin-Jonathan Shipley (Bishop of St. Asaph) unpublished correspondence. With Mr. Mason's generous permission the editors reproduce fragments of this correspondence in the Introduction. The bulk of the selections have been printed from the latest, standard edition, _The Writings of Benjamin Franklin_, collected and edited with a Life and Introduction by Albert Henry Smyth (10 vols., 1905-1907). For permission to use this material the editors are grateful to The Macmillan Company, publishers. The editors are indebted to Dr. Max Farrand, Director of the Henry E. Huntington Library, for permission to reprint part of Franklin's MS version of the _Autobiography_. Chester E. Jorgenson is preparing an analysis and interpretation of Franklin's brand of scientific deism, its sources and relation to his economic, political, and literary theories and practice. Fragments of this projected study are included, especially in Section VII of the following Introduction. For the past two years Mr. Jorgenson has enjoyed the kindness and generosity of Mr. William Smith Mason, and has incurred an indebtedness which cannot be expressed adequately in print. The work of the editors has been vastly eased by Beata Prochnow Jorgenson's assistance in typing, proofreading, et cetera. They are extremely grateful to Professor Harry Hayden Clark for incisive suggestions and valuable editorial assistance. F. L. M. C. E. J. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION I. Franklin's Milieu: The Age of Enlightenment, xiii II. Franklin's Theories of Education, xxxii III. Franklin's Literary Theory and Practice, xlvi IV. Franklin as Printer and Journalist, lvii V. Franklin's Economic Views, lxiv VI. Franklin's Political Theories, lxxxii VII. Franklin as Scientist and Deist, cx CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE, cxlii SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY I. Works, cli II. Collections and Reprints, cliii III. Biographies, clv IV. Biographical and Critical Studies, clviii V. The Age of Franklin, clxxiv VI. Bibliographies and Check Lists, clxxxvi SELECTIONS _From the_ Autobiography, 3 Dogood Papers, No. I (1722), 96 Dogood Papers, No. IV (1722), 98 Dogood Papers, No. V (1722), 102 Dogood Papers, No. VII (1722), 105 Dogood Papers, No. XII (1722), 109 Editorial Preface to the _New England Courant_ (1723), 111 A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain (1725), 114 Rules for a Club Established for Mutual Improvement (1728), 128 Articles of Belief and Acts of Religion (1728), 130 The Busy-Body, No. 1 (1728/9), 137 The Busy-Body, No. 2 (1728/9), 139 The Busy-Body, No. 3 (1728/9), 141 The Busy-Body, No. 4 (1728/9), 145 Preface to the _Pennsylvania Gazette_ (1729), 150 A Dialogue between Philocles and Horatio (1730), 152 A Second Dialogue between Philocles and Horatio (1730), 156 A Witch Trial at Mount Holly (1730), 161 An Apology for Printers (1731), 163 Preface to _Poor Richard_ (1733), 169 A Meditation on a Quart Mugg (1733), 170 Preface to _Poor Richard_ (1734), 172 Preface to _Poor Richard_ (1735), 174 Hints for Those That Would Be Rich (1736), 176 To Josiah Franklin (April 13, 1738), 177 Preface to _Poor Richard_ (1739), 179 A Proposal for Promoting Useful Knowledge among the British Plantations in America (1743), 180 Shavers and Trimmers (1743), 183 To the Publick (1743), 186 Preface to Logan's Translation of "Cato Major" (1743/4), 187 To John Franklin, at Boston (March 10, 1745), 188 Preface to _Poor Richard_ (1746), 189 The Speech of Polly Baker (1747), 190 Preface to _Poor Richard_ (1747), 193 To Peter Collinson (August 14, 1747), 194 Preface to _Poor Richard Improved_ (1748), 195 Advice to a Young Tradesman (1748), 196 To George Whitefield (July 6, 1749), 198 Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pensilvania (1749), 199 Idea of the English School (1751), 206 To Cadwallader Colden Esq., at New York (1751), 213 Exporting of Felons to the Colonies (1751), 214 Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind, Peopling of Countries, Etc. (1751), 216 To Peter Collinson (October 19, 1752), 223 _Poor Richard Improved_ (1753)--facsimile reproduction, 225 To Joseph Huey (June 6, 1753), 261 Three Letters to Governor Shirley (1754), 263 To Miss Catherine Ray, at Block Island (March 4, 1755), 270 To Peter Collinson (August 25, 1755), 272 To Miss Catherine Ray (September 11, 1755), 274 To Miss Catherine Ray (October 16, 1755), 277 To Mrs. Jane Mecom (February 12, 1756), 278 To Miss E. Hubbard (February 23, 1756), 278 To Rev. George Whitefield (July 2, 1756), 279 The Way to Wealth (1758), 280 To Hugh Roberts (September 16, 1758), 289 To Mrs. Jane Mecom (September 16, 1758), 291 To Lord Kames (May 3, 1760), 293 To Miss Mary Stevenson (June 11, 1760), 295 To Mrs. Deborah Franklin (June 27, 1760), 298 To Jared Ingersoll (December 11, 1762), 300 To Miss Mary Stevenson (March 25, 1763), 301 To John Fothergill, M.D. (March 14, 1764), 304 To Sarah Franklin (November 8, 1764), 307 _From_ A Narrative of the Late Massacres in Lancaster County (1764), 308 To the Editor of a Newspaper (May 20, 1765), 315 To Lord Kames (June 2, 1765), 318 Letter Concerning the Gratitude of America (January 6, 1766), 321 To Lord Kames (April 11, 1767), 325 To Miss Mary Stevenson (September 14, 1767), 330 On the Labouring Poor (1768), 336 To Dupont de Nemours (July 28, 1768), 340 To John Alleyne (August 9, 1768), 341 To the Printer of the _London Chronicle_ (August 18, 1768), 343 Positions to be Examined, Concerning National Wealth (1769), 345 To Miss Mary Stevenson (September 2, 1769), 347 To Joseph Priestley (September 19, 1772), 348 To Miss Georgiana Shipley (September 26, 1772), 349 To Peter Franklin (undated), 351 On the Price of Corn, and Management of the Poor (undated), 355 An Edict by the King of Prussia (1773), 358 Rules by Which a Great Empire May Be Reduced to a Small One (1773), 363 To William Franklin (October 6, 1773), 371 Preface to "An Abridgment of the Book of Common Prayer" (1773), 374 A Parable against Persecution, 379 A Parable on Brotherly Love, 380 To William Strahan (July 5, 1775), 381 To Joseph Priestley (July 7, 1775), 382 To a Friend in England (October 3, 1775), 383 To Lord Howe (July 30, 1776), 384 The Sale of the Hessians (1777), 387 Model of a Letter of Recommendation (April 2, 1777), 389 To ---- (October 4, 1777), 390 To David Hartley (October 14, 1777), 390 A Dialogue between Britain, France, Spain, Holland, Saxony and America, 394 To Charles de Weissenstein (July 1, 1778), 397 The Ephemera (1778), 402 To Richard Bache (June 2, 1779), 404 Morals of Chess (1779), 406 To Benjamin Vaughan (November 9, 1779), 410 The Whistle (1779), 412 The Lord's Prayer (1779?), 414 The Levée (1779?), 417 Proposed New Version of the Bible (1779?), 419 To Joseph Priestley (February 8, 1780), 420 To George Washington (March 5, 1780), 421 To Miss Georgiana Shipley (October 8, 1780), 422 To Richard Price (October 9, 1780), 423 Dialogue between Franklin and the Gout (1780), 424 The Handsome and Deformed Leg (1780?), 430 To Miss Georgiana Shipley (undated), 432 To David Hartley (December 15, 1781), 434 Supplement to the Boston _Independent Chronicle_ (1782), 434 To John Thornton (May 8, 1782), 443 To Joseph Priestley (June 7, 1782), 443 To Jonathan Shipley (June 10, 1782), 445 To James Hutton (July 7, 1782), 447 To Sir Joseph Banks (September 9, 1782), 448 Information to Those Who Would Remove to America (1782?), 449 Apologue (1783?), 458 To Sir Joseph Banks (July 27, 1783), 459 To Mrs. Sarah Bache (January 26, 1784), 460 An Economical Project (1784?), 466 To Samuel Mather (May 12, 1784), 471 To Benjamin Vaughan (July 26, 1784), 472 To George Whately (May 23, 1785), 479 To John Bard and Mrs. Bard (November 14, 1785), 481 To Jonathan Shipley (February 24, 1786), 481 To ---- (July 3, 1786?), 484 Speech in the Convention; On the Subject of Salaries (1787), 486 Motion for Prayers in the Convention (1787), 489 Speech in the Convention at the Conclusion of Its Deliberations (1787), 491 To the Editors of the _Pennsylvania Gazette_ (1788), 493 To Rev. John Lathrop (May 31, 1788), 496 To the Editor of the _Federal Gazette_ (1788?), 496 To Charles Carroll (May 25, 1789), 500 An Account of the Supremest Court of Judicature in Pennsylvania, viz. the Court of the Press (1789), 501 An Address to the Public (1789), 505 To David Hartley (December 4, 1789), 506 To Ezra Stiles (March 9, 1790), 507 On the Slave-Trade (1790), 510 Remarks Concerning the Savages of North America, 513 An Arabian Tale, 519 A Petition of the Left Hand (date unknown), 520 Some Good Whig Principles (date unknown), 521 The Art of Procuring Pleasant Dreams, 523 NOTES, 529 _INTRODUCTION_ I. FRANKLIN'S MILIEU: THE AGE OF ENLIGHTENMENT Benjamin Franklin's reputation, according to John Adams, "was more universal than that of Leibnitz or Newton, Frederick or Voltaire, and his character more beloved and esteemed than any or all of them."[i-1] The historical critic recognizes increasingly that Adams was not thinking idly when he doubted whether Franklin's panegyrical and international reputation could ever be explained without doing "a complete history of the philosophy and politics of the eighteenth century." Adams conceived that an explication of Franklin's mind and activities integrated with the thought patterns of the epoch which fathered him "would be one of the most important that ever was written; much more interesting to this and future ages than the 'Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.'" And such a historical and critical colossus is still among the works hoped for but yet unborn. Too often, even in the scholarly mind, Franklin has become a symbol, and it may be confessed, not a winged one, of the self-made man, of New-World practicality, of the successful tradesman, of the Sage of _Poor Richard_ with his penny-saving economy and frugality. In short, the Franklin legend fails to transcend an allegory of the success of the _doer_ in an America allegedly materialistic, uncreative, and unimaginative. It is the purpose of this essay to show that Franklin, the American Voltaire,--always reasonable if not intuitive, encyclopedic if not sublimely profound, humane if not saintly,--is best explained with reference to the Age of Enlightenment, of which he was the completest colonial representative. Due attention will, however, be paid to other factors. And therefore it is necessary to begin with a brief survey of the pattern of ideas of the age to which he was responsive. Not without reason does one critic name him as "the most complete representative of his century that any nation can point to."[i-2] When Voltaire, "the patriarch of the _philosophes_," in 1726 took refuge in England, he at once discovered minds and an attitude toward human experience which were to prove the seminal factors of the Age of Enlightenment. He found that Englishmen had acclaimed Bacon "the father of experimental philosophy," and that Newton, "the destroyer of the Cartesian system," was "as the Hercules of fabulous story, to whom the ignorant ascribed all the feats of ancient heroes." Voltaire then paused to praise Locke, who "destroyed innate ideas," Locke, than whom "no man ever had a more judicious or more methodical genius, or was a more acute logician." Bacon, Newton, and Locke brooded over the currents of eighteenth-century thought and were formative factors of much that is most characteristic of the Enlightenment. To Bacon was given the honor of having distinguished between the fantasies of old wives' tales and the certainty of empiricism. Moved by the ghost of Bacon, the Royal Society had for its purpose, according to Hooke, "To improve the knowledge of naturall things, and all useful Arts, Manufactures, Mechanick practises, Engynes and Inventions by Experiments."[i-3] The zeal for experiment was equaled only by its miscellaneousness. Cheese making, the eclipses of comets, and the intestines of gnats were alike the objects of telescopic or microscopic scrutiny. The full implication of Baconian empiricism came to fruition in Newton, who in 1672 was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society. Bacon was not the least of those giants upon whose shoulders Newton stood. To the experimental tradition of Kepler, Brahe, Harvey, Copernicus, Galileo, and Bacon, Newton joined the mathematical genius of Descartes; and as a result became "as thoroughgoing an empiricist as he was a consummate mathematician," for whom there was "no _a priori_ certainty."[i-4] At this time it is enough to note of Newtonianism, that for the incomparable physicist "science was composed of laws stating the mathematical behaviour of nature solely--laws clearly deducible from phenomena and exactly verifiable in phenomena--everything further is to be swept out of science, which thus becomes a body of absolutely certain truth about the doings of the physical world."[i-5] The pattern of ideas known as Newtonianism may be summarized as embracing a belief in (1) a universe governed by immutable natural laws, (2) which laws constitute a sublimely harmonious system, (3) reflecting a benevolent and all-wise Geometrician; (4) thus man desires to effect a correspondingly harmonious inner heaven; (5) and feels assured of the plausibility of an immortal life. Newton was a believer in scriptural revelation. It is ironical that through his cosmological system, mathematically demonstrable, he lent reinforcement to deism, the most destructive intellectual solvent of the authority of the altar. Deists, as defined by their contemporary, Ephraim Chambers (in his _Cyclopædia ..._, London, 1728), are those "whose distinguishing character it is, not to profess any particular form, or system of religion; but only to acknowledge the existence of a God, without rendering him any external worship, or service. The Deists hold, that, considering the multiplicity of religions, the numerous pretences to revelation, and the precarious arguments generally advanced in proof thereof; the best and surest way is, to return to the simplicity of nature, and the belief of one God, which is the only truth agreed to by all nations." They "reject all revelations as an imposition, and believe no more than what natural light discovers to them...."[i-6] The "simplicity of nature" signifies "the established order, and course of natural things; the series of second causes; or the laws which God has imposed on the motions impressed by him."[i-7] And attraction, a kind of _conatus accedendi_, is the crown, according to the eighteenth century, of the series of secondary causes. Hence, Newtonian physics became the surest ally of the deist in his quest for a religion, immutable and universal. The Newtonian progeny were legion: among them were Boyle, Keill, Desaguliers, Shaftesbury, Locke, Samuel Clarke, 'sGravesande, Boerhaave, Diderot, Trenchard and Gordon, Voltaire, Gregory, Maclaurin, Pemberton, and others. The eighteenth century echoed Fontenelle's eulogy that Newtonianism was "sublime geometry." If, as Boyle wrote, mathematical and mechanical principles were "the alphabet, in which God wrote the world," Newtonian science and empiricism were the lexicons which the deists used to read the cosmic volume in which the universal laws were inscribed. And the deists and the liberal political theorists "found the fulcrum for subverting existing institutions and standards only in the laws of nature, discovered, as they supposed, by mathematicians and astronomers."[i-8] Complementary to Newtonian science was the sensationalism of John Locke. Conceiving the mind as _tabula rasa_, discrediting innate ideas, Lockian psychology undermined such a theological dogma as total depravity--man's innate and inveterate malevolence--and hence was itself a kind of _tabula rasa_ on which later were written the optimistic opinions of those who credited man's capacity for altruism. If it remained for the French _philosophes_ to deify Reason, Locke honored it as the crowning experience of his sensational psychology.[i-9] Then, too, as Miss Lois Whitney has ably demonstrated, Lockian psychology "cleared the ground for either primitivism or a theory of progress."[i-10] In addition, his social compact theory, augmenting seventeenth-century liberalism, furnished the political theorists of the Enlightenment with "the principle of Consent"[i-11] in their antipathy for monarchial obscurantism. Locke has been described as the "originator of a psychology which provided democratic government with a scientific basis."[i-12] The full impact of Locke will be felt when philosophers deduce that if sensations and reflections are the product of outward stimuli--those of nature, society, and institutions--then to reform man one needs only to reform society and institutions, or remove to some tropical isle. We remember that the French Encyclopedists, for example, were motivated by their faith in the "indefinite malleability of human nature by education and institutions."[i-13] "With the possible exception of John Locke," C. A. Moore observes, "Shaftesbury was more generally known in the mid-century than any other English philosopher."[i-14] Shaftesbury's a priori "virtuoso theory of benevolence" may be viewed as complementary to Locke's psychology to the extent that both have within them the implication that through education and reform man may become perfectible. Both tend to undermine social, political, and religious authoritarianism. Shaftesbury's insistence upon man's innate altruism and compassion, coupled with the deistic and rationalistic divorce between theology and morality, resulted in the dogma that the most acceptable service to God is expressed in kindness to God's other children and helped to motivate the rise of humanitarianism. The idea of progress[i-15] was popularized (if not born) in the eighteenth century. It has been recently shown that not only the results of scientific investigations but also Anglican defenses of revealed religion served to accelerate a belief in progress. In answer to the atheists and deists who indicted revealed religion because revelation was given so late in the growth of the human family and hence was not eternal, universal, and immutable, the Anglican apologists were forced into the position of asserting that man enjoyed a progressive ascent, that the religious education of mankind is like that of the individual. If, as the deists charged, Christ appeared rather belatedly, the apologists countered that he was sent only when the race was prepared to profit by his coming. God's revelations thus were adjusted to progressive needs and capacities.[i-16] Carl Becker has suggestively dissected the Enlightenment in a series of antitheses between its credulity and its skepticism. If the eighteenth-century philosopher renounced Eden, he discovered Arcadia in distant isles and America. Rejecting the authority of the Bible and church, he accepted the authority of "nature," natural law, and reason. Although scorning metaphysics, he desired to be considered philosophical. If he denied miracles, he yet had a fond faith in the perfectibility of the species.[i-17] Even as Voltaire had his liberal tendencies stoutly reinforced by contact with English rationalism and deism,[i-18] so were the other French _philosophes_, united in their common hatred of the Roman Catholic church, also united in their indebtedness to exponents of English liberalism, dominated by Locke and Newton. If, as Madame de Lambert wrote in 1715, Bayle more than others of his age shook "the Yoke of authority and opinion," English free thought powerfully reinforced the native French revolt against authoritarianism. After 1730 English was the model for French thought.[i-19] Nearly all of Locke's works had been translated in France before 1700. Voltaire's affinity for the English mind has already been touched on. D'Alembert comments, "When we measure the interval between a Scotus and a Newton, or rather between the works of Scotus and those of Newton, we must cry out with Terence, _Homo homini quid præstat_."[i-20] Any doctrine was intensely welcome which would allow the Frenchman to regain his natural rights curtailed by the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, by the inequalities of a state vitiated by privileges, by an economic structure tottering because of bankruptcy attending unsuccessful wars and the upkeep of a Versailles with its dazzling ornaments, and by a religious program dominated by a Jesuit rather than a Gallican church.[i-21] Economic, political, and religious abuses were inextricably united; the spirit of revolt did not feel obliged to discriminate between the authority of the crown and nobles and the authority of the altar. Graphic is Diderot's vulgar vituperation: he would draw out the entrails of a priest to strangle a king! Let us now turn to the American backgrounds. The bibliolatry of colonial New England is expressed in William Bradford's resolve to study languages so that he could "see with his own eyes the ancient oracles of God in all their native beauty."[i-22] In addition to furnishing the new Canaan with ecclesiastical and political precedent, Scripture provided "not a partiall, but a perfect rule of Faith, and manners." Any dogma contravening the "ancient oracle" was a weed sown by Satan and fit only to be uprooted and thrown in the fire. The colonial seventeenth century was one which, like John Cotton, regularly sweetened its mouth "with a piece of Calvin." One need not be reminded that Calvinism was inveterately and completely antithetical to the dogma of the Enlightenment.[i-23] Calvinistic bibliolatry contended with "the sacred book of nature." Its wrathful though just Deity was unlike the compassionate, virtually depersonalized Deity heralded in the eighteenth century, in which the Trinity was dissolved. The redemptive Christ became the amiable philosopher. Adam's universally contagious guilt was transferred to social institutions, especially the tyrannical forms of kings and priests. Calvin's forlorn and depraved man became a creature naturally compassionate. If once man worshipped the Deity through seeking to parallel the divine laws scripturally revealed, in the eighteenth century he honored his benevolent God, who was above demanding worship, through kindnesses shown God's other children. The individual was lost in society, self-perfection gave way to humanitarianism, God to Man, theology to morality, and faith to reason. The colonial seventeenth century was politically oligarchical: when Thomas Hooker heckled Winthrop on the lack of suffrage, Winthrop with no compromise asserted that "the best part is always the least, and of that best part the wiser part is always the lesser."[i-24] If the seventeenth-century college was a cloister for clerical education, the Enlightenment sought to train the layman for citizenship. With the turn of the seventeenth century several forces came into prominence, undermining New England's Puritan heritage. Among those relevant for our study are: the ubiquitous frontier, and the rise of Quakerism, deism, Methodism, and science. The impact of the frontier was neglected until Professor Turner called attention to its existence; he writes that "the most important effect of the frontier has been in the promotion of democracy here and in Europe.... It produces antipathy to control, and particularly to any direct control.... The frontier conditions prevalent in the colonies are important factors in the explanation of the American Revolution...."[i-25] In the period included in our survey the frontier receded from the coast to the fall line to the Alleghenies: at each stage it "did indeed furnish a new field of opportunity, a gate of escape from the bondage of the past; and freshness, and confidence, and scorn of older society, impatience of its restraints and its ideas, and indifference to its lessons, have accompanied the frontier."[i-26] One recalls the spirited satire on frontier conditions, as the above aspects give birth to violence and disregard for law, in Hugh Brackenridge's _Modern Chivalry_. Under the satire one feels the justness of the attack, intensified by our knowledge that Brackenridge grew up "in a democratic Scotch-Irish back-country settlement." If the frontiersmen during the eighteenth century did not place their dirty boots on their governors' desks, they were partially responsible for an inveterate spirit of revolt, shown so brutally in the "massacres" provoked by the "Paxton boys" of Pennsylvania. One is not unprepared to discover resentment against the forms of authority in a territory in which a strong back is more immediately important than a knowledge of debates on predestination. Granting the importance of the frontier in opposing the theocratic Old Way, it must be considered in terms of other and more complex factors. Reinforcing Edwards's Great Awakening, George Whitefield, especially in the Middle Colonies, challenged the growing complacence of colonial religious thought with his insistence that man "is by nature half-brute and half-devil." It has been suggested that Methodism in effect allied itself with the attitudes of Hobbes and Mandeville in attacking man's nature, and hence by reaction tended to provoke "a primitivism based on the doctrine of natural benevolence."[i-27] The "New English Israel" was harried by the Quakers,[i-28] who preached the priesthood of all believers and the right of private judgment. They denied the total depravity of the natural man and the doctrine of election; they gloried in a loving Father, and scourged the ecclesiastical pomp and ceremony of other religions. They were possessed by a blunt enthusiasm which held the immediate private revelation anterior to scriptural revelation. Faithful to the inner light, the Quakers seemed to neglect Scripture. Although the less extreme Quakers, such as John Woolman, did not blind themselves to the need for personal introspection and self-conquest, Quakerism as a movement tended to place the greater emphasis on morality articulate in terms of fellow-service, and lent momentum to the rise of humanitarianism expressed in prison reform and anti-slavery agitation. Also one may wonder to what extent colonial Quakerism tended to lend sanction to the rising democratic spirit. In the person of Cotton Mather, until recently considered a bigoted incarnation of the "Puritan spirit ... become ossified," are discovered forces which, when divorced from Puritan theology, were to become the sharpest wedges splintering the deep-rooted oak of the Old Way. These forces were the authority of reason and science. In _The Christian Philosopher_,[i-29] basing his attitude on the works of Ray, Derham, Cheyne, and Grew,[i-30] Mather attempted to shatter the Calvinists' antithesis between science and theology, asserting "that [Natural] Philosophy is no Enemy, but a mighty and wondrous Incentive to Religion."[i-31] He warned that since even Mahomet with the aid of reason found the Workman in his Work, Christian theologians should fear "lest a Mahometan be called in for thy Condemnation!"[i-32] Studying nature's sublime order, one must be blind if his thoughts are not carried heavenward to "admire that Wisdom itself!" Although Mather mistrusted Reason, he accepted it as "the voice of God"--an experience which enabled him to discover the workmanship of the Deity in nature. Magnetism, the vegetable kingdom, the stars infer a harmonious order, so wondrous that only a God could have created it. If Reason is no complete substitute for Scripture it offers enough evidence to hiss atheism out of the world: "A Being that must be superior to Matter, even the Creator and Governor of all Matter, is everywhere so conspicuous, that there can be nothing more monstrous than to deny the God that is above."[i-33] Sir Isaac Newton with his mathematical and experimental proof of the sublime universal order strung on invariable secondary causes, Mather confessed, is "our perpetual Dictator."[i-34] Conceiving of science as a rebuke to the atheist, and a natural ally to scriptural theology, Mather, like a Newton himself, juxtaposed rationalism and faith in one pyramidal confirmation of the existence, omnipotence, and benevolence of God. Here were variations from Calvinism's common path which, when augmented by English and French liberalism, by the influence of Quakerism and the frontier, were to give rise to democracy, rationalism, and scientific deism. The Church of England through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had "pursued a liberal latitudinarian policy which, as a mode of thought, tended to promote deism by emphasizing rational religion and minimizing revelation."[i-35] It was to be expected that in colonies created by Puritans (or even Quakers), deism would have a less spectacular and extensive success than it appears to have had in the mother country. If militant deism remained an aristocratic cult until the Revolution,[i-36] scientific rationalism (Newtonianism) long before this, from the time of Mather, became a common ally of orthodoxy. If a "religion of nature" may be defined with Tillotson as "obedience to Natural Law, and the performance of such duties as Natural Light, without any express and supernatural revelation, doth dictate to man," then it was in the colonies, prior to the Revolution, more commonly a buttress to revealed religion than an equivalent to it. Lockian sensism and Newtonian science were the chief sources of that brand of colonial rationalism which at first complemented orthodoxy, and finally buried it among lost causes. The Marquis de Chastellux was astounded when he found on a center table in a Massachusetts inn an "Abridgment of Newton's Philosophy"; whereupon he "put some questions" to his host "on physics and geometry," with which he "found him well acquainted."[i-37] Now, even a superficial reading of the eighteenth century discloses countless allusions to Newton, his popularizers, and the implications of his physics and cosmology. As Mr. Brasch suggests, "From the standpoint of the history of science," the extent of the vogue of Newtonianism "is yet very largely unknown history."[i-38] In Samuel Johnson's retrospective view, the Yale of 1710 at Saybrook was anything but progressive with its "scholastic cobwebs of a few little English and Dutch systems."[i-39] The year of Johnson's graduation (1714), however, Mr. Dummer, Yale's agent in London, collected seven hundred volumes, including works of Norris, Barrow, Tillotson, Boyle, Halley, and the second edition (1713) of the _Principia_ and a copy of the _Optics_, presented by Newton himself. After the schism of 1715/6 the collection was moved to New Haven, at the time of Johnson's election to a tutorship. It was then, writes Johnson, that the trustees "introduced the study of Mr. Locke and Sir Isaac Newton as fast as they could and in order to this the study of mathematics. The Ptolemaic system was hitherto as much believed as the Scriptures, but they soon cleared up and established the Copernican by the help of Whiston's Lectures, Derham, etc."[i-40] Johnson studied Euclid, algebra, and conic sections "so as to read Sir Isaac with understanding." He gloomily reviews the "infidelity and apostasy" resulting from the study of the ideas of Locke, Tindal, Bolingbroke, Mandeville, Shaftesbury, and Collins. That Newtonianism and even deism made progress at Yale is the tenor of Johnson's backward glance. About 1716 Samuel Clarke's edition of Rohault was introduced at Yale: Clarke's Rohault[i-41] was an attack upon this standard summary of Cartesianism. Ezra Stiles was not certain that Clarke was honest in heaping up notes "not so much to illustrate Rohault as to make him the Vehicle of conveying the peculiarities of the sublimer Newtonian Philosophy."[i-42] This work was used until 1743 when 'sGravesande's _Natural Philosophy_ was wisely substituted. Rector Thomas Clap used Wollaston's _Religion of Nature Delineated_ as a favorite text. That there was no dearth of advanced natural science and philosophy, even suggestive of deism, is fairly evident. Measured by the growth of interest in science in the English universities, Harvard's awareness of new discoveries was not especially backward in the seventeenth century. Since Copernicanism at the close of the sixteenth century had few adherents,[i-43] it is almost startling to learn that probably by 1659 the Copernican system was openly avowed at Harvard.[i-44] In 1786 Nathaniel Mather wrote from Dublin: "I perceive the Cartesian philosophy begins to obteyn in New England, and if I conjecture aright the Copernican system too."[i-45] John Barnard, who was graduated from Harvard in 1710, has written that no algebra was then taught, and wistfully suggests that he had been born too soon, since "now" students "have the great Sir Isaac Newton and Dr. Halley and some other mathematicians for their guides."[i-46] Although Thomas Robie and Nathan Prince are thought to have known Newton's physics through secondary sources,[i-47] and, as Harvard tutors, indoctrinated their charges with Newtonianism, it was left to Isaac Greenwood[i-48] to transplant from London the popular expositions of Newtonian philosophy. A Harvard graduate in 1721, Greenwood continued his theological studies in London where he attended Desaguliers's lectures on experimental philosophy, based essentially on Newtonianism. From Desaguliers Greenwood learned how By Newton's help, 'tis evidently seen Attraction governs all the World's machine.[i-49] He learned that Scripture is "to teach us Morality, and our Articles of Faith" but not to serve as an instructor in natural philosophy.[i-50] In fine, Greenwood became devoted to science, and science as it might serve to augment avenues to the religious experience. In London he had come to know Hollis, who in 1727 suggested to Harvard authorities that Greenwood be elected Hollis Professor of Mathematics and Natural and Experimental Philosophy.[i-51] Greenwood accepted, and until 1737 was at Harvard a propagandist of the new science. In 1727 he advertised in the _Boston News-Letter_[i-52] that he would give scientific lectures, revolving primarily around "the Discoveries of the incomparable Sir Isaac Newton." From 1727 through 1734 he was a prominent popularizer of Newtonianism in Boston.[i-53] It remained for Greenwood's pupil John Winthrop to be the first to teach Newton at Harvard with adequate mechanical and textual materials. Elected in 1738 to the Hollis professorship formerly held by Greenwood, Winthrop adopted 'sGravesande's _Natural Philosophy_, at which time, Cajori observes, "the teachings of Newton had at last secured a firm footing there."[i-54] The year after his election he secured a copy of the _Principia_ (the third edition, 1726, edited by Dr. Henry Pemberton, friend of Franklin in 1725-1726). According to the astute Ezra Stiles, Winthrop became a "perfect master of Newton's Principia--which cannot be said of many Professors of Philosophy in Europe."[i-55] That he did not allow Newtonianism to draw him to deism may be seen in Stiles's gratification that Winthrop "was a Firm friend to Revelation in opposition to Deism." Stiles "wish[es] the evangelical Doctors of Grace had made a greater figure in his Ideal System of divinity," thus inferring that Winthrop was a rationalist in theology, however orthodox.[i-56] A cursory view of the eighteenth-century pulpit discloses that if the clergy did not become deistic they were not blind to a natural religion, and often employed its arguments to augment scriptural authority. Aware of the writings of Samuel Clarke, Wollaston, Whiston, Cudworth, Butler, Hutcheson,[i-57] Voltaire, and Locke, Mayhew revolts against total depravity[i-58] and the doctrines of election and the Trinity, arraigns himself against authoritarianism and obscurantism, and though he draws upon reason for revelation of God's will, he does not seem to have been latitudinarian in respect to the holy oracles. Although he often wrote ambiguously concerning the nature of Christ, he asserted: "That I ever denied, or treated in a bold or ludicrous manner, the divinity of the Son of God, as revealed in scripture, I absolutely deny."[i-59] He is antagonistic toward the mystical in Calvinism, convinced that "The love of God is a calm and rational thing, the result of thought and consideration."[i-60] His biographer thinks that Mayhew was "the first clergyman in New England who expressly and openly opposed the scholastic doctrine of the trinity."[i-61] Coupling "natural and revealed religion," he does not threaten but he urges that one "ought not to leave the clear light of revelation.... It becomes us to adhere to the holy Scriptures as our only rule of faith and practice, discipline and worship."[i-62] In Mayhew one finds an impotent compromise between Calvinism and the demands of reason, fostered by the Enlightenment. Like Mayhew's, in the main, are the views of Dr. Charles Chauncy, who reconciled the demands of reason and revelation, concluding that "the voice of reason is the voice of God."[i-63] Jason Haven and Jonas Clarke are typical of the orthodox rationalists who were alive to the implications of science, and to such rationalists as Tillotson and Locke. Haven affirms that "by the light of reason and nature, we are led to believe in, and adore God, not only as the maker, but also as the governor of all things."[i-64] "Revelation comes in to the assistance of reason, and shews them to us in a clearer light than we could see them without its aid." Clarke observes that "the light of nature teaches, which revelation confirms."[i-65] Rev. Henry Cumings, illustrating his indebtedness to scientific rationalism, honors "the gracious Parent of the universe, whose tender mercies are over all his works ...,"[i-66] a Deity "whose providence governs the world; whose voice all nature obeys; to whose controul all second causes and subordinate agents are subject; and whose sole prerogative it is to dispense blessings or calamities, as to his wisdom seems best."[i-67] Simeon Howard discovers the "perfections of the Deity, as displayed in the Creation" as well as in the "government and redemption of the world."[i-68] Both Phillips Payson[i-69] and Andrew Eliot[i-70] affirm the identity of "the voice of reason, and the voice of God." No clergyman of the eighteenth century was more terribly conscious of the polarity of colonial thought than was Ezra Stiles. Abiel Holmes has told the graphic story of Stiles's struggles with deism after reading Pope, Whiston, Boyle, Trenchard and Gordon, Butler, Tindal, Collins, Bolingbroke, and Shaftesbury.[i-71] If he finally, as a result of his trembling and fearful doubt, reaffirmed zealously his faith in the bibliolatry and relentless dogma of Calvinism,[i-72] Newtonian rationalism was a means to his recovery, and throughout his life a complement to his Calvinism.[i-73] Turning from his well-worn Bible, the chief source of his faith, he also kindled his "devotion at the stars." It should be remembered, however, that this tendency among Puritan clergy to call science to the support of theology had been inaugurated by Cotton Mather as early as 1693,[i-74] and that it was the Puritan Mather whom Franklin acknowledged as having started him on his career and influenced him, by his _Essays to do Good_, throughout life. Only against this complex and as yet inadequately integrated background of physical conditions and ideas (the dogmas of Puritanism, Quakerism, Methodism, rationalism, scientific deism, economic and political liberalism[i-75]--against a cosmic, social, and individual attitude, the result of Old-World thought impinging on colonial thought and environment) can one attempt to appraise adequately the mind and achievements of Franklin, whose life was coterminous with the decay of Puritan theocracy and the rise of rationalism, democracy, and science. II. FRANKLIN'S THEORIES OF EDUCATION Franklin's penchant for projects manifests itself nowhere more fully than in his schemes of education, both self and formal. One may deduce a pattern of educational principles not undeservedly called Franklin's _theories_ of education, theories which he successfully institutionalized, from an examination of his Junto ("the best school of philosophy, morality, and politics that then existed in the province"[i-76]), his Philadelphia Library Company (his "first project of a public nature"[i-77]), his _Proposal for Promoting Useful Knowledge among the British Plantations in America_, calling for a scientific society of ingenious men or virtuosi, his _Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pensilvania_ and _Idea of the English School_, which eventually fathered the University of Pennsylvania, and from his fragmentary notes in his correspondence. Variously apotheosized, patronized, or damned for his practicality, expediency, and opportunism, dramatized for his allegiance to materiality, Franklin has commonly been viewed (and not only through the popular imagination) as one fostering in the American mind an unimaginative, utilitarian prudence, motivated by the pedestrian virtues of industry, frugality, and thrift. Whatever the educational effect of Franklin's life and writings on American readers, we shall find that his works contain schemes and theories which _transcend_ the more mundane habits and utilitarian biases ascribed to him. Franklin progressively felt "the loss of the learned education" his father had planned for him, as he realized in his hunger for knowledge that he must repair the loss through assiduous reading, accomplished during hours stolen from recreation and sleep.[i-78] Proudly he confessed that reading was his "only amusement."[i-79] In 1727 he formed the Junto, or Leather Apron Club, his first educational project. Franklin was never more eclectic than when founding the Junto. To prevent Boston homes from becoming "the porches of hell,"[i-80] Cotton Mather had created mutual improvement societies through which neighbors would help one another "with a rapturous assiduity."[i-81] Mather in his _Essays to do Good_ proposed: That a proper number of persons in a neighborhood, whose hearts God hath touched with a zeal to do good, should form themselves into a society, to meet when and where they shall agree, and to consider--"what are the disorders that we may observe rising among us; and what may be done, either by ourselves immediately, or by others through our advice, to suppress those disorders?"[i-82] Since Franklin's father was a member of one of Mather's "Associated Families" and since Franklin as a boy read Mather's _Essays_ with rapt attention,[i-83] and since his _Rules for a Club Established for Mutual Improvement_ are amazingly congruent with Mather's rules proposed for his neighborly societies, it is not improbable that Franklin in part copied the plans of this older club. One also wonders whether Franklin remembered Defoe's suggestions in _Essays upon Several Projects_ (1697) for the formation of "Friendly Societies" in which members covenanted to aid one another.[i-84] In addition, M. Faÿ has observed that the "ideal which this society [the Junto] adopted was the same that Franklin had discovered in the Masonic lodges of England."[i-85] Then, too, in London during the period of Desaguliers, Sir Hans Sloane, and Sir Isaac Newton, he would have heard much of the ideals and utility of the Royal Society. Many of the questions discussed by the Junto are suggestive of the calendar of the Royal Society: Is sound an entity or body? How may the phenomena of vapors be explained? What is the reason that the tides rise higher in the Bay of Fundy, than the Bay of Delaware? How may smoky chimneys be best cured? Why does the flame of a candle tend upwards in a spire?[i-86] The Junto members, like Renaissance gentlemen, were determined to convince themselves that nothing valuable to the several powers of life should be alien to them. They were urged to communicate to one another anything significant "in history, morality, poetry, physic, travels, mechanic arts, or other parts of knowledge."[i-87] Surely a humanistic catholicity of interest! Schemes for getting on materially, suggestions for improving the laws and protecting the "just liberties of the people,"[i-88] efforts to aid the strangers in Philadelphia (an embryonic association of commerce), curiosity in the latest remedies used for the sick and wounded: all were to engage the minds of this assiduously curious club. Above all, the members must be "serviceable to _mankind_, to their country, to their friends, or to themselves."[i-89] The intensity of the Junto's utilitarian purpose was matched only by its humanitarian bias. Members must swear that they "love mankind in general, of what profession or religion soever,"[i-90] and that they believe no man should be persecuted "for mere speculative opinions, or his external way of worship." Also they must profess to "love truth for truth's sake," to search diligently for it and to communicate it to others. Tolerance, the empirical method, scientific disinterestedness, and humanitarianism had hardly gained a foothold in the colonies in 1728. On the other hand, the Junto members were urged, when throwing a kiss to the world, not to neglect their individual ethical development.[i-91] Franklin's humanitarian neighborliness is associated with a rigorous ethicism. The members were invited to report "unhappy effects of intemperance," of "imprudence, of passion, or of any other vice or folly," and also "happy effects of temperance, of prudence, of moderation." Franklin reflects sturdily here, and boundlessly elsewhere, the Greek and English emphasis on the Middle Way. If this is prudential, it is an elevated prudence. The Philadelphia Library Company was born of the Junto and became "the mother of all the North American subscription libraries, now so numerous."[i-92] The colonists, "having no publick amusements to divert their attention from study, became better acquainted with books, and in a few years were observ'd by strangers to be better instructed and more intelligent than people of the same rank generally are in other countries."[i-93] It is curious that although many articles have been written describing the Library Company no one seems to include a study of the climate of ideas represented in its volumes.[i-94] One must be careful not to credit Franklin with solely presiding over the ordering of books. At a meeting in 1732 of the company, Thomas Godfrey, probable inventor of the quadrant and he who learned Latin to read the _Principia_, notified the body that "Mr. Logan had let him know he would willingly give his advice of the choice of the books ... the Committee esteeming Mr. Logan to be a Gentleman of universal learning, and the best judge of books in these parts, ordered that Mr. Godfrey should wait on him and request him to favour them with a catalogue of suitable books."[i-95] The first order included: Puffendorf's _Introduction_ and _Laws of Nature_, Hayes upon Fluxions, Keill's _Astronomical Lectures_, Sidney on Government, Gordon and Trenchard's _Cato's Letters_, the _Spectator_, _Guardian_, _Tatler_, L'Hospital's _Conic Sections_, Addison's works, Xenophon's _Memorabilia_, Palladio, Evelyn, Abridgement of Philosophical Transactions, 'sGravesande's _Natural Philosophy_, Homer's _Odyssey_ and _Iliad_, Bayle's _Critical Dictionary_, and Dryden's _Virgil_. As a gift Peter Collinson included Newton's _Principia_ in the order. The ancient phalanxes were thoroughly routed! Then there is the MS "List of Books of the Original Philadelphia Library in Franklin's Handwriting"[i-96] which lends recruits to the modern battalions. Included in this list are: Fontenelle on Oracles, Woodward's _Natural History of Fossils_ and _Natural History of the Earth_, Keill's _Examination of Burnet's Theory of the Earth_, _Memoirs of the Royal Academy of Surgery at Paris_, William Petty's _Essays_, Voltaire's _Elements of Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy_, Halley's _Astronomical Tables_, Hill's _Review of the Works of the Royal Society_, Montesquieu's _Spirit of Laws_, Burlamaqui's _Principles of Natural Law_ and _Principles of Politic Law_, Bolingbroke's _Letters on the Study and Use of History_, and Conyer Middleton's _Miscellaneous Works_. From the volumes owned by the Library Company in 1757 it would have been possible for an alert mind to discover all of the implications, philosophic and religious, of the rationale of science. No less could be found here the political speculations which were later to aid the colonists in unyoking themselves from England. The Library was an arsenal capable of supplying weapons to rationalistic minds intent on besieging the fortress of Calvinism. Defenders of natural rights could find ammunition to wound monarchism; here authors could discover the neoclassic ideals of _curiosa felicitas_, perspicuity, order, and lucidity reinforced by the emphasis on clarity and correctness sponsored by the Royal Society and inherent in Newtonianism as well as Cartesianism. In short, the volumes contained the ripest fruition of scientific and rationalistic modernity. One can only conjecture the extent to which this library would perplex, astonish, and finally convert men to rationalism and scientific deism, and release them from bondage to throne and altar. In 1743 Franklin wrote and distributed among his correspondents _A Proposal for Promoting Useful Knowledge among the British Plantations in America_. From a letter (Feb. 17, 1735/6) of William Douglass, one-time friend of Franklin's brother James, to Cadwallader Colden, we learn that some years before 1736, Colden "proposed the forming a sort of Virtuoso Society or rather Correspondence."[i-97] I. W. Riley suggests that Franklin owes Colden thanks for having stimulated him to form the American Philosophical Society.[i-98] There remains no convincing evidence, however, to disprove A. H. Smyth's observation that Franklin's _Proposal_ "appears to contain the first suggestions, in any _public form_ [editors' italics] for an American Philosophical Society." P. S. Du Ponceau has noted with compelling evidence that the philosophical society formed in 1744 was the direct descendant of Franklin's Junto.[i-99] That in part the Philadelphia Library Company was one of the factors in the formation of the scientific society may be inferred from Franklin's request that it be founded in Philadelphia, which, "having the advantages of a good growing library," can "be the centre of the Society."[i-100] The most important factor, however, was obviously the desire to imitate the forms and ideals of the Royal Society of London. Both societies had as their purpose the improvement of "the common stock of knowledge"; neither was to be provincial or national in interests, but was to have in mind the "benefit of mankind in general." A study of Franklin's _Proposal_ will suggest the purpose of the Royal Society as interpreted by Thomas Sprat: Their purpose is, in short, to make faithful Records, of all the Works of Nature, or Art, which can come within their reach: that so the present Age, and posterity, may be able to put a mark on the Errors, which have been strengthened by long prescription: to restore the Truths, that have lain neglected: to push on those, which are already known, to more various uses: and to make the way more passable, to what remains unreveal'd.[i-101] The Royal Society, no less than Franklin's _Proposal_, stressed the usefulness of its experimentation. Even as it sought "to overcome the mysteries of all the Works of Nature"[i-102] through experimentation and induction, the Baconian empirical method, so Franklin urged the cultivation of "all philosophical experiments that let light into the nature of things, tend to increase the power of man over matter, and multiply the conveniences or pleasures of life."[i-103] Though Franklin may have stopped short of theoretical science,[i-104] he was not only interested in making devices but also in discovering immutable natural laws on which he could base his mechanics for making the world more habitable, less unknown and terrifying. Interpreting natural phenomena in terms of gravity and the laws of electrical attraction and repulsion is to detract from the terror in a universe presided over by a providential Deity, exerting his wrath through portentous comets, "fire-balls flung by an angry God." Franklin's program is no more miscellaneous, or seemingly pedestrian, than the practices of the Royal Society. As a discoverer of nature's laws and their application to man's use, Franklin, the Newton of electricity, appealed to fact and experiment rather than authority and suggested that education in science may serve, in addition to making the world more comfortable, to make it more habitable and less terrifying. The ideals of scientific research and disinterestedness were dramatized picturesquely by the Tradesman Franklin, who aided the colonist in becoming unafraid. Although his _Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pensilvania_ (1749) furnished the initial suggestion which created the Philadelphia Academy, later the college, and ultimately the University of Pennsylvania, it is easy to overestimate the real significance of Franklin's influence in these schemes unless we remember that political quarrels separated him from those who were nurturing the school in the 1750's. In 1759 Franklin wrote from London to his friend, Professor Kinnersley, concerning the cabal in the Academy against him: "The Trustees have reap'd the full Advantage of my Head, Hands, Heart and Purse, in getting through the first Difficulties of the Design, and when they thought they could do without me, they laid me aside."[i-105] After Franklin failed to secure Samuel Johnson,[i-106] Rev. William Smith was made Provost and Professor of Natural Philosophy of the Academy in 1754. He quoted Franklin as saying that the Academy had become "a narrow, bigoted institution, put into the hands of the Proprietary party as an engine of government."[i-107] With Milton, Locke, Fordyce, Walker, Rollin, Turnbull, and "some others" as his sources, Franklin adapted the works of these pioneers in education to provincial uses. (One finds it difficult to discover any original ideas in the _Proposals_.) Like Locke and Milton, he urged that education "supply the succeeding Age with Men qualified to serve the Publick with Honour to themselves, and to their Country."[i-108] Here he was unlike President Clap, who in 1754 explained that "the Original End and design of Colleges was to instruct and train up persons for the Work of the ministry.... The great design of founding this school [Yale] was to educate ministers in our own way."[i-109] As early as 1722, in _Dogood Paper_ No. IV, Franklin caricatured sardonically the narrow theological curriculum of Harvard College.[i-110] Existing for the citizenry rather than the clergy, offering instruction in English as well as Latin and Greek, in mechanics, physical culture, natural history, gardening, mathematics, and arithmetic rather than in sectarian theology, Franklin's Academy was to be more secular and utilitarian than any other school in the provinces. Indeed, Rev. George Whitefield lamented the want of "_aliquid Christi_" in the curriculum, "to make it as useful as I would desire it might be." Franklin stressed the need for the acquisition of a clear and concise literary style. He observed: "Reading should also be taught, and pronouncing, properly, distinctly, emphatically; not with an even Tone, which _under-does_, nor a theatrical, which _over-does_ Nature." Hence he reflected the virtues of neoclassic perspicuity and correctness. (These plans he more fully expressed in his _Idea of the English School_, published in 1751.) As he grew older he apparently became less tolerant of the teaching of the ancient languages in colonial schools: in _Observations Relative to the Intentions of the Original Founders of the Academy of Philadelphia_ (1789), he charged that the Latin school had swallowed the English and that he was hence "surrounded by the Ghosts of my dear departed Friends, beckoning and urging me to use the only Tongue now left us, in demanding that Justice to our Grandchildren, that our Children has [_sic_] been denied."[i-111] The Latin and Greek languages he considered "in no other light than as the _Chapeau bras_ of modern Literature."[i-112] Like Emerson's, his opposition was to linguistic study rather than to the classical ideas. Although he emphasized the study of science and mechanics, it is important to observe that he kept his balance. He warned Miss Mary Stevenson in 1760: "There is ... a prudent Moderation to be used in Studies of this kind. The Knowledge of Nature may be ornamental, and it may be useful; but if, to attain an Eminence in that, we neglect the Knowledge and Practice of essential Duties, we deserve Reprehension."[i-113] Not without reserve did he champion the Moderns; remembering several provocative scientific observations in Pliny, he wrote to William Brownrigg (Nov. 7, 1773): "It has been of late too much the mode to slight the learning of the ancients."[i-114] He would not agree with the enthusiastic and trenchant disciple of the moderns, M. Fontenelle, that "We are under an obligation to the ancients for having exhausted almost all the false theories that could be found."[i-115] Although he would agree that the empirical method of acquiring knowledge is more reasonable than authoritarianism reared on syllogistic foundations, and with Cowley that Bacon has broke that scar-crow Deity ["Authority"],[i-116] he was not blithely confident that science and the knowledge gained from experimentation would create a more rigorously moral race. He wrote to Priestley in 1782: "I should rejoice much, if I could once more recover the Leisure to search with you into the Works of Nature; I mean the _inanimate_, not the _animate_ or moral part of them, the more I discover'd of the former, the more I admir'd them; the more I know of the latter, the more I am disgusted with them."[i-117] He often suggested, "As Men grow more enlightened," but seldom did this clause carry more than an intellectual connotation. Progress in knowledge[i-118] did not on the whole suggest to Franklin progress in morals or the general progress of mankind. Essentially classical in morality, extolling a temperance like that of Xenophon, Epictetus, Cicero, Socrates, and Aristotle, Franklin could not cheerily champion the moderns without serious reservations. Considering only progress in knowledge, man may be considered as _pedetentim progredientes_, but, Franklin thought, man seemed to have found it easier to conquer lightning than himself. If science and other contemporaneous knowledge detracted from cosmic terror, it did not solve the problem of the mystery of evil and sin: like Shakespeare, Franklin was perplexed by the inexplicability and ruthlessness of Man's potential and actual malevolence.[i-119] Thus in stressing utility and vocational adaptiveness, Franklin did not forget to stress the need for development of character, man's internal self, and here he did not find the ancients dispensable.[i-120] If unlike Socrates in his studies of physical nature, he was like the Athenian gadfly in his quest for moral perfection in the teeth of "perpetual temptation," in his strenuous and sober effort to know himself. Too little attention has been paid Franklin's Hellenic sobriety--even as it has had too meagre an influence. Let Molière challenge, "The ancients are the ancients, we are the people of today"; Franklin, although confident that he could learn more of physical nature from Newton than from Aristotle, was not convinced that the wisdom of Epictetus or the Golden Verses of Pythagoras were less salutary than the wit of his own age. A modern in his confidence in the progress of knowledge, Franklin, approaching the problem of morality, wisely saw the ancients and moderns as complementary. Aware of the continuity of the mind and race, he was not willing to dismiss the ancients as fit to be imitated. Yet he failed to discover in the welter of egoistic men any continuous moral progress, although, unlike the determinists, he thought that the individual could improve himself through self-knowledge and self-control. Unlike contemporary exponents of the "original genius" cult who scorned industrious rational study and conformity, Franklin as an educational theorist was the exponent of reason and of conscious intellectual industry and thrift; he would mediate between the study of nature and of man, and, like Aristotle, he would rely not so much upon individualistic self-expression as upon a purposeful _imitation_ of those men in the past who had led useful and happy lives. III. FRANKLIN'S LITERARY THEORY AND PRACTICE[i-121] Uniting the "wit of Voltaire with the simplicity of Rousseau," Franklin achieved a style "only surpassed by the unimprovable Hobbes of Malmesbury, the paragon of perspicuity." Characterized by simplicity, order, and a trenchant pointedness, his prose style was "a principal means" of his "advancement."[i-122] He was "extreamly ambitious ... to be a tolerable English writer." In the _Autobiography_ he recalls that he read books in "polemic divinity," Plutarch's _Lives_ (probably Dryden's translation), _Pilgrims Progress_, Defoe's _Essays upon Several Projects_, Mather's _Essays to do Good_, Xenophon's _Memorabilia_,[i-123] the _Spectator_ papers, and the writings of Shaftesbury and Collins. Born in Boston, he knew the Bible,[i-124] characterized by the apostle of Augustan correctness, Jonathan Swift, as possessing "that simplicity, which is one of the greatest perfections in any language." If Franklin did not achieve its "sublime eloquence," he approximated at intervals its directness and simplicity. In reading Defoe's _Essays_ he learned that Queen Anne's England urged that writers be "as concise as possible" and avoid all "superfluous crowding in of insignificant words, more than are needful to express the thing intended." (It is possible that Defoe's efforts "to polish and refine the English tongue," to avoid "all irregular additions that ignorance and affectation have introduced," influenced Franklin in favor of "correctness" and against provincialisms.) Defoe's "explicit, easy, free, and very plain" rhetoric is Franklin's. After Franklin's father warned him that his arguments were not well-ordered and trenchantly expressed, he desperately sought to acquire a convincing prose style. In 1717 James, Franklin's elder brother, returned from serving a printer's apprenticeship in London. James had known and been attracted to Augustan England, the England of the _Tatler_, _Spectator_, and _Guardian_. Familiar is Franklin's narrative of how he patterned his fledgling style on the pages of the _Spectator_ papers, and learned to satisfy his father--and himself. Like the neoclassicists, Franklin learned to write by imitation, by respectfully subordinating himself to those he recognized as masters, and not, like the romanticists, by expressing his own ego in revolt against convention and conformity to traditional standards. The group who supplied copy for James's _New England Courant_, we are told, were trying to write like the _Spectator_. "The very look of an ordinary first page of the _Courant_ is like that of the _Spectator_ page."[i-125] In the _Dogood Papers_ (1722) and the _Busy-Body_ series (1728) Franklin's writings show a literal indebtedness to the style and even substance of the _Spectator_.[i-126] If, after the _Busy-Body_ essays, Franklin's writings bear little resemblance to the elegance and glow of the _Spectator_, he did learn from it a long-remembered lesson in orderliness. From the _Spectator_ he may have learned to temper wit with morality and morality with wit; he may have learned the neoclassic objection to the "unhappy Force of an Imagination, unguided by the Check of Reason and Judgment";[i-127] he may have acquired his distrust of foreign phrases when English ones were as good, or better, insisting on the use of native English undefiled. It is interesting but perhaps futile to conjecture to what degree Franklin at this time, on reading _Spectator_ No. 160, "On Geniuses" (warning against a servile imitation of ancient authors, a warning which anticipates the cult of original geniuses of later decades), would have been predisposed against ancient literature and languages. If the _Spectator_ was partially responsible for his pleasantries at the expense of Greek in _Dogood Paper_ No. IV, his attitude toward the ancients is more ostensibly the result of his later preoccupation with the sciences,[i-128] and of contact with representatives of the deistic time-spirit whose faith in progress led them to underrate the past. When Franklin went to live in London in 1724-1726, and became familiar with such men of science as Dr. Henry Pemberton and others, he must have become aware of ideals of prose style not a little unlike those practised by the preachers of his Boston. In Boston he had heard (and in the polemical works in his father's library, read) sermons couched in a style satirized in _Hudibras_ as a "Babylonish dialect ... of patched and piebald languages" (ll. 93 ff.). Sensing the disparity between the seventeenth-century prose styles and the empirical, logical, and orderly method of science, the Royal Society not long after its inception inaugurated a campaign for a clarity akin to the pattern urged by Hobbes: "The Light of humane minds is Perspicuous Words, _Reason_ is the Pace, Encrease of _Science_ the _way_; and the benefit of man-kind the _end_. And on the contrary, Metaphors, and senseless and ambiguous words, are like _ignes fatui_; and reasoning upon them, is wandering among innumerable absurdities."[i-129] Summarizing the intent of the stylistic reformations instituted by the Royal Society, Thomas Sprat urged writers "to reject all the amplifications, digressions, and swellings of style: to return back to the primitive purity, and shortness, when men deliver'd so many things, almost in an equal number of words ... a close, naked, natural way of speaking; positive expressions; clear senses; a native easiness: bringing all things as near the Mathematical plainness, as they can: and preferring the language of Artizans, Countrymen, and Merchants, before that, of Wits, or Scholars."[i-130] It is asserted that the program of the Royal Society "called for stylistic reform as loudly as for reformation in philosophy. Moreover, this attitude was in the public mind indissolubly associated with the Society."[i-131] It is only reasonable to infer that Franklin (as a member of the Royal Society and as founder of the American Philosophical Society) was alive to the movement toward "undefiled plainness" which had for half a century been gathering momentum.[i-132] Even as Cartesianism[i-133] in France is said to have fostered logic and lucidity of detail, and that which is universally valid and recognized by all men, and that art which is aloof to the non-human world, so in England may Newtonianism (which overthrew Cartesianism) have conditioned writers to develop a uniform style, purged of tenuous rhetorical devices. An age characterized by a worship of reason, which was supposed to be identical in all men, an age deferring to the general mind of man, would be hostile to the rhetorical caprices of those expressing their private, idiosyncratic enthusiasms. If the neoclassic apotheosis of simplicity and freedom from intricacy was the result of a "rationalistic anti-intellectualism,"[i-134] expressed in terms of hostility to belabored proof of ideas known to the general will, then it would seem that one of the factors sturdily conditioning this hostility was Newtonian science. Admitting that _reason_ leads to uniformitarianism, one may recall that the processes of science are discoverable by reason, and that such a cosmologist as Newton illustrated mathematically and empirically a system, grand in its lucidity, and capable of being apprehended by all through reason. If the deistic fear of "enthusiasm" in religion--the individual will prevailing against the _consensus gentium_--parallels, according to Professor Lovejoy, the neoclassic fear of feeling and the unrestrained play of imagination in art, then Newtonian science, as it reinforced deism, was no negligible factor in discrediting enthusiasm, and hence indirectly militating against originality, emotion, and the unchecked imagination. Is it not conceivable that the Newtonian[i-135] cosmology, popularized by a vast discipleship, challenged the scientists and men of letters alike to achieve a corresponding order, clarity, and simplicity in poetry and prose? After Franklin's return from London, he reinforced his Addison-like style with the rhetorical implications of science and Newtonianism: in his _Preface_ (1729) to the _Pennsylvania Gazette_ he observed that an editor ought to possess a "great Easiness and Command of Writing and Relating Things clearly and intelligibly, and in few Words."[i-136] Good writing, in Franklin's opinion, "should proceed regularly from things known to things unknown [surely the method of all inductive reasoning and science] distinctly and clearly without confusion. The words used should be the most expressive that the language affords, provided that they are the most generally understood. Nothing should be expressed in two words that can be as well expressed in one; that is, no synonyms should be used, or very rarely, but the whole should be as short as possible, consistent with clearness; the words should be so placed as to be agreeable to the ear in reading; summarily it should be smooth, clear, and short, for the contrary qualities are displeasing."[i-137] Like the members of the Royal Society, Franklin would bring the words of written discourse "as near as possible to the spoken."[i-138] In 1753 he observed: "If my Hypothesis [concerning waterspouts] is not the Truth itself it is [at] least as naked: For I have not with some of our learned Moderns, disguis'd my Nonsense in Greek, cloth'd it in Algebra or adorn'd it with Fluxions. You have it in puris naturalibus."[i-139] He briefly summarized his rhetorical ideal, in a letter to Hume: "In writings intended for persuasion and for general information, one cannot be too clear; and every expression in the least obscure is a fault."[i-140] Unlike Jefferson, "no friend to what is called _purism_, but a zealous one" to neology, Franklin had an inveterate antipathy toward the use of colloquialisms, provincialisms, and extravagant innovations.[i-141] In another letter to Hume, he hoped that "we shall always in America make the best English of this Island [Britain] our standard."[i-142] If he did not hold the typical eighteenth-century view that "English must be subjected to a process of classical regularizing,"[i-143] neither did he, with his friend Joseph Priestley, espouse the idea of correctness, dependent only on usage. In general, he seems to have had a tendency toward purism; it is not unlikely that as a youth he was influenced by Swift's _Proposal for Correcting, Improving, and Ascertaining the English Tongue_.[i-144] Striving for correctness, and the avoidance of "affected Words or high-flown Phrases"[i-145] he approximated the _curiosa felicitas_ of the neoclassicists.[i-146] A solid neoclassicist[i-147] in style. Franklin accepted the canon of imitation as it was imperfectly understood in the eighteenth century. To the extent, however, that the models were conceived of as approximating the _consensus gentium_, fragments illustrating universal reason, there may be little disparity between neoclassic imitation and Aristotle's use of the term in the sense of imitating a higher ethical reality. His own life, Franklin thought, (with the exception of a few "errata") was "fit to be imitated."[i-148] A. H. Smyth notes, perhaps extravagantly, "Nothing but the 'Autobiography' of Benvenuto Cellini, or the 'Confessions' of Rousseau, can enter into competition with it."[i-149] This may suggest a clue to the durable nature of Franklin's life-tale. Cellini, it is true, was tremendously alive to Benvenuto, even as Michel de Montaigne was interested in his own whims, but neither Cellini, nor Montaigne, nor Franklin, could have penned the _Confessions_, the thesis of which is that if Rousseau is not better than other men at least he is different. Cellini, Montaigne, and Franklin, on the other hand, while allowing us to see their fancies and singular biases, tended to emphasize those qualities which they held in common with their age, nation, and even the continuity of mankind. Montaigne, it will be remembered, sought to express _la connaissance de l'homme en général_. With no aspirations to become an original genius, Franklin, both in his prose style and his yearning for perfection, sought the guidance of models, which he conceived as embodying universal reason. Had he been a writer of epics[i-150] he would with Pope have acquired "from ancient rules a just esteem"--when the rules were, in his mind, "according to nature." Likewise Franklin is representative of the Enlightenment in his description of the province of the imagination. It is an axiom that "the belief that the imagination ought to be kept in check by reason, pervades the critical literature of the first half of the eighteenth century."[i-151] Franklin observes that poetasters above all need instruction on how to govern "Fancy [Imagination] with Judgement."[i-152] He implies that imagination is a power lending an air of unreality to a creation, often like "the Effect of some melancholy Humour."[i-153] He feared that the unchecked fancy would vitiate his ideals of simplicity and correctness, and a sober and practical argument. Posing as no original genius independent of the wisdom of the ages,[i-154] confessing that "from a child" he "was fond of reading" and that as a youth "reading was the only amusement" he allowed himself, Franklin was not backward in cataloguing many of the authors who helped to motivate his thought. He seems to have been acquainted with portions of Plato, Aesop, Pliny, Xenophon, Herodotus, Epictetus, Vergil, Horace, Tacitus, Seneca, Sallust, Cicero, Tully, Milton, Jeremy Taylor, Bacon, Dryden, Tillotson, Rabelais,[i-155] Bunyan, Fénelon, Chevalier de Ramsay,[i-156] Pythagoras, Waller, Defoe, Addison and Steele, William Temple, Pope, Swift, Voltaire, Boyle, Algernon Sidney, Trenchard and Gordon,[i-157] Young, Mandeville, Locke, Shaftesbury, Collins, Bolingbroke, Richardson, Whiston, Watts, Thomson, Burke, Cowper, Darwin, Rowe, Rapin, Herschel, Paley, Lord Kames, Adam Smith, Hume, Robertson, Lavoisier, Buffon, Dupont de Nemours, Whitefield, Pemberton, Blackmore, John Ray, Petty, Turgot, Priestley, Paine, Mirabeau, Quesnay, Raynal, Morellet, and Condorcet, to suggest only the more prominent.[i-158] Such a catalogue tends to discredit the all too common idea that the untutored tradesman was torpid to the information and wisdom found in books. If his prose style shows none of the delicate rhythms and haunting imagery of the prose born of the romantic movement, it is nevertheless far from pedestrian. If it seems devoid of imaginative splendor, it is not lacking in force and persuasion.[i-159] After one has noted Franklin's canon of simplicity and order, his insistence on correctness, his assumed role as _Censor Morum_, his acceptance of the doctrine of imitation and the use of imagination guided by reason, one returns to the question of the degree to which the ideals of rhetoric fostered by the men of science may have helped to motivate Franklin's prose style, and to what degree his acceptance of deism augmented by Newtonianism may have furnished him with a rationale which lent sanction to his demand for a simple style. Sir Humphrey Davy found in Franklin's scientific papers a language lucid and decorous, "almost as worthy of admiration as the doctrine"[i-160] they contain. S. G. Fisher buoyantly maintained that Franklin's "is the most effective literary style ever used by an American." After reading Franklin's paper on stoves he was "inclined to lay down the principle that the test of literary genius is the ability to be fascinating about stoves."[i-161] Whether he writes soberly (albeit tempered by Gallic fancy) of the mutability of life, as in _The Ephemera_, or of sophisticated social amenities, as in the letters to Madame Brillon and Madame Helvétius, or in his memoirs, in which solid fact follows solid fact, sifted by the years of good fortune, Franklin's style never loses its compelling charm and vigor. If he never wrote (or uttered) less than was demanded by the nature of his subject, neither would he have disgusted the Clerk of Oxenford who Nought o word spak he more than was nede. He was no formal literary critic such as Boileau, Lessing, or Coleridge, and no acknowledged arbiter of taste, such as Dr. Johnson. Yet Franklin, in voluminous practice, enjoying tremendous international vogue, proved that his theories bore the acid test of effectiveness. Indirectly he challenged his readers to honor principles of rhetoric which could so trenchantly serve the demands of his catholic pen, and make him one of the most widely read of all Americans. IV. FRANKLIN AS PRINTER AND JOURNALIST Franklin was a printer chiefly because of two proclivities which were basic in his personality from childhood to old age--a bent toward practical mechanics ("handiness") and a fondness for reading (bookishness). Further, he was a journalist and publisher chiefly because he was a printer. A thorough printer is both an artisan and an artist; he has both the manual dexterity of a good workman and the aesthetic appreciation of the amateur of beauty. Franklin always took pride in his ability to handle the printer's tools, from the time when, at the age of twelve, he became "a useful hand"[i-162] in the print shop of his brother James, until the very end of his life. One of the pleasantest anecdotes of the old printer is that which tells of his visit to the famous Didot printing establishment in Paris, when he stepped up to a press, and motioning the printer aside, himself took possession of the machine and printed off several sheets. Then the American ambassador smiled at the gaping printers and said, "Do not be astonished, Sirs, it is my former business."[i-163] Even in his boyhood, it was a pleasure to Franklin "to see good workmen handle their tools," and he tells in his autobiography how much this feeling for tools meant to him throughout his life.[i-164] His flair for invention, though founded on this same "handiness," was not always directed toward the production of tools; but in the two fields of "philosophical" experimentation and the printing trade, his dexterity and cleverness in making needful instruments and devices were invaluable. Partly because of the fact that printers' supplies must be imported from England, and partly because of his natural tool-mindedness, Franklin manufactured more of his own supplies than any other American commercial printer before or since. He cast type, made paper molds, mixed inks, made contributions to press building, did engraving, forwarded experiments in stereotyping, and worked at logotypy. Long after he had retired from the printing business. Franklin continued to influence developments in that field. It is a common saying among printers that one never forgets the smell of printer's ink. Franklin kept touch with his former business through various partnerships, through correspondence with printer friends, through the establishment of a private press in his home at Passy during his ambassadorship to France, and through his personal supervision of the education of his grandson in "the art preservative of arts." "I am too old to follow printing again myself," he wrote to a friend, "but, loving the business, I have brought up my grandson Benjamin to it, and have built and furnished a printing-house for him, which he now manages under my eye."[i-165] As to just how adept Franklin was on the distinctively aesthetic side of printing, critics must differ. It has been customary to assume that the output of his shop was far superior to that of the several other printing houses in the colonies.[i-166] Such broad generalizations are misleading, however; and it is certainly possible to find Parks and even Bradford imprints which compare favorably enough with some of Franklin's. In typography, the phase of printing which affords the widest aesthetic scope, Franklin was by no means a genius. William Parks, of Annapolis and later of Williamsburg, was at least Franklin's peer during the seventeen-thirties and 'forties in the artistic arrangement of type; and William Goddard, who practiced the art a little later in several of the colonies, was his superior. Yet Franklin was an outstanding printer in a region blessed with few good presses. The difference between him and most of the other colonial printers may be stated thus: Franklin maintained a high average of workmanlike (though not inspired) performance, while his contemporaries were inclined to be slovenly, inaccurate, and generally careless. In the later years of his life Franklin gave no little attention to fine printing, though as a dilettante rather than as a commercial printer. In France he was friendly with François Ambroise Didot, the greatest French printer of his times, and put his grandson Benjamin Franklin Bache to school in Didot's establishment. With Pierre Simon Fournier, who ranked next to Didot among French printers, Franklin corresponded from time to time. In England the American printer maintained touch with prominent practitioners of his craft from the time of his first visit abroad until his death. Samuel Palmer, Franklin's first London employer, was but a mediocre printer; but John Watts, to whose house the young American went after a year at Palmer's, stood much higher in his vocation.[i-167] Both Watts and Palmer were patrons of William Caslon, from whom Franklin later bought type. But John Baskerville, Caslon's rival, was the founder whom Franklin did most to encourage and to bring to the attention of discriminating printers. The English printer with whom Franklin was upon the terms of greatest intimacy--and that for many years--was William Strahan, member of Parliament, King's Printer, and a successful publisher. Strahan was a man of parts, a great letter writer, and a friend of David Hume and Samuel Johnson. The latter referred to the Strahan shop as "the greatest printing house in London."[i-168] Another correspondent was John Walter, logotyper, press builder, and founder of the London _Times_.[i-169] In all his letters to his printer friends, Franklin shows not only a lively interest in improvements and inventions for the trade, but also an increasing interest in the artistic side of printing and type-founding. The "bookish inclination" which Franklin credits in the _Autobiography_ with being the quality that decided his father to make a printer of him, appertained to the trade because printers were commonly publishers and sellers of books and pamphlets, and often editors and publishers of newspapers. How the young Franklin satisfied his literary urge in the print shop of his brother James is a familiar story, and his theories of writing are traced in another section of this Introduction. The contribution to literature which he made as a publisher of original books is negligible, but he did his part both as publisher and bookseller to spread that bookishness to which he felt that he owed much of his own success. Like all publishers before and since, he was forced by his customers to issue books of a lower sort than he could fully approve in order to float editions of more desirable works: he tells plaintively of his public's preference for "Robin Hood's Songs" over the Psalms of his beloved Watts.[i-170] In still another way, Franklin promoted the bookishness of his community: he founded the first of American circulating libraries, and he built up for himself one of the largest private libraries in the country.[i-171] Journalism was a common by-product of the printing trade. When Franklin and Meredith took over Keimer's _The Universal Instructor in all Arts and Sciences: and Pennsylvania Gazette_ in 1729, there were six other newspapers being published in the colonies--three in Boston and one each in New York, Philadelphia, and Annapolis. The Williamsburg press had a newspaper a few years later, but the other two printing towns in the colonies had to wait some thirty years for journalistic ventures--a newspaper in New London and a magazine in Woodbridge.[i-172] The fundamental question to be asked in analyzing a newspaper may be stated thus: What is the editorial conception of the primary function of the press? Franklin had received his early newspaper training on his brother's _New England Courant_, which frankly acknowledged entertainment as its primary function and relegated news to a minor place. Of his contemporaries in 1729, the oldest, the _Boston News-Letter_, held the publication of news to be its sole function; while the _Boston Gazette_, the _New York Gazette_, and the _Maryland Gazette_ took much the same attitude. In the main, they were rather dreary reprints of stale European news. Bradford's _American Weekly Mercury_, in Philadelphia, gave somewhat more attention to local news; but with the exception of the Franklin-Breintnal _Busy-Body_ papers, contributed in 1728-1729 in order to bring Keimer to his knees, the _Mercury_ gave very little attention to the entertainment function. Only the _New England Weekly Journal_, carrying on something of the tradition of the old _Courant_, dealt largely in entertainment as well as in news. This bi-functional policy was the one adopted by Franklin's _Pennsylvania Gazette_, which was always readable and amusing at the same time that it was newsy. Of the editorial or opinion-forming function of newspapers there was little evidence in Franklin's paper,[i-173] at least in the field of politics. The obvious reason was the active governmental censorship. It remained for John Peter Zenger to introduce that function into colonial journalism in the _New York Weekly Journal_ in 1733: his struggle for the freedom of the press is well known.[i-174] But the _Pennsylvania Gazette_ never became in any degree a political organ while Franklin edited it; and his first political pronouncement was published not in his paper but in a pamphlet, _Plain Truth_, issued just before his retirement from editorial duties. Two common misconceptions in regard to Franklin's newspaper call for correction: (1) The _Pennsylvania Gazette_ was not connected as forerunner or ancestor with the _Saturday Evening Post_. The _Gazette_, a newspaper to the end, closed its file in 1815;[i-175] the _Post_, a story paper, issued its Volume I, Number 1, in 1821. Throughout much of the latter half of the nineteenth century, the _Post_ carried the legend "Founded in 1821" on its front page; and not until after the Curtis Publishing Company bought it in 1897 did it begin to print the words "Founded A.D. 1728 by Benjamin Franklin" on its cover. The sole connection of the _Post_ with Franklin lies in the fact that it was first issued from an office at 53 Market Street which Franklin had once occupied.[i-176] (2) Franklin did not publish a "chain" of newspapers. A "chain" implies some kind of co-operative connection between the various members, but the several papers which Franklin helped to finance had no such relationship. In some he was a six-years partner,[i-177] keeping his interest until the resident publisher, usually a former employee, was established; to some he made loans or, in the case of relatives, gifts.[i-178] One of his journalistic ventures which is not mentioned in the _Autobiography_ is the _General Magazine_, of 1741. It missed by three days being the first of American magazines: Andrew Bradford had learned of Franklin's project and, with his _American Magazine_, beat him in the race for priority. But the _American Magazine_ was a failure in three monthly numbers, while Franklin's periodical, though more readable, died after its sixth issue.[i-179] As an initial episode in the history of American magazines, the _General Magazine_ has a certain eminence; but Franklin's neglect of it when writing his _Autobiography_, after the events of nearly fifty busy years had apparently crowded it out of his memory, is sufficient commentary on its unimportance. To the end of his life Franklin was proud of his trade of printing, with its handmaiden journalism. His last will and testament begins: "I, Benjamin Franklin, Printer...." Though clearly not the chief interest of his life, it was one to which he was fundamentally and consistently attached. V. FRANKLIN'S ECONOMIC VIEWS An eighteenth-century colonial who wrote on paper money, interest, value, and insurance, who discussed a theory of population and the economic aspects of the abolition of slavery, who championed free trade, and who probably lent Adam Smith some information used in his _Wealth of Nations_, who was an empirical agriculturist, who was "half physiocratic before the rise of the physiocratic school"--such a colonial has, indeed, claims to being America's pioneer economist. Franklin's hatred of negro slavery was conditioned by more than his humanitarian bias. It may be seen that his indictments of black cargoes were the resultant of an interplay of his convictions that economically slavery was enervating and dear and of his abstract sense of religious and ethical justice. One should not minimize, however, his distrust of slavery on other than economic bases. He was acutely influenced by the Quakers of his colony who, like gadflies, were stinging slaveholders to an awareness of their blood traffic, and by the rise of English humanitarianism. In his youth he had published (first edition, 1729; second, 1730), with no little danger to himself and his business, Ralph Sandiford's _A Brief Examination of the Practice of the Times_, an Amos-like vituperative attack on the "unrighteous Gain" of slaveholding. He also published works of Benjamin Lay and John Woolman.[i-180] Friend of Anthony Benezet, Benjamin Rush, Fothergill, and Granville Sharp, and after 1760 a member of Dr. Bray's Associates, he lent his voice and pen to denouncing slavery on religious and ethical grounds; and in England, after the James Sommersett trial (1772), he "began to agitate for parliamentary action" toward the abolishing of slavery in all parts of the British Empire.[i-181] Following the Sommersett verdict, Franklin contributed a brief article to the _London Chronicle_ (June 18-20, 1772) in which he denounced the "constant butchery of the human species by this pestilential detestable traffic in the bodies and souls of men."[i-182] Losing his temperamental urbanity when observing "the diabolical Commerce,"[i-183] "the abominable African Trade," he recollects approvingly that a certain French moralist[i-184] could "not look on a piece of sugar without conceiving it stained with spots of human blood!"[i-185] Conditioned by Quakerism, by his deism, which suggested that "the most acceptable Service we render him [God] is doing good to his other Children," and by the eighteenth century's growing repugnance toward suffering and pain,[i-186] Franklin (although he took little part in legislating against slavery in Pennsylvania) became through his writing a model to be imitated, especially in France, by a people more intent on becoming humane than saintly. His letter to Anthony Benezet (London, July 14, 1773), however, clearly indicates that for economic, as well as humanitarian reasons, he had sought freedom for slaves: I am glad to hear that such humane Sentiments prevail so much more generally than heretofore, that there is Reason to hope our Colonies may in time get clear of a Practice that disgraces them, and, without producing any equivalent Benefit, is dangerous to their very Existence.[i-187] Franklin's view of the economic disabilities of slavery is best expressed in _Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind, Peopling of Countries, Etc._ (1751). Arguing against British restraint of colonial manufactures, he observed that "'tis an ill-grounded Opinion that by the Labour of slaves, _America_ may possibly vie in Cheapness of Manufactures with _Britain_. The Labour of Slaves can never be so cheap here as the Labour of working Men is in _Britain_."[i-188] With arithmetic based on empirical scrutiny of existing conditions, resembling the mode of economists following Adam Smith, he charged that slaves are economically unprofitable due to the rate of interest in the colonies, their initial price, their insurance and maintenance, their negligence and malevolence.[i-189] In addition, "Slaves ... pejorate the Families that use them; the white Children become proud, disgusted with Labour, and being educated in Idleness, are rendered unfit to get a Living by Industry."[i-190] Slaves are hardly economical investments in terms of colonial character. Looking to the "_English_ Sugar _Islands_" where Negroes "have greatly diminish'd the Whites," and deprived the poor of employment, "while a few Families acquire vast Estates," he realized that "population was limited by means of subsistence,"[i-191] which foreshadowed the more pessimistic progressions of Malthus. Having just maintained that "our People must at least be doubled every 20 Years,"[i-192] and intuitively suspecting that the means for subsistence progress more slowly, he exclaimed, "Why increase the Sons of _Africa_, by planting them in _America_, where we have so fair an Opportunity, by excluding all Blacks and Tawneys, of increasing the lovely White and Red?"[i-193] He saw mere economic extravagance as the short-time effect of slavery; he feared that the long-time effect would be to create an aristocracy subsisting at the head of a vast brood of slaves and poor whites.[i-194] It was inevitable in a state having no staple crop, such as rice, sugar, tobacco, or cotton, which offered at least economic justification for negro slavery, that abolition of slaves should be urged partially on purely economic grounds, and that Pennsylvania should have been the first colony to legislate in favor of abolition, in 1780. Although one may feel that economic determinism is overly simple and audacious in its doctrinaire interpretations, one can not refuse to see the extent to which economics tended to buttress humane and religious factors in Franklin's mind to make him a persuasive champion of abolition.[i-195] _A Modest Enquiry into the Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency_[i-196] has been appraised as "by far the ablest and most original treatise that had been written on the subject up to 1728 and was probably the most widely read work on paper currency that appeared in colonial America."[i-197] That Franklin's interest in paper money was not unique, one may gather from the fact that between 1714 and 1721 "nearly thirty pamphlets appeared" on this subject in Massachusetts alone.[i-198] One of the 1728 theses at Harvard, answered in the affirmative, was: "Does the issue of paper money contribute to the public good?"[i-199] "Since there was a scarcity of circulating medium, caused by the constant drain of specie for export," explains Mr. D. R. Dewey, "it is not strange that projects for converting credit into wealth should have sprung up in the colonies."[i-200] Franklin argued in his _Modest Enquiry_[i-201] that (1) "A plentiful Currency will occasion Interest to be low," (2) it "will occasion the Trading Produce to bear a good Price," (3) it "will encourage great Numbers of labouring and Handicrafts Men to come and settle in the Country," and (4) it "will occasion a less consumption of European Goods, in proportion to the Number of the People." Thus he saw paper money as a "Morrison's Pill," promising to cure all economic ills.[i-202] It has been suggested that as a printer Franklin naturally would favor issues of paper money. In view of his later apostasy one should note that in this essay Franklin apparently accepted the current mercantilist notions, best expressed here in his conviction that paper money will secure a favorable balance of trade. Demands for emissions of paper money were inevitable in a colony in the grip of such a restrictive commercial policy as British mercantilism. It must be observed, however, that Franklin differed from the proper mercantilists to the extent that simple valuable metals were not to be measures of value. Deriving his idea from Sir William Petty, Franklin took labor as the true measure of value,[i-203]--a position later held by Karl Marx. In his preoccupation with the growth of manufactures and favorable balances of trade, Franklin gave no suggestions that at least by 1767 he was to become an exponent of agrarianism and free trade. One wonders to what extent his warnings against the purchase of "unnecessary Householdstuff, or any superfluous thing," his inveterate emphasis on industry and frugality, were conditioned by his view that such indulgence would essentially cause a preponderance of imports, hence casting against them an unfavorable trade balance.[i-204] In 1751 Parliament passed an act regulating in the New England colonies the issue of paper money and preventing them "from adding a legal tender clause thereto"; in 1764 Parliament forbade issue of legal tender money in any of the colonies. As a member of the Pennsylvania assembly, Franklin had successfully sponsored issues of paper money; in London, following the 1764 act, he urged that one of the causes breeding disrespect for Parliament was "the prohibition of making paper money among [us]."[i-205] Economics blends into politics when we remember that the 1764 restraining legislation was "one of the factors in the subsequent separation, for it caused some of the suffering that inevitably follows in the wake of an unsound monetary policy whose onward course is suddenly checked."[i-206] In 1766 Franklin was yet an ardent imperialist, who sought politically and economically to keep whole "that fine and noble China Vase, the British Empire." His _Remarks and Facts Concerning American Paper Money_ (1767), in answer to Lord Hillsborough's Board of Trade report circulated among British merchants, is an ardent plea for legal tender paper money. He argued that British merchants (since yearly trade balances had regularly been in their favor) had not been deprived of gold and silver, that paper money _had worked_ in the Colonies,[i-207] and that British merchants had lost no more in their colonial dealings than was inevitable in war times. Franklin concluded that since there were no mines in the colonies, paper money was a necessity (arguing here very shrewdly that even English silver "is obliged to the legal Tender for Part of its Value"). Hence, at least for colonies deserving it, the mother country should take off the restraint on legal tender. What Franklin seems not to have known and what the merchants had actually felt (they had their accounts staring at them) was that in the past, especially after 1750, much of the legal tender was in effect nothing but inconvertible fiat money. Mr. Carey quotes from an uncollected item, Franklin's "The Legal Tender of Paper Money in America," in which he threatened that "if the colonies were not allowed to issue legal-tender notes there was no way in which they could retain hard money except by boycotting English goods."[i-208] Franklin suggested (to S. Cooper, April 22, 1779) that depreciation may not be unmixed evil, since it may be viewed as a tax: "It should always be remembered, that the original Intention was to sink the Bills by Taxes, which would as effectually extinguish the Debt as an actual Redemption."[i-209] Not a little Machiavellian for one who was not blind to the sanctity of contracts! With the Revolution and the attendant depreciation in currency, Franklin tended to warn against over-issues.[i-210] Like Governor Hutchinson, who said that "the morals of the people depreciate with the currency," Franklin confessed in 1783 "the many Mischiefs, the injustices, the Corruption of Manners, &c., &c., that attended a depreciating Currency."[i-211] There is no evidence to show that Franklin dissented from the conservative prohibition in the Constitutional Convention of 1787 against issues of legal tender paper.[i-212] Deborah Logan (in a letter in 1829) stated that Franklin "once told Dr. Logan that the celebrated Adam Smith, when writing his 'Wealth of Nations,' was in the habit of bringing chapter after chapter as he composed it, to himself, Dr. Price and others of the literati; then patiently hear [_sic_] their observations, and profit by their discussion and criticism--even sometimes submitting to write whole chapters anew, and even to reverse some of his propositions."[i-213] James Parton observed that the allusions to the colonies which "constitute the experimental evidence of the essential truth of the book" were supplied by Franklin.[i-214] But Rae reasonably counters: "It ought of course to be borne in mind that Smith had been in the constant habit of hearing much about the American Colonies and their affairs during his thirteen years in Glasgow from the intelligent merchants and returned planters of that city."[i-215] In general, we may conclude that Franklin and Smith were exponents of free trade in proportion as they were reactionaries against British mercantilism. Each in his reaction tended to elevate the function of agriculture beyond reasonable limits. Unlike the physiocrats and Franklin, however, Adam Smith did not hold that, in terms of wealth-producing, manufacturers were sterile. Even if Franklin saw only agriculture as _productive_, he was not blind to the utility of manufactures, especially after the break with the mother country, when he realized that home industry must be developed to supply the colonial needs formerly satisfied by British exports.[i-216] Finally, each was, in varying degrees, an exponent of laissez faire.[i-217] Since we shall discover that politically Franklin was less a democrat than is often supposed, we may feel that his belief in free trade led him to embrace reservedly the principle of laissez faire, rather than that free trade, an economic concept, was but a fragment of a larger dogma, namely, that government should be characterized by its passivity, frugality, and maximum negligence. V. L. Parrington quotes[i-218] from George Whately's _Principles of Trade_, which contained views congenial to Franklin: When Colbert assembled some wise old merchants of France, and desired their advice and opinion, how he could best serve and promote commerce, their answer, after consultation, was, in three words only, _Laissez-nous faire_: "Let us alone." It is said by a very solid writer of the same nation, that he is well advanced in the science of politics, who knows the full force of that maxim. _Pas trop gouverner_: "Not to govern too much!" _which, perhaps, would be of more use when applied to trade, than in any other public concern_. (Present editors' italics.) Laissez faire in Franklin's as in Whately's view tended to be synonymous with free trade. Laissez faire was suggested by his insistence on free trade, as he progressively expressed his antipathy for mercantilism, rather than that free trade was simply a natural deduction from a more inclusive economic-political dogma. Writing to the pro-colonial Jonathan Shipley, Bishop of St. Asaph, whose "sweet Retirement" at Twyford he had long enjoyed, Franklin, seeing no hopes of a reconciliation between the colonies and Great Britain, uttered what marked him as the first American disciple of Quesnay's school of economic thought: "Agriculture is the great Source of Wealth and Plenty. By cutting off our Trade you have thrown us _to the Earth_, whence like _Antaeus_ we shall rise yearly with fresh Strength and Vigour."[i-219] Upon learning of the colonists' "Resolutions of Non-Importation" he wrote to "Cousin" Folger that they must promote their own industries, especially those of the "Earth and their Sea, the true Sources of Wealth and Plenty."[i-220] Learning that the colonists had threatened to boycott English manufacturers by creating their own basic industries, Franklin demurred in a letter to Cadwallader Evans: "Agriculture is truly _productive of new wealth_; manufacturers only change forms, and whatever value they give to the materials they work upon, they in the mean time consume an equal value in provisions, &c. So that riches are not _increased_ by manufacturing; the only advantage is, that provisions in the shape of manufactures are more easily carried for sale to foreign markets."[i-221] _Positions to be Examined, Concerning National Wealth_[i-222] affords a succinct statement of Franklin's agrarianism. "There seem to be but three ways for a nation to acquire wealth. The first is by _war_, as the Romans did, in plundering their conquered neighbours. This is _robbery_. The second by _commerce_, which is generally _cheating_. The third by _agriculture_, the only _honest way_, wherein man receives a real increase of the seed thrown into the ground, in a kind of continual miracle, wrought by the hand of God in his favour, as a reward for his innocent life and his virtuous industry."[i-223] Dupont de Nemours, as early as 1769, had written: "Who does not know that the English have today their Benjamin Franklin, who has adopted the principles and the doctrines of our French economists?"[i-224] Before attempting to appraise the real indebtedness of Franklin to the physiocrats, it is well to seek to learn how he came in contact with their ideas, and especially why by the year 1767 he was acutely susceptible to their doctrine. In the summer of 1767, in the company of Sir John Pringle, Franklin went to Paris, not an unknown figure to the French savants, who were acquainted with his scientific papers already translated into French by D'Alibard. That he was feted by the Newtons of the physiocrats, François Quesnay and the elder Mirabeau, as "le Savant, le Geomètre, le Physicien, l'homme à qui la nature permet de dévoiler ses secrets,"[i-225] we are assured, when to De Nemours (July 28, 1768) he writes regretfully: "Be so good as to present my sincere respect to that venerable apostle, Dr. Quesnay, and to the illustrious Ami des Hommes (of whose civilities to me at Paris I retain a grateful remembrance)...."[i-226] Having missed Franklin in Paris (1767), De Nemours had sent Franklin "un recueil des principaux traités économiques du Docteur Quesnay" and his own _Physiocratie_ (1768), which cast him in the role "of a propagandist of Physiocratie doctrines."[i-227] Franklin admitted, "I am perfectly charmed with them, and wish I could have stayed in France for some time, to have studied in your school, that I might by conversing with its founders have made myself quite a master of that philosophy."[i-228] That Franklin was not before 1767 unacquainted with the Économistes we learn when he tells Dupont de Nemours that Dr. Templeman had shown him the De Nemours-Templeman correspondence when the latter was Secretary of the London Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce. A second trip to Paris (in 1769) to confer with Barbeu Dubourg, an avowed physiocrat, concerning his forthcoming translation of Franklin's works, served to acquaint him still further with the doctrines of the new school. Franklin's agrarianism[i-229] is congruent with physiocracy[i-230] in as far as he observed that agriculture alone, of the many industries, produced a surplus of wealth after all of the expenses of production had been paid.[i-231] Each laborer produced more than enough to satisfy his own needs. This surplus the Économistes termed the _produit net_. A worker in manufactures, it was assumed, consumed foodstuffs and other materials in proportion to the value he created in his manufacturing process. Hence there obviously could be no _produit net_ accruing from manufactures. Like the physiocrats, Franklin felt that manufactures were _sterile_, to the extent that no new wealth was created. The physiocrats believed, however, that laborers in manufacturing industries _could_ create a _produit net_ if they stinted themselves in consuming foodstuffs, et cetera, but it was argued that this prudential asceticism was not a characteristic habit. To this extent at least the physiocrats were empirical. Free trade no less than agrarianism characterized physiocracy. Although Franklin indicated his antagonism toward governmental restraint of trade, internal and among nations, in his antipathy toward British mercantilism, it was not until after he became impregnated with French doctrine that he began to express very fully his advocacy of free trade. After Connecticut imposed a 5% duty on goods imported from neighboring colonies, Franklin wrote to Jared Eliot in 1747 that it was likely that the duty would devolve on the consumer and be "only another mode of Taxing" the purchaser. In addition he recognized that smuggling, virtually a colonial art, would cause the "fair Trader" to "be undersold and ruined."[i-232] He urged that the import duty might suggest selfishness, and might also tend to deter Connecticut commerce. Here, it must be admitted, Franklin did not sanction free trade with a priori appeals to the "natural order," the key in the arch of physiocracy. He rather appealed to the instincts and observations of the prudential tradesman. His _Plan for Regulating Indian Affairs_ (1766), unlike his 1747 letters, _suggested_ (if it did not express concretely) inviolable laws of commerce in the words: "It seems contrary to the Nature of Commerce, for Government to interfere in the Prices of Commodities.... It therefore seems to me, that Trade will best find and make its own Rates; and that Government cannot well interfere, unless it would take the whole Trade into its own hands ... and manage it by its own Servants at its own Risque."[i-233] To Dupont de Nemours he admitted that British mercantilism had not achieved "that wisdom which sees the welfare of the parts in the prosperity of the whole."[i-234] To Sir Edward Newenham, representing the County of Dublin, he expressed admiration for Irish efforts to secure freedom of commerce, "which is the right of all mankind." "To enjoy all the advantages of the climate, soil, and situation in which God and nature have placed us, is as clear a right as that of breathing; and can never be justly taken from men but as a punishment for some atrocious crime."[i-235] Three years before he met Quesnay (though after he had read Dupont de Nemours's letters to Templeman), Franklin sanctioned free trade through appeal to other than utilitarian prudence: first he admitted that British restraint of colonial commerce, for example with the West Indies, will tend to prevent colonists from making remittances for British manufactured goods, since "The Cat can yield but her skin." Then with a suggestion of philosophic generalization he hoped that "In time perhaps Mankind may be wise enough to let Trade take its own Course, find its own Channels, and regulate its own Proportions, etc."[i-236] Restraint of manufactures "deprive[s] us of the Advantage God & Nature seem to have intended us.... So selfish is the human Mind! But 'tis well there is One above that rules these Matters with a more equal Hand. He that is pleas'd to feed the Ravens, will undoubtedly take care to prevent a Monopoly of the Carrion."[i-237] Glorifying the husbandman and suggesting that trade restrictions disturb a natural order, Franklin wrote to David Hartley in 1783 that Great Britain has tended to impede "the mutual communications among men of the gifts of God, and rendering miserable multitudes of merchants and their families, artisans, and cultivators of the earth, the most peaceable and innocent part of the human species."[i-238] That Franklin was not without his influence in eighteenth-century economic thought we may gather from Dugald Stewart's opinion that "the expressions _laissez-faire_ and, _pas trop gouverner_ are indebted chiefly for their extensive circulation to the short and luminous comments of Franklin, which had so extraordinary an influence on public opinion in the old and new world."[i-239] Mr. Carey maintains that Franklin, unlike the physiocrats, inveighed against trade regulations because they led to smuggling rather than because to any important degree they violated the "natural order." The physiocrats are tenuous, amorphous, and ambiguous when they seek to define _L'Ordre naturel_. At times Dupont de Nemours seems to identify it with a primitivistic past.[i-240] Quesnay, on the other hand, says: "Natural right is indeterminate in a state of nature. The right only appears when justice and labour have been established."[i-241] Again, he asserts: "By entering society and making conventions for their mutual advantage men increase the scope of natural right without incurring any restriction of their liberties, for this is just the state of things that enlightened reason would have chosen."[i-242] Natural order is a "providential order": "Its laws are irrevocable, pertaining as they do to the essence of matter and the soul of humanity. They are just the expression of the will of God."[i-243] According to the physiocrats, the laws of the natural order are "unique, eternal, invariable, and universal."[i-244] Now it is true that nowhere did Franklin assert that his advocacy of laissez faire and agrarianism was neatly dependent on these a priori bases. Even though this is true, there are references (quoted above) which seem to suggest that trade restrictions are violations of the very nature of things. It is not wholly fanciful (bearing in mind Franklin's adoration of a Deity who is the creator and sustainer of immutable, universal physical laws which together present the mind with the concept of a vast, wonderfully harmonized physical machine) to conjecture to what extent this matchless physical harmony tended to challenge him with the possibility of discovering a parallel economic machine operating according to immutable laws capable of proof and human adaptability. O. H. Taylor has shown that "The evolution of the idea of 'laws' in economics has closely paralleled its evolution in the natural sciences."[i-245] In searching for these economic constants, "the economic mechanism was regarded as a wise device of the Creator for causing individuals, while pursuing only their own interests, to promote the prosperity of society; and for causing the right adjustment to one another of supplies, demand, prices, and incomes, to take place automatically, in consequence of the free action of all individuals."[i-246] After giving due weight to the fact that Franklin saw in the doctrine of the physiocrats trenchant arguments to buttress his attacks on British mercantilism, one has cogent evidence for at least raising the question, To what extent may his apprehension of a demonstrable physical harmony have suggested to his speculative mind an economic analogy?[i-247] VI. FRANKLIN'S POLITICAL THEORIES Plague of the Pennsylvania proprietaries, propagandist of the American Revolution, moderator of the Constitutional Convention, Franklin was all through his life a politician and statesman in an age characterized above all by political speculations and changes in the destiny of states. Colonial patriot, "arch rebel of King George III," "idol of the court of Versailles," Franklin was a cyclopedia of political strategy and principles. Only through a genetic survey of Franklin the political theorist can one hope to understand his mind as he changed from imperialist, to revolutionist, to the patriarch of the Constitutional Convention who, like a balance wheel, moderated the extreme party factions. In the early 1720's, Franklin had breathed a Boston air saturated with discontent between the royal governor and the governed. By 1730 he was printer to the Pennsylvania Assembly and in 1736 was appointed clerk to that body. Yet one learns little of his political biases until 1747, when he published _Plain Truth_. In 1729 he genially asserted that he was "no Party-man,"[i-248] and in 1746 temperately stated, Free from the bitter Rage of Party Zeal, All those we love who seek the publick Weal.[i-249] His _Plain Truth_ (November, 1747), directed against the proprietary governor as well as against the Quaker assembly, showed Franklin a party man only if one dedicated to "the publick weal" was a party man. With all respect for the Quaker conscience which checks military activity, Franklin could not, however, condone its virtually prohibiting others from defending the province's border. And the proprietaries had shown an inveterate unwillingness to arm Pennsylvania--a reluctance which did not, however, prevent them from collecting taxes and quitrents. On other questions the governor and his chiefs had to contend with the opposition of the assembly. Without opposition, the proprietary government could serenely kennel itself in its medieval privilege of remaining dumb to an urgent need: one remembers that eighteenth-century proprietary colonies were "essentially feudal principalities, upon the grantees of which were bestowed all the inferior regalities and subordinate powers of legislation which formerly belonged to the counts palatine, while provision was also made for the maintenance of sovereignty in the king [the king paid little attention to Pennsylvania], and for the realization of the objects of the grant."[i-250] While the government remained inert, Pennsylvania would be a pawn in the steeled hands of the French and their rum-subsidized Indian mercenaries. Appealing to Scripture and common sense, Franklin pleaded for "Order, Discipline, and a few Cannon."[i-251] Not untruthfully he warned that "we are like the separate Filaments of Flax before the Thread is form'd, without Strength, because without Connection, but UNION would make us strong, and even formidable."[i-252] Since war existed, there was no need to consider him a militarist because he challenged, "The Way to secure Peace is to be prepared for War."[i-253] In the midst of _Plain Truth_ Franklin uttered what only _before_ the time of Locke could be interpreted in terms of feudal _comitatus_: he entreated his readers to consider, "if not as Friends, at least as Legislators, that _Protection_ is as truly due from the Government to the People, as _Obedience_ from the People to the Government."[i-254] Suggestive of the contract theory, this is revolutionary only in a very elementary way. With the French writhing under the Treaty of Paris, with appeals to natural rights and the right of revolution, this once harmless principle took on Gargantuan significance. But Thomas Penn anticipated wisely enough the ultimate implication of Franklin's paper; Penn intuitively saw the march of time: "Mr. Franklin's doctrine that obedience to governors is no more due them than protection to the people, is not fit to be in the heads of the unthinking multitude. He is a dangerous man and I should be glad if he inhabited any other country, as I believe him of a very uneasy spirit. However, as he is a sort of tribune of the people, he must be treated with regard."[i-255] It is difficult to see how Franklin's passion for order and provincial union,[i-256] obviously necessary, could have been considered so illiberally subversive of the government. By 1747 Franklin had read in _Telemachus_ that kings exist for the people, not the people for the kings; he must have read Locke's justification of the "Glorious Revolution" and have become aware of the impetus it gave to the British authority of consent in its subsequent constitutional history. After his first political pamphlet, he widened his horizon from provincial to colonial affairs. Two years before the London Board of Trade demanded that colonial governors hold a conference with the Iroquois, Franklin seems to have devised plans for uniting the several colonies. He was aware of the narrow particularism shown by the provinces; he knew also that since "Governors are often on ill Terms with their Assemblies," no concerted military efforts could be achieved without a military federation.[i-257] One remembers that as soon as he could think politically he was an imperialist, a lesser William Pitt, and in his _Increase of Mankind_ (1751) could gloat over an envisioned thickly populated America--"What an Accession of Power to the _British_ Empire by Sea as well as Land!"[i-258] When the Board of Trade, after British efforts to bring the colonies together had failed, demanded that something be done, Franklin was appointed one of the commissioners to meet at Albany in 1754. Like Franklin, Governor Glen had admitted that the colonies were "a Rope of Sand ... loose and inconnected."[i-259] Franklin's plan, adopted by the commissioners, called for a Governor-General "appointed by the king" and a Grand Council made up of members chosen by the Assembly of each of the colonies, the Governor "to have a negation on all acts of the Grand Council, and carry into execution whatever is agreed on by him and that Council."[i-260] Surely not a very auspicious beginning for one who later was to favor the legislative over the executive functions of state. The plan included the powers of making Indian treaties of peace and war, of regulating Indian trade and Indian purchases, of stimulating the settling of new lands, of making laws to govern new areas, of raising soldiers, of laying general duties, et cetera.[i-261] But Franklin did not minimize the lack of cohesion of the colonies. We recollect that "in 1755, at a time when their very existence was threatened by the French, Massachusetts and New York engaged in a bitter boundary controversy leading to riot and bloodshed."[i-262] The colonies refused to ratify the plan--"their weak Noddles are perfectly distracted,"[i-263] wrote Franklin. He was probably right when he observed in 1789 that had the plan been adopted "the subsequent Separation of the Colonies from the Mother Country might not so soon have happened."[i-264] The sending of British regulars to America and the resulting efforts at taxation were not least among the sparks which set off the Revolution. Franklin's _Three Letters to Governor Shirley_ (1754), while expressing no credulous views of the wisdom of the people, maintained in one breath that the colonists were loyal to the Constitution and Crown as ever colonists were and in another that "it is supposed an undoubted right of Englishmen, not to be taxed but by their own consent given through their representatives."[i-265] (Shirley had apparently written that the Council in the Albany Plan should be appointed by England, and not by the colonial assemblies.) Franklin held for the colonists' right to English civil liberty and the right to enjoy the Constitution. Here again we find a factor later magnified into one of the major causes of the Revolution. In addition to being lethargic in the defense of the Pennsylvania borders, the proprietor refused "to be taxed except for a trifling Part of his Estate, the Quitrents, located unimprov'd Lands, Money at Interest, etc., etc., being exempted by Instructions to the Governor."[i-266] Thereupon Franklin turned from colonial affairs (which had indeed proved obstinate) to pressing local matters, when in 1757 he was appointed agent to go to London to demand that the proprietor submit his estates to be taxed. In the _Report of the Committee of Aggrievances of the Assembly of Pennsylvania_[i-267] (Feb. 22, 1757) it was charged that the proprietor had violated the royal charter and the colonists' civil rights as Englishmen, and had abrogated their natural rights, rights "inherent in every man, antecedent to all laws."[i-268] Later it was but a short step from provincial matters to colonial rights of revolution. In this _Report_ we see Franklin associated for the first time expressly with the throne-and-altar-defying concept of natural rights. Although we have yet to review the evidence which shows that Franklin at one stage in his political career was an arch-imperialist, we need to digress to observe an intellectual factor which, if only fragmentarily expressed in his political thought during his activities in behalf of Pennsylvania liberties, was to become a momentous sanction when during the war he became a diplomat of revolution. From the Stoics, from Cicero, Grotius, Puffendorf, Burlamaqui, and as Rev. Jonathan Mayhew[i-269] observes, from Plato and Demosthenes, from Sidney, Milton, Hoadley, and Locke; in addition, from Gordon and Trenchard (see _Cato's Letters_ and _The Independent Whig_), Blackstone, Coke--from these and many others, the colonists derived a pattern of thought known as natural rights, dependent on natural law.[i-270] There is no better summary of natural rights than the Declaration of Independence; and of it John Adams remarked: "There is not an idea in it but what has been hackneyed in Congress for two years before."[i-271] Carl Becker pointedly observes: "Where Jefferson got his ideas is hardly so much a question as where he could have got away from them."[i-272] A characteristic summary of natural law may be found in Blackstone's _Commentaries_:[i-273] This law of nature being coeval with mankind, and dictated by God himself, is of course superior in obligation to any other. It is binding over all the globe, in all countries and at all times: no human laws are of any validity, if contrary to this; and such of them as are valid derive all their force and all their authority, mediately or immediately, from this original.[i-274] Discoverable only by reason, natural laws are immutable and universal, apprehensible by all men. As Hamilton wrote, The origin of all civil government, justly established, must be a voluntary compact between the rulers and the ruled, and must be liable to such limitations as are necessary for the security of the _absolute rights_ of the latter; for what original title can any man, or set of men, have to govern others, except their own consent? To usurp dominion over a people in their own despite, or to grasp at a more extensive power than they are willing to intrust, is to violate that law of nature which gives every man a right to his personal liberty, and can therefore confer no obligation to obedience.[i-275] In a pre-social state, real or hypothetical, men possess certain natural rights, the crown of them, according to Locke,[i-276] being "the mutual preservation of their lives, liberties, and estates, which I call by the general name, property." In entering the social state men through free consent are willing to sacrifice fragments of their natural rights in order to gain civil rights. This process would seem tyrannical were one to forget that the surrender is sanctioned by the principle of consent. Men in sacrificing their rights expect from society (i.e., the governors) civil rights and, in addition, protection of their unsurrendered natural rights. A voluntary compact is achieved between the governor and the governed. If laws are fabricated which contravene these, the governed have retained for themselves the right of forcible resistance. A natural inference from these premises is that sovereignty rests with the people. In the colonies this secular social compact was buttressed by the principle of covenants and natural rights within the churches. Sermons became "textbooks of politics."[i-277] Miss Baldwin has ably illustrated how before 1763 the clergy in Franklin's native New England had popularized the "doctrines of natural right, the social contract, and the right of resistance" as well as "the fundamental principle of American constitutional law, that government, like its citizens, is bounded by law and when it transcends its authority it acts illegally."[i-278] In an oration commemorating the Boston massacre Dr. Benjamin Church stated the principle of the compact: "A sense of their wants and weakness in a state of nature, doubtless inclined them to such reciprocal aids and support, as eventually established society."[i-279] Defining liberty as "the happiness of living under laws of our own making by our personal consent or that of our representatives,"[i-280] he warned that any breach of trust in the governor "effectually absolves subjects from every bond of covenant and peace."[i-281] Then, too, Newtonian science buttressed the principle of natural rights. Sir Isaac Newton demonstrated mathematically that the universe was governed by a fagot of immutable, universal, and harmonious physical laws. These were capable of being apprehended through reason. Now even as reason discovered the matchless physical harmony, so could reason, men argued, ferret out unvarying, universal principles of social-political rights. These principles constituted natural rights, natural to the extent that all men had the power, if not the capacity, to discover and learn them through use of their native reason. Newton demonstrated the validity of physical law: Locke sanctioned the supremacy of reason. Since Franklin was himself motivated by Newtonian rationalism and was a student of Locke, there is reason to believe that he was vibrantly aware of the extent to which the scientific-rationalistic ideology lent sanction to man's timeless quest for the certitude of "natural rights," antecedent to all laws. Franklin's mission to London in 1757 as Pennsylvania agent may be understood through an examination of _An Historical Review of the Constitution and Government of Pennsylvania_ (London, 1759).[i-282] If not written by him, at least "the ideas are his." Convinced that the proprietors "seem to have no regard to the Publick Welfare, so the private Point may be gained--'Tis like Firing a House to have Opportunity of stealing a Trencher,"[i-283] Franklin knew that a brilliant attack had to be made were he to intimidate the proprietary government into assuming its charter responsibilities and granting the colonists what they considered to be inviolable rights. By 1758 his "Patience with the Proprietors is almost tho' not quite spent."[i-284] A few months later, impatient with unresponsive officials, he wrote to Joseph Galloway: "God knows when we shall see it finish'd, and our Constitution settled firmly on the Foundation of Equity and English Liberty: But I am not discouraged; and only wish my Constituents may have the Patience that I have, and that I find will be absolutely necessary."[i-285] In 1759 Franklin still found the proprietors "obscure, uncertain and evasive," and was acutely virulent in despising Rev. William Smith, who was in London attacking him and the Quaker Assembly's demands.[i-286] In the same letter to Galloway he uttered a thought which he sought to develop during his second trip to London as Assembly agent in 1764: "For my part, I must own, I am tired of Proprietary Government, and heartily wish for that of the Crown." Turning to _An Historical Review_ to learn the political principles sanctioning the Assembly's grievances against its feudal lords, one finds that the colonists conceived it "our duty to defend the rights and privileges we enjoy under the royal charter."[i-287] Secondly, they reminded the lords that the laws agreed upon in England (prior to the settling of Pennsylvania) were "of the nature of an original compact between the proprietary and the freemen, and as such were reciprocally received and executed."[i-288] Thirdly, they demanded the right to exercise the "birthright of every British subject," "to have a property of [their] own, in [their] estate, person, and reputation; subject only to laws enacted by [their] own concurrence, either in person or by [their] representatives."[i-289] Fourthly, they resisted the proprietors on basis of their possession of natural rights, "antecedent to all laws."[i-290] The editor of the protest charged that "It is the cause of every man who deserves to be free, everywhere."[i-291] It is ironic that this grievance should have enjoyed the sanction of one who, like Lord Chatham, was an empire builder, one who proudly wrote, "I am a Briton," and even during the time he sought to retrieve the Pennsylvania colonists' lost natural rights, entertained the ideas of a British imperialist. Franklin little saw that the internal Pennsylvania struggle was to be contagious, that the provincial revolt was motivated partially at least by political theories which were to be given expression _par excellence_ when a discontented minority created the Declaration of Independence. In 1760 Franklin had the satisfaction of witnessing the victory of the Assembly over the Proprietors, although he was not unaware that the right to tax feudal lands was less than that right he had already envisioned--the right to become a royal colony.[i-292] But Franklin's pleas for charter, constitutional, and natural rights may be misleading if one considers his position as suggestive of doctrinaire republicanism, of Paine's "Government is the badge of our lost innocence," or of Shelley's Kings, priests, and statesmen blast the human flower. His political activities assert the rights of the governed against the governor; his writings often indirectly suggest the intemperance of the governed, and the need for something more lasting than mere outer freedom. Like Coleridge, who wrote: [Man] may not hope from outward forms to win The passion and the life, whose fountains are within, white-locked Father Abraham harangued: The Taxes are indeed very heavy, and if those laid on by the Government were the only Ones we had to pay, we might more easily discharge them; but we have many others, and much more grievous to some of us. We are taxed twice as much by our _Idleness_, three times as much by our _Pride_, and four times as much by our _Folly_; and from these Taxes the Commissioners cannot ease or deliver us by allowing an Abatement.[i-293] With solid good sense Franklin acknowledged that "happiness in this life rather depends on internals than externals."[i-294] His purpose for being in London accomplished, Franklin wrote _The Interest of Great Britain Considered with Regard to Her Colonies, and the Acquisitions of Canada and Guadaloupe_ (1760). Since "there is evidence that the pamphlet created much contemporary interest,"[i-295] Franklin undoubtedly had some influence in causing the retention of Canada, a retention which "made the American Revolution inevitable."[i-296] If the release from French terrorism caused the colonists to become myopic toward advantages lent them as a British colony, it is appropriate in view of Franklin's later advocacy of independence and ironic in view of his then imperialistic principles, that he should have written _The Interest of Great Britain_. Here Franklin, later to be a propagandist of revolution, cast himself in the role of architect of a vast empire. For economic reasons, and for colonial safety, he urged the retention, ridiculing the charge that the colonies were lying in wait to declare their independence from England, if the French were cast out from Canada. Back in Pennsylvania in 1764 he declared the provincial government "running fast into anarchy and confusion."[i-297] In his _Cool Thoughts on the Present Situation of Our Public Affairs_ (1764) he set up a sturdy antagonism between "Proprietary Interest and Power, and Popular Liberty." Unlike the "lunatic fringe" of liberals who see "Popular Liberty compatible only with a tendency toward anarchy" Franklin urged that the Pennsylvania government lacked "Authority enough to keep the common Peace."[i-298] The constitutional nature of proprietary government had lost dignity and hence "suffers in the Opinion of the People, and with it the Respect necessary to keep up the Authority of Government." Almost Burkean in his apology for change, he suggested that the popular party demand "rather and only a Change of Governor, that is, instead of self-interested Proprietaries, a gracious King!" His _Narrative of the Late Massacres in Lancaster County_[i-299] is a bloody tribute to the lack of authority and police power of the current regime. The _Petition to the King_ for a royal governor maintained that, torn by "armed Mobs," the government was "weak, unable to support its own Authority, and maintain the common internal Peace of the Province."[i-300] While petitioning for a crown colony, he found himself in 1765 faced with a larger than provincial interest--Lord Grenville's Stamp Act forced him into the role of one seeking definition of colonial status. Such was his position in his examination (1766) before the House of Commons relative to the repeal of the Stamp Act. Almost brusquely he told his catechizers that even a moderated stamp act could not be enforced "unless compelled by force of arms."[i-301] With a preface asserting that colonials before 1763 were proud to be called Old-England men, he summarized: "The authority of parliament was allowed to be valid in all laws, except such as should lay internal taxes. It was never disputed in laying duties to regulate commerce."[i-302] Parliament, in the colonial view, had no right to lay internal taxes because "we are not represented there." Mr. Merriam observes that in advancing this legal and constitutional issue, the colonists "had in short an antiquated theory as to the position and power of Parliament, and a premature theory of Parliamentary representation."[i-303] Franklin referred to the Pennsylvania colonial charter to prove that all that was asked for was the "privileges and liberties of Englishmen." When the examiners asked whether the colonists appealing to the Magna Charta and constitutional rights of Englishmen could not with equal force "object to the parliament's right of external taxation," Franklin with cautious ambiguity declared: "They never have hitherto."[i-304] Franklin's skill in upholding tenuous, almost "metaphysical," constitutional grievances (grievances, however, which were not upheld by constitutional legalists in England) captivated Edmund Burke's imagination: Franklin appeared to him like a schoolmaster catechizing a pack of unruly schoolboys. Conservative in his omission of any appeal to "natural rights," he was radical in his legalistic distinctions between parliamentary rights to levy certain kinds of taxes. His position in 1766 and for several years following was one of seeking legal definitions of the colonial status. Considering the popular excesses in the colonies, Franklin's view was anything but illiberally radical. Trying to counteract "the general Rage against America, artfully work'd up by the Grenville Faction,"[i-305] fearful that the unthinking rabble in the colonies might demonstrate too lustily against duties and the redcoats,[i-306] Franklin saw, as a result of the constitutional dilemma, the true extent of the fracture: But after all, I doubt People in Government here will never be satisfied without some Revenue from America, nor America ever satisfy'd with their imposing it; so that Disputes will from this Circumstance besides others, be perpetually arising, till there is a consolidating union of the whole.[i-307] His chief demand was for a less ambiguous relation between the mother and her offspring, for a unified, pacific commonwealth empire. Until he left for the colonies in 1775, he tirelessly sought through conversation, conference, and articles[i-308] sent to the British press (in addition he "reprinted everything from America" that he "thought might help our Common Cause") to reiterate patiently the colonies' "Charter liberties,"[i-309] their abhorrence of Parliament-imposed internal taxes, and the quartering of red-coated battalions. Constantly hoping for a favorable Ministry (of a Lord Rockingham or a Shelburne), and bemoaning the physical infirmities of Pitt which rendered him politically impotent, Franklin felt almost romantically confident at first of a change that must come. All the while, like Merlin's gleam, visions of a world-encircling British empire haunted the Pennsylvania tradesman. A letter to Barbeu Dubourg discloses at once his belief in an imperial federation[i-310] and in the sovereignty of the colonial assemblies: "In fact, the British empire is not a single state; it comprehends many; and, though the Parliament of Great Britain has arrogated to itself the power of taxing the colonies, it has no more right to do so, than it has to tax Hanover. We have the same King, but not the same legislatures."[i-311] Marginalia by Franklin's hand in an anti-colonial pamphlet written by Dean Tucker indicate how completely he (and here he represented colonial, not private, opinion) had failed to see the growth of parliamentary power: "These Writers against the Colonies all bewilder themselves by supposing the Colonies _within the Realm_, which is not the case, nor ever was."[i-312] By 1774 Franklin had discovered the futility of his imperialistic illusions: ministries, fearing the siren colonies, had blocked their ears with wax. The Pennsylvanian knew that "Divine Providence first infatuates the power it designs to ruin."[i-313] He who had wished for an empire as harmoniously companied as the orbited harmony of celestial bodies lamented while on his way to America in 1775 that "so glorious a Fabric as the present British Empire [was] to be demolished by these Blunderers."[i-314] Broken was "that fine and noble China Vase, the British Empire."[i-315] In 1774 he would have gained little cheer from William Livingston's opinion (uttered in 1768): "I take it that clamour is at present our best policy."[i-316] His sense of defeat was aggravated by that ugly scene in the Cockpit in 1774 when Wedderburn bespattered the taciturn colonial agent with foul invective. It had been charged that Franklin, the postmaster, had purloined[i-317] letters of Governor Hutchinson and Lieutenant Governor Oliver of Massachusetts and had sent them back to the colonies as proof of the colonists' contention that the royal governors were hostile to their colonial subjects. He whom (as Lord Chatham said) "all Europe held in high Estimation for his Knowledge and Wisdom, and rank'd with our Boyles and Newtons," was decked by Wedderburn "with the choicest flowers of Billingsgate." In the presence of Lord Shelburne, Lord North, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Edmund Burke, Jeremy Bentham, and Priestley, Franklin, "motionless and silent," bore the harangue of the solicitor general for a full three hours.[i-318] Franklin's eloquent mock humility inspired Horace Walpole to write: Sarcastic Sawney, swol'n with spite and prate, On silent Franklin poured his venal hate. The calm philosopher, without reply, Withdrew, and gave his country liberty. As propagandist for legislative freedom, Franklin, appealing for sanction to legalistic and constitutional liberty more than to natural rights, was no more radical than Edmund Burke. If ever an extreme democrat, Franklin had yet by 1775 to become one. Temperamentally hostile to "drunken electors," the "madness of mobs," he held a patrician attitude toward authority. Earlier, in 1768, he had written from London: "All respect to law and government seems to be lost among the common people, who are moreover continually inflamed by seditious scribblers, to trample on authority and every thing that used to keep them in order."[i-319] To Georgiana Shipley he sent (_Epitaph_ on Squirrel Mungo's death) this Miltonic and unrepublican sentiment: Learn hence, Ye who blindly seek more liberty, Whether subjects, sons, squirrels or daughters, That apparent restraint may be real protection Yielding peace and plenty With security.[i-320] In 1771 he indicted Parliament in a letter to Joseph Galloway: "Its Censures are no more regarded than Popes' Bulls. It is despis'd for its Venality, and abominated for its Injustice." But he hastened to show that he had no illusions that men are natively pure, that only governments are wicked. With almost a Hamiltonian distrust of the public ranks he wrote: "And yet it is not clear that the People deserve a better Parliament, since they are themselves full as corrupt and venal: witness the Sums they accept for their Votes at almost every Election."[i-321] Back in the colonies, Franklin remained just long enough to help form a constitution for Pennsylvania,[i-322] and to aid Jefferson in writing the Declaration of Independence.[i-323] After the royal governors had dissolved the assemblies and the Continental Congress urged the colonies to form their own constitutions, Franklin assumed leadership in his state and helped to compose a constitution less conservative than those of most of the other colonies.[i-324] Created between July 15 and Sept. 28, 1776, essentially by one who had just worked on and signed the Declaration of Independence, it is not strange that the dominant ideology of this constitution--that of natural rights, the compact theory, and consent of the governed--should be like that of the Declaration. The new constitution has been called the "most democratic constitution yet seen in America."[i-325] The unicameral legislature, the assembly of representatives, the plan of judicial review of laws every seven years, and other features have been looked upon as demonstrating the dangerous ultra-democratic tendencies of Franklin. The revolutionary Benjamin Rush, who had helped Paine with _Common Sense_, was dismayed because, in his view, Pennsylvania "has substituted mob government for one of the happiest governments in the world.... A single legislature is big with tyranny. I had rather live under the government of one man than of seventy-two."[i-326] One wonders to what extent Franklin was responsible for the unicameral legislature when we know that it "was the natural outcome of Penn's ideas of government as embodied in his various charters."[i-327] The plural executive, the right of freemen to form their militia and elect their own officers, the extension of male suffrage, and other innovations in this constitution were of a radical nature in as far as the populace were given greater liberties and responsibilities than ever before in the colonies. It seems almost incredible that the patrician-minded Franklin, with his Puritan heritage, should have thus almost hurriedly cast himself at the feet of the people. Certain extenuating factors may be mentioned in an attempt not to gloss over but to understand the violent antithesis between Franklin the imperialist and Franklin the revolutionist. To what extent did his antipathy for proprietary governors, as well as the general colonial experience with governors, suggest a joint executive of a council and governor?[i-328] Since his experience as a Whig propagandist had been to exalt colonial legislatures, to what extent did he see in the unicameral form a plan which would give freest movement to the legislative activity? Prior to 1776 there is little that would suggest that Franklin had any confidence in men, _unchecked_.[i-329] Yet it is difficult to show that, in the first flush of indignation against England and revolutionary enthusiasm, Franklin did not favor for a time distinctly radical tendencies. In 1776 he left, as he wrote to Jan Ingenhousz, "to procure those aids from European powers, for enabling us to defend our freedom and independence."[i-330] He who had "been a Servant to many publicks, thro' a long life" went to Passy, where from the Hôtel de Valentinois of M. Roy de Chaumont he was to direct financial efforts calculated, with Washington's generalship, and the assiduous loyalty of a minority group, to win the Revolution. Welcomed as the apotheosis of "les Insurgens,"[i-331] he was virtually deified; as Turgot expressed it, _Eripuit caelo fulmen sceptrumque tyrannis_. The universality of his vogue in France was primarily due to his deistic naturalism, his wily pleading and activities in behalf of colonial independence, the receptivity of the Gallic mind for any marten-capped child of the New World, and to his scientific thought and experimentation which had fortified Reason in purging the unknown of its terror, helping thus to make the _philosophe_ at home in his reasonable world. Three weeks after Franklin arrived in France, one Frenchman said that "it is the mode today for everybody to have an engraving of M. Franklin over the mantelpiece."[i-332] France overnight became Franklinist when the savant came to dwell at Passy. Even before the victory of Yorktown he became _la mode_. It was to be his success to convert France's unrecognized alliance with the colonies to an open and undisguised alliance, perhaps even to war with England.[i-333] But even for one who enjoyed, as John Adams wrote, a reputation "more universal than that of Leibnitz or Newton, Frederick or Voltaire,"[i-334] it was to be a difficult task to manipulate a Beaumarchais, a Vergennes, and others, in spite of the well-known and inveterate economic and political grievances which the French held for the English. The virtues he stressed in the _Morals of Chess_ he was able to translate into a diplomatic mien, uniting "perfect silence" with a "generous civility." As a result, his record as minister to France is marked by complete success; but for this "it is by no means certain that American independence would have been achieved until many years later."[i-335] Plagued by Frenchmen desiring places in the colonial army, feted by the _philosophes_, sorely vexed by the need for settling countless maritime affairs, embracing and embraced by the venerable Voltaire, corresponding with Hartley concerning exchange of prisoners, shaping alliances and treaties, conducting scientific experiments, investigating Mesmer, intrigued by balloon ascensions, made the darling of several salons, associating in the Lodge of the Nine Sisters with Bailly, Bonneville, Warville, Condorcet, Danton, Desmoulins, D'Auberteuil, Pétion, Saint-Étienne, Sieyès, and others, all men who helped to give shape (or shapelessness) to the French Revolution,[i-336] Franklin found little time to search for that philosophic repose which he had long coveted. It may be extravagant to say that Franklin was the "Creator of Constitutionalism in Europe,"[i-337] but we know that in 1783 he printed the colonial constitutions for continental distribution.[i-338] It has been suggested that Franklin was an important formative factor in Condorcet's faith in universal suffrage, a unicameral legislature, and the liberties guaranteed by constitutional law.[i-339] Then, too, Franklin had signed the Declaration of Independence--a document which the French hailed as the "restoration of humanity's title deeds."[i-340] The Duc de la Rochefoucauld eulogized the unicameral legislature of Pennsylvania, identifying "this grand idea" and its "maximum of simplicity" as Franklin's creation.[i-341] Fauchet eulogized him as "one of the foremost builders of our sacred constitution."[i-342] Along with Helvétius, Mably, Rousseau, and Voltaire, Franklin was considered as one who laid the foundations for the French revolution.[i-343] Franklin's taciturnity, his "art of listening," his diplomatic reserve, do not suggest a volatile iconoclast doing anything consciously to bring about a republican France. This did not prevent him from becoming a symbol of liberty by his mere presence in the land, stimulating patriots to examine the foundations of the tyrannical authority which they saw or imagined enslaving them. Holding no brief for natural equality, Franklin suggested that "quiet and regular Subordination" is "so necessary to Success."[i-344] Realist that he was, he became almost obsessed with the innate depravity of men until he was doubtful whether "the Species were really worth producing or preserving."[i-345] One would not be considered excessively republican who inveighed against the "collected passions, prejudices, and private interests" of collective legislative bodies.[i-346] He wrote to Caleb Whitefoord: "It is unlucky ... that the Wise and Good should be as mortal as Common People and that they often die before others are found fit to supply their Places."[i-347] The great proportion of mankind, weak and selfish, need "the Motives of Religion to restrain them from Vice."[i-348] No less extreme than J. Q. Adams's retort to Paine's _Rights of Man_, that it is anarchic to trust government "to the custody of a lawless and desperate rabble," was Franklin's distrust of the unthinking majority.[i-349] Having helped to free the colonies, Franklin fittingly became, if not one of the fathers of the Constitution, then, due to the serenity with which he helped to moderate the plans of extremists on both sides, at least its godfather. If, as Mr. James M. Beck asserts, the success of the Constitution has been the result of its approximation of the golden mean, between monarchy and anarchy, the section and the nation, the small and the large state, then its success may be attributed not a little to Franklin's genius.[i-350] After small and large states had waged a fruitless struggle over congressional representation, Franklin spoke: The diversity of opinion turns on two points. If a proportional representation takes place, the small States contend that their liberties will be in danger. If an equality of votes is to be put in its place, the large States say their money will be in danger. When a broad table is to be made, and the edges the artist takes a little from both, and makes a good joint.[i-351] The former imperialist could not logically become a state rights advocate. Engrossed essentially in "promoting and securing the common Good,"[i-352] he derided the advantage the greater state would have, asserting that he "was originally of Opinion it would be better if every Member of Congress, or our national Council, were to consider himself rather as a Representative of the whole, than as an Agent for the Interests of a particular State." When Mr. Randolph considered, To negative all laws, passed by the several States, contravening, in the opinion of the national legislature, the articles of union: (the following words were added to this clause on motion of Mr. Franklin, "or any Treaties subsisting under the authority of the union.")[i-353] This is anything but the corollary of a defender of state rights. Franklin was convinced that the permanence of the national view alone could prevent federal anarchy. Addressing himself to the problem of delegated authority Madison observed: "This prerogative of the General Govt. is the great pervading principle that must controul the centrifugal tendency of the States; which, without it, will continually fly out of their proper orbits and destroy the order & harmony of the political system."[i-354] One is tempted to see here Newton's principle of gravity translated into terms of political nationalism; one wonders whether it is probable that (like Madison's) Franklin's emphasis on the harmony of the whole could have been partly conditioned by the cohesiveness and harmony of universal physical laws incarnate in Newtonian physics, of which he was a master. Franklin was "apprehensive ...--perhaps too apprehensive,--that the Government of these States may in future times end in a Monarchy."[i-355] He suggested that moderate rather than kingly salaries paid the chief executive would tend to allay this danger. Between Randolph, who belabored a single executive as the "foetus of monarchy," and Wilson, who harbored it as the "best safeguard against tyranny," stood Franklin, who saw it as subversive of democratic sovereignty but not necessarily fatal. He declared himself emphatically against the motion that the executive have a complete negative.[i-356] Extolling popular sovereignty, he warned that "In free Governments the rulers are the servants, and the people their superiors & sovereigns."[i-357] He refused to consider a plan which sought to establish a franchise only for freeholders: "It is of great consequence that we shd. not depress the virtue & public spirit of our common people; of which they displayed a great deal during the war, and which contributed principally to the favorable issue of it."[i-358] Pinckney had made a motion that rulers should have unencumbered estates: Doctr Franklin expressed his dislike of every thing that tended to debase the spirit of the common people. If honesty was often the companion of wealth, and if poverty was exposed to peculiar temptation, it was not less true that the possession of property increased the desire of more property--[i-359].... This Constitution will be much read and attended to in Europe, and if it should betray a great partiality to the rich--will not only hurt us in the esteem of the most liberal and enlightened men there, but discourage the common people from removing to this Country.[i-360] Pinckney's motion was rejected. Franklin within the Convention did not seem to fear Gerry's threat--"the evils we experience flow from the excess of democracy."[i-361] Franklin suggested the adoption of a unicameral legislature, but does not seem to have made any struggle for it. His article of 1789 in defense of the Pennsylvania (unicameral) legislature, however, shows that he clung to the principle as firmly as he had in 1776.[i-362] He questioned: "The Wisdom of a few Members in one single Legislative Body, may it not frequently stifle bad Motions in their Infancy, and so prevent their being adopted?" In addition the bicameral house is cumbersome and provocative of delay. Little is known of Franklin's attitude toward the violent controversy attendant upon efforts toward ratification. In his _Ancient Jews and Anti-Federalists_[i-363] he warned the traducers of the new Constitution against voiding an instrument which in his opinion was as sound as the frailty of human reason would allow it to be. In fact, said he, it "astonishes me, ... to find this system approaching so near to perfection as it does."[i-364] He may be said to have been anti-federalistic to the extent that he feared a strong executive, guarded jealously the legislative sphere, worried little about checks and balances, sought to accelerate popular sovereignty; he was federalistic to the extent that he opposed state localism with national sovereignty, was not blind to the depravity of human nature and hence felt the need for a vigorous coercive government. To M. Le Veillard he confessed an almost Hamiltonian distrust of the multitude: The Constitution "has ... met with great opposition in some States, for we are at present a nation of politicians. And, though there is a general dread of giving too much power to our _governors_, I think we are more in danger from too little obedience in the _governed_."[i-365] He made the same complaint a year later: "We have been guarding against an evil that old States are most liable to, _excess of power_ in the rulers, but our present danger seems to be _defect of obedience_ in the subjects."[i-366] It is difficult to reconcile his inveterate distrust of men with his activity in behalf of an almost universal franchise, reluctance to sanction the principle of checks and balances, and belief in a unicameral legislature; it is difficult to reconcile the Plutarchan fervor with which he advocated the wisdom of following great leaders with his fear of a vigorous executive. It is not improbable that those ideas which are generally anti-federalistic in Franklin's political view are in part the result of his hatred of proprietary abuses which he witnessed as a provincial statesman during his middle age. VII. FRANKLIN AS SCIENTIST AND DEIST Jan Ingenhousz, the celebrated physician to Maria Theresa of Austria, wrote a letter to Franklin on May 3, 1780, which doubtless caused the patriarch of Passy to reflect--not without sadness of heart--on the diversified fortune which time and circumstance had devised for him. The physician (no friend to the American revolution) implored Franklin not to abandon "entirely the world Nature whose laws made by the supreme wisdom and is constant and unalterable as its legislature himself [_sic_]." Ingenhousz lamented that Franklin, "a Philosopher so often and so successfully employed in researches of the most intricate and the most mysterious operations of Nature,"[i-367] should have given his time to politics. Franklin is now most commonly viewed as a utilitarian moralist, a successful tradesman and printer, a shrewd propagandist and financier, the diplomat of the Revolution, and if at all as a scientist, then only as a virtuoso, fashioning devices, such as open stoves, bifocal spectacles, and lightning rods, for practical uses. Probably few general readers are aware that Franklin was a disinterested scientist in the sense that he interrogated nature with an eye to discovering its immutable laws. It is conversely supposed that Franklin himself was unaware of any inclination to pursue natural science to the exclusion of those political achievements which have identified him as one of the wiliest and sagest diplomats of the Enlightenment. It may be learned, however (not without astonishment), that Franklin almost from the beginning of his participation in politics resented the time given over to such activities, as so much time lost to his speculations and research in natural science. As early as 1752 he wistfully (though realistically) confessed that "business sometimes obliges one to postpone philosophical amusements."[i-368] A month after this, he wrote to Cadwallader Colden: "I congratulate you on the prospect you have, of passing the remainder of life in philosophical retirement."[i-369] In the midst of investigating waterspouts, he observed to John Perkins: "How much soever my Inclinations lead me to philosophical Inquiries, I am so engag'd in Business, public and private, that those more pleasing pursuits [of natural science] are frequently interrupted...."[i-370] He urged Dr. John Fothergill to give himself "repose, delight in viewing the Operations of nature in the vegetable creation."[i-371] In 1765, upon completing his negotiations in behalf of the Pennsylvania Assembly, he promised Lord Kames that he would "engage in no other" political affairs.[i-372] To the notable professor of physics of the University of Turin, Giambatista Beccaria, he wrote in 1768 from London (where he had sought to have the Stamp Act rescinded) that he had to "take away entirely" his "attention from philosophical matters, though I have constantly cherished the hope of returning home where I could find leisure to resume the studies that I have shamefully put off from time to time."[i-373] Again, in 1779, he confessed to Beccaria: "I find myself here [Passy] immers'd in Affairs, which absorb my Attention, and prevent my pursuing those Studies in which I always found the highest Satisfaction; and I am now grown so old, as hardly to hope for a Return of that Leisure and Tranquillity so necessary for Philosophical Disquisitions."[i-374] He longed (in 1782) to have Congress release him so that he might "spend the Evening of Life more agreeably in philosophic [devoted to natural science] Leisure."[i-375] He who, John Winthrop claimed, "was good at starting Game for Philosophers,"[i-376] acknowledged that he had thrown himself on the public, which, "having as it were eaten my flesh, seemed now resolved to pick my bones."[i-377] Reverend Manasseh Cutler visited Franklin a few months before the patriarch's death. They ardently discussed botany, Franklin boyish in his eagerness to show the Reverend Mr. Cutler a massive book, containing "the whole of Linnaeus' Systema Vegetabilies." "The Doctor seemed extremely fond, through the course of the visit, of dwelling on Philosophical subjects, and particularly that of natural History, while the other Gentlemen were swallowed up with politics."[i-378] In a fictitious (?) conversation between Joseph II of Austria and Franklin, the Newton of electricity is reported as explaining that he was early in life attracted by natural philosophy: "Necessity afterwards made me a politician.... I was Franklin, the _Philosopher_ to the world, long after I had in fact, become Franklin the Politician."[i-379] After reviewing the evidence, it seems incredulous to doubt that, regardless of his achievements in other fields, Franklin sought his greatest intellectual pleasure in scientific research and speculation, and that his doctrines of scientific deism antedated and conditioned his political, economic, and humanitarian interests. If Franklin's inventions have been justly praised, his affections for the empirical scientific method and his philosophic interest in Nature's laws have been unjustly ignored. He observed to Ebenezer Kinnersley "that a philosopher cannot be too much on his guard in crediting their ["careless observers'"] relations of things extraordinary, and should never build an hypothesis on any thing but clear facts and experiments, or it will be in danger of soon falling ... like a house of cards";[i-380] and to Abbé Soulavie, "You see I have given a loose to imagination; but I approve much more your method of philosophizing, which proceeds upon actual observation, makes a collection of facts, and concludes no farther than those facts will warrant."[i-381] In 1782 he wrote to Sir Joseph Banks, president of the Royal Society, that he longed to "sit down in sweet Society with my English philosophic Friends, communicating to each other new Discoveries, and proposing Improvements of old ones; all tending to extend the Power of Man over Matter, avert or diminish the Evils he is subject to, or augment the Number of his Enjoyments."[i-382] A careful study of his scientific papers discloses that he was not untrained in the method of hypotheses sustained or rejected by patient and laborious experimentation: not fortuitously did he arrive at conclusions in electricity, which were epochal in (1) "His rejection of the two-fluid theory of electricity and substitution of the one-fluid theory; (2) his coinage of the appropriate terms _positive_ and _negative_, to denote an excess or a deficit of the common electric fluid; (3) his explanation of the Leyden jar, and, notably, his recognition of the paramount rôle played by the glass or dielectric; (4) his experimental demonstration of the identity of lightning and electricity; and (5) his invention of the lightning conductor for the protection of life and property, together with his clear statement of its preventive and protective functions."[i-383] Not only an inventor, Franklin inductively observed natural phenomena, and drew conclusions until he had created a virtual _Principia_ of electricity. His contemporaries were not loath to honor him as a second Newton. Franklin, however, was in all of his researches under a self-confessed yoke which doubtless tended to deny him access to the profoundest reaches of scientific inquiry: from Philadelphia he wrote in 1753 to Cadwallader Colden, eminent mathematician (as well as versatile scientist): "Your skill & Expertness in Mathematical Computations, will afford you an Advantage in these Disquisitions [among them, researches in electricity], that I lament the want of, who am like a Man searching for some thing in a dark Room where I can only grope and guess; while you proceed with a Candle in your Hand."[i-384] In an effort to learn the _modus operandi_ of Franklin's philosophic thought, let us now review its genetic development, its probable sources, its relation to scientific deism, and the degree to which he achieved that serene repose for which he ever strove. A pioneer American rationalist, not without his claims to being "another Voltaire," Franklin as a youth read those works which were forming or interpreting the thought patterns of the age. Born in an epoch presided over by a Locke and a Newton, an epoch of rationalism and "supernatural" rationalism, alike fed by physico-mathematical speculation. Franklin, barely beyond adolescence, felt the impacts of the age of reason. Scholars before and since M. M. Curtis have explained that "in religion he was a Deist of the type of Lord Herbert of Cherbury."[i-385] M. Faÿ has sought, without convincing documentary evidence, to interpret Franklin's philosophic mind in terms of Pythagoreanism.[i-386] We may find that these views are over simple and historically inadequate--even wrong. Franklin was reared "piously in the Dissenting way"[i-387] by a "pious and prudent" Calvinistic father who died as he lived, with "entire Dependence on his Redeemer."[i-388] "Religiously educated as a Presbyterian,"[i-389] young Benjamin was taught that _Major est Scripturae auctoritas quam omnis humani ingenü capacitas_. He was nurtured on the Bible and "books in polemic divinity," and he regularly attended services at the Old South Church. Doubtless without reflection he was led to identify goodness with the church and its worship. He was a part of New England's bibliolatry. Not long before he was apprenticed to his brother James he read Cotton Mather's _Bonifacius--An Essay upon the Good that is to be Devised and Designed by those who desire to Answer the Great End of Life, and to do good while they live_, and Defoe's _Essays upon Several Projects: or Effectual Ways for Advancing the Interests of the Nation_. He confessed in 1784 that _Bonifacius_ "gave me such a turn of thinking, as to have an influence on my conduct through life; for I have always set a greater value on the character of a _doer of good_ than on any other kind of reputation."[i-390] Mather, as an exponent of Christian charity, urged that man help his neighbors "with a rapturous assiduity,"[i-391] that he may discover the "ravishing satisfaction which he might find in relieving the distresses of a poor miserable neighbor."[i-392] It is ironic that Mather should have apparently aided a young man to divorce himself from the strenuous subtleties of theology. (Franklin was too young to gather that Mather circumspectly warned against a covenant of works, and hence was Pauline in his advocacy of _charity_ rather than of humanitarianism.) And from Defoe's _Essays_ Franklin received more than a penchant for projects. Like Mather, Defoe observed that "God Almighty has commanded us to relieve and help one another in distress."[i-393] Defoe seemed to young Franklin to dwell on fellow-service--to promise that the good man need not have understood all of the dogma of Old South meetinghouse. Apprenticed to James, Franklin admitted that he "now had access to better books."[i-394] Whatever the extent of James's library in 1718, by 1722 the _New England Courant_ collection included Burnet's _History of the Reformation_, _Theory of the Earth_, the _Spectator_ papers, _The Guardian_, _Art of Thinking_ [Du Port Royal], _The Tale of a Tub_, and the writings of Tillotson.[i-395] After reading most probably in these, and, as we are told, in Tryon's _Way to Health_, Xenophon's _Memorabilia_, digests of some of Boyle's lectures, Anthony Collins, Locke, and Shaftesbury, Franklin became in his Calvinist religion a "real doubter."[i-396] He became at the age of sixteen, as a result of reading Boyle's Lectures,[i-397] a "thorough Deist."[i-398] We cannot be certain of the Lectures read by Franklin, but we may observe Bentley's _Folly of Atheism_ (1692) and Derham's _Physico-Theology_ (1711-1712), which are representative of the series provided for by Boyle. Like Mather's _The Christian Philosopher_ (1721)[i-399] they both employ science and rationalism to reinforce (never as equivalent to or substitute for) scriptural theology. Fed by Newtonian physics, Bentley discovers in gravity "the great basis of all mechanism," the "immediate _fiat_ and finger of God, and the executions of the divine law."[i-400] Gravity, "the powerful cement which holds together this magnificent structure of the world,"[i-401] is the result of the Deity "who _always acts geometrically_." Borrowing from Cockburne, Ray, Bentley, and Fénelon, Derham offers likewise to prove the existence and operations of the Workman from his Work.[i-402] It is unlikely that Boyle's Lectures (characterized by orthodox rationalism, augmented by Newtonianism) would alone have precipitated in Franklin a "thorough deism." Not improbably Locke, Shaftesbury, and Anthony Collins (whom Franklin mentions reading) were most militant in overthrowing his inherited bibliolatry. Although he does not say exactly which of Collins's works he read, Collins's rationale is repeated clearly enough in any one of his pieces. Warring against "crack-brain'd Enthusiasts," the "prodigious Ignorance" and "Impositions of Priests," against defective scriptural texts, Collins defends "our natural Notions" against the authoritarianism of priests. Vilifying the authority of the surplice, he apotheosizes the authority of reason.[i-403] He intensifies the English tradition of every-man-his-own-priest, and exclaims "How uncertain Tradition is!"[i-404] From this militant friend of John Locke, Franklin was doubtless impregnated with an _odium theologicum_ and an exalted idea of the sanctity of Reason. Having read _An Essay Concerning Human Understanding_,[i-405] Franklin may have remembered that Locke there observed, "Nothing that is contrary to, and inconsistent with, the clear and self-evident dictates of reason, has a right to be urged or assented to as a matter of faith, wherein reason hath nothing to do."[i-406] Like Collins, Locke urged a deistic rationale: Since then the precepts of Natural Religion are plain, and very intelligible to all mankind, and seldom to come to be controverted; and other revealed truths, which are conveyed to us by books and languages, are liable to the common and natural obscurities and difficulties incident to words; methinks it would become us to be more careful and diligent in observing the former, and less magisterial, positive, and imperious, in imposing our own sense and interpretations of the latter.[i-407] In addition Franklin may have been influenced by Locke's implied Newtonianism; he would suspect the subtleties of the Old South Church when he read: "For the visible marks of extraordinary wisdom and power appear so plainly in all the works of the creation, that a rational creature, who will but seriously reflect on them, cannot miss the discovery of a Deity."[i-408] Like Newton, Locke inferred an infinite and benevolent Geometrician from "the magnificent harmony of the universe." Franklin also read Shaftesbury's _Characteristics_, which Warburton quotes Pope as saying "had done more harm to revealed religion in England than all the works of infidelity put together."[i-409] Although he may have pondered over Shaftesbury's "virtuoso theory of Benevolence," he was not one to be readily convinced of the innate altruism of man. His Puritan heritage linked with an empirical realism prevented him from becoming prey to Shaftesbury's a priori optimism. He was aware of the potential danger of a complacent trust in natural impulses, which often lead to The love of sweet security in sin. To what extent did Franklin's nascent humanitarianism--mildly provoked by the neighborliness of Mather and Defoe--receive additional sanction from Shaftesbury's doctrine that "compassion is the supreme form of moral beauty, the neglect of it the greatest of all offenses against nature's ordained harmony"?[i-410] Identifying self-love and social, Shaftesbury saw the divine temper achieved through affection for the public, the "universal good."[i-411] Born among men who were convinced of the supremacy of scripture, Franklin would at first be astonished (then perhaps liberated) upon reading in the _Characteristics_ that "Religion excludes only perfect atheism."[i-412] From such a piece as Shaftesbury's _An Inquiry Concerning Virtue or Merit_ Franklin learned that not all men preserved a union between theology and ethics, scripture and religion. Although Shaftesbury occasionally indicated a reverence for sacred scriptures, the totality of his thought was cast in behalf of natural religion. He was convinced that the "Deity is sufficiently revealed through natural Phenomena."[i-413] Extolling the apprehension of the Deity through man's uniform reason, Shaftesbury urbanely lampooned enthusiasm, that private revelation which threatened to prevail against the _consensus gentium_. By 1725 Franklin had divorced theology from morality and morality from conscience, having punctuated his youth with faunish "errata."[i-414] Although he was as a youth too much at ease in Zion, he did not lose substantial (if then a theoretic) faith in the struggle between the law of the spirit and the law of the members. Nurtured by the Bible, Bunyan, Addison and Steele, Tryon, Socrates, and Xenophon--a blend of Christian and classical traditions--he felt the reasonableness, if not the saintliness, of curbing the resolute sway of his natural self.[i-415] After five years with James, a year in Philadelphia where part of the time he worked with Samuel Keimer,[i-416] a fanatic and bearded Camisard, Franklin, through the duplicity of Governor Keith, found himself in November, 1724, aboard the _London-Hope_, England-bound. It would be unfair to Franklin were we to think him a primitive colonist to whom England was an unreal, incalculable land. We remember that James knew the London of Anne, Addison, Steele, Locke, and Newton. And we have seen that the _New England Courant_ library was one of which no London gentleman and scholar need have been ashamed. As a worker on this newspaper Franklin had set up the names and some indications of the thoughts of such men as Fénelon, Tillotson, Defoe, Swift, Butler, Bayle, Isaac Watts, Blount, Burnet, Whiston, Temple, Trenchard and Gordon, Denham, Garth, Dryden, Milton, Locke, Flamstead, and Newton.[i-417] During his two years in London, working successively in the printing houses of Samuel Palmer and James Watts, he mingled with many of the leaders of the day. Probably because he had, while yet in America, read (in the transactions of the Royal Society) of the virtuosi's interest in asbestos, he wrote to Sir Hans Sloane, offering to show him purses made of that novel stuff.[i-418] And we know that Sir Hans Sloane received Franklin in his home at Bloomsbury Square. Before he met other notables he published (what he called later an "erratum") _A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain_ (1725).[i-419] Franklin himself said this work was the result of his setting up Wollaston's _The Religion of Nature Delineated_[i-420] at Palmer's and his not agreeing with the author's "reasonings." Coming to Wollaston's work (with Franklin's _Dissertation_ and _Articles of Belief_ in mind) we can, however, see much that Franklin agreed with, general principles which do little more than reflect the current patterns of thought. Like Franklin, Wollaston saw Reason as "the great law of our nature."[i-421] With Locke he denied innate ideas.[i-422] That part of _The Religion of Nature Delineated_ in which he searched with laborious syllogistic reasoning for the Ultimate Cause (which could not produce itself) may have been boring to the less agile mind of the young printer. Wollaston, however, apologized for his syllogistic gymnastics offered in proof of Deity since "much more may those greater motions we see in the world, and the phenomena attending them" afford arguments for such a proof: I mean the motions of the planets and the heavenly bodies. For _these_ must be put into motion, either by one Common mighty Mover, acting upon them immediately, or by causes and laws of His Appointment; or by their respective movers, who, for reasons to which you can by this time be no stranger, must depend upon some _Superior_, that furnished them with the power of doing this.[i-423] With Newtonian rapture he marveled at "the grandness of this fabric of the world,"[i-424] at "the chorus of planets moving periodically, by uniform laws." Rapt in wonder, he gazed "up to the fixt stars, that radiant numberless host of heaven." Like a Blackmore, Ray, Fontenelle, or Newton, he felt that they were "probably all possest by proper inhabitants."[i-425] He wondered at the "just and geometrical arrangement of things."[i-426] These are all sentiments that Franklin expressed in his philosophical juvenilia.[i-427] But then, Franklin (after reading this sublimated geometry which reduced the parts of creation to an equally sublime simplicity) noted in Wollaston that man must be a free agent,[i-428] that good and evil are as black and white, distinguishable,[i-429] that empirically the will is free, the author urging with Johnsonian good sense, "The short way of knowing this certainly is to try."[i-430] Franklin's _Dissertation_ was dedicated to his friend James Ralph and prefaced by a misquotation from Dryden and Lee's _Oedipus_. It purports, as Franklin wrote in 1779, "to prove the doctrine of fate, from the supposed attributes of God ... that in erecting and governing the world, as he was infinitely wise, he knew what would be best; infinitely good, he must be disposed, and infinitely powerful, he must be able to execute it: consequently all is right."[i-431] With confidence lent him by his a priori method, he proposed: "I. There is said to be a First Mover, who is called God, Maker of the Universe. II. He is said to be all-wise, all-good, all-powerful."[i-432] With the nonchalance of an abstractionist, he concluded, "Evil doth not exist."[i-433] Transcending the sensational necessitarianism[i-434] of Anthony Collins and John Locke, Franklin observed (with an eye on Newton's law of gravitation) that man has liberty, the "Liberty of the same Nature with the Fall of a heavy Body to the Ground; it has Liberty to fall, that is, it meets with nothing to hinder its Fall, but at the same Time it is necessitated to fall, and has no Power or Liberty to remain suspended."[i-435] As a disciple of Locke's psychology, Franklin reflected his concept of the _tabula rasa_ in describing an infant's mind which "is as if it were not." "All our Ideas are first admitted by the Senses and imprinted on the Brain, increasing in Number by Observation and Experience; there they become the Subjects of the Soul's Action." In the _Dissertation_ one can discover the extent to which Franklin had absorbed (if not from Newton's own works, then from his popularizers and intellectual sons such as Pemberton, Franklin's friend) several of the essential tenets of Newtonianism. Here we see his belief in a universe motivated by immutable natural laws comprising a sublimely harmonious system reflecting a Wise Geometrician; a world in which man desires to affect a corresponding inner heaven. Enraptured by the order of the natural laws of Newtonianism, and like a Shaftesbury searching for a demonstrable inner harmony, Franklin (carrying his a priorism to logical absurdity) was unable to reconcile free will with Omniscience, Omnipotence, and Goodness. (In how far was this partly the result of his having been steeped in Calvinism's doctrine of Election?) The _Dissertation_ is as appreciative of Newton's contribution to physics and thought as Thomson's[i-436] _To the Memory of Sir Isaac Newton_. Not unlike Franklin's framework is Shaftesbury's thought in _An Inquiry Concerning Virtue or Merit_.[i-437] Since Franklin acknowledged his reading of Shaftesbury and since as late as 1730 he borrowed heavily from the _Characteristics_, it seems probable that Shaftesbury lent Franklin in this case some sanction for his only metaphysical venture.[i-438] As one result of his printing _A Dissertation_ he made the acquaintance of Lyons, author of _The Infallibility of Human Judgement_[i-439] who introduced him to Mandeville[i-440] and Dr. Henry Pemberton, who in turn "Promis'd to give me an opportunity, some time or other, of seeing Sir Isaac Newton, _of which I was extreamly desirous_; but this never happened [the italics are the editors']."[i-441] Dr. Pemberton, physician and mathematician, met Newton in 1722, and during the time Franklin enjoyed his friendship was helping Newton to prepare the third edition of the _Principia_. As a result of his aiding Newton "to discover and understand his writings,"[i-442] Pemberton in 1728 published _A View of Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy_. It is obvious that Franklin could have discovered few men with a more concentrated and enthusiastic knowledge of Newtonianism than that possessed by Dr. Pemberton. As we have already noted, Franklin undoubtedly derived his appreciation of Newtonian speculation not from grubbing in the _Principia_ but from secondary sources. There is no reason to apologize for Franklin on this score when we remember that Voltaire, who popularized Newtonianism in France, exclaimed: "Very few people read Newton because it is necessary to be learned to understand him. But everybody talks about him." Desaguliers, coming to London from Oxford in 1713, observed that "he found all Newtonian philosophy generally receiv'd among persons of all ranks and professions, and even among the ladies by the help of experiments."[i-443] Pemberton wrote that the desire after knowledge of Newtonianism "is by nothing more fully illustrated, than by the inclination of men to gain an acquaintance with the operations of nature; which disposition to enquire after the causes of things is so general, that all men of letters, I believe, find themselves influenced by it."[i-444] Through the sublimated mathematics of the _Principia_, Pemberton observed, "the similitude found in all parts of the universe makes it undoubted, that the whole is governed by one supreme being, to whom the original is owing of the frame of nature, which evidently is the effect of choice and design."[i-445] To what extent Franklin later gave evidence of his knowledge of Newtonian speculation we shall further discover in his _Articles of Belief_. He returned in the summer of 1726 on the _Berkshire_ to Philadelphia with Mr. Denham, a sweetly reasonable Quaker.[i-446] During this journey he wrote his _Journal of a Voyage from London to Philadelphia_, indicating a virtuoso's interest in all novel phenomena of nature. In Philadelphia he worked for Denham, then Keimer, and finally established his own printing house in 1728, a year after founding the Junto,[i-447] and the year of his _Articles of Belief_. By this time, Franklin, like Hume, wearied of metaphysics. Commonly this creed has been described as illustrating the deism of Lord Herbert of Cherbury. It is true that Franklin admits a God who ought to be worshipped, the chief parts of worship being the cultivation of virtue and piety; but there is no suggestion of Lord Herbert's fourth and fifth dogmas, that sin must be atoned for by repentance, and that punishment and rewards follow this life. His reaction against Calvinism may be shown in his failure to include reference to scripture, the experience of faith, and the triune godhead presided over by the redeemer Christ. As a deist he accepted "one supreme, most perfect Being." This Deity is the "Author and Father of the Gods themselves." "Infinite and incomprehensible," He has created many gods, each having "made for himself one glorious Sun, attended with a beautiful and admirable System of Planets." Franklin offered his adoration to that "Wise and Good God, who is the author and owner of our System." It is conventional to suggest that his interest in the plurality of worlds and gods should be traced to Plato's _Timaeus_.[i-448] In the absence of any conclusive evidence concerning Franklin's study of Plato, and in view of his profound awareness of contemporary scientific and philosophical thought, it seems more reasonable to see the source of this idea in the thought of his own age. Let us remember that with the growth of the heliocentric cosmology there resulted a vast expanse of the unknown, bound to intrigue the speculations of the philosophers of the age. We know that Ray, Fénelon, Blackmore, Huygens, Fontenelle, Shaftesbury, Locke, and Newton all wondered about the plurality of worlds and gods. In company with the supernatural rationalists and deists, Franklin exalted Reason as the experience through which God is discovered and known. Through Reason he is "capable of observing his Wisdom in the Creation." With Newtonian zeal, upon observing "the glorious Sun, with his attending Worlds," he saw the Deity responsible first for imparting "their prodigious motion," and second for maintaining "the wondrous Laws by which they move." As we have seen above, this argument from the design of creation to a Creator was one of the most influential and popular of the impacts of Newtonian physics. Like Fénelon, Blackmore, and Ray, whom he read and recommended that others read,[i-449] Franklin exclaimed: Thy Wisdom, thy Power, and thy Goodness are everywhere clearly seen; in the air and in the water, in the Heaven and on the Earth; Thou providest for the various winged Fowl, and the innumerable Inhabitants of the Water; thou givest Cold and Heat, Rain and Sunshine, in their Season, [et cetera]. In addition to the works mentioned above which aided Franklin in arriving at a natural religion, it is certain that his views and even idiom received stout reinforcement from such a passage as follows from Ray's classic work: There is no greater, at least no more palpable and convincing argument of the existence of a Deity, than the admirable act and wisdom that discovers itself in the make and constitution, the order and disposition, the ends and uses of all the parts and members of this stately fabric of heaven and earth; for if in the works of art ... a curious edifice or machine, counsel, design, and direction to an end appearing in the whole frame, and in all the several pieces of it, do necessarily infer the being and operation of some intelligent architect or engineer, why shall not also in the works of nature, that grandeur and magnificence, that excellent contrivance for beauty, order, use &c. which is observable in them, wherein they do as much transcend the effects of human art as infinite power and wisdom exceeds finite, infer the existence and efficacy of an omnipotent and all-wise Creator?[i-450] Then he directly referred to the Archbishop of Cambray's _Traité de l'existence et des attributs de Dieu_. Oliver Elton observes that this work "with its appeal to popular science, is the chief counterpart in France to the 'physico-theology' current at the time in England."[i-451] From the skeleton of the smallest animal, "the bones, the tendons, the veins, the arteries, the nerves, the muscles, which compose the body of a single man"[i-452] to "this vaulted sky" which turns "around so regularly,"[i-453] all show "the infinite skill of its Author."[i-454] Although Fénelon is applying Cartesian physics, here Descartes reinforced Newtonianism; like Newton, Fénelon argued that cosmic motion is ordered by "immutable laws," so "constant and so salutary." Blackmore's _Creation, a Philosophical Poem_ (1712), aiming to demonstrate "the existence of a God from the marks of wisdom, design, contrivance, and the choice of ends and means, which appear in the universe"[i-455] also furnished additional sanction for Franklin's emphasis on the wondrous laws of the creation and the discovery of the Deity in his Work. Like James Thomson, Blackmore seeks to show how The long coherent chain of things we find Leads to a Cause Supreme, a wise Creating Mind.[i-456] In revolt against the contractile elements in Calvinism, Franklin believed that God "is not offended, when he sees his Children solace themselves in any manner of pleasant exercises and Innocent Delights."[i-457] In his _Articles of Belief_ Franklin retains from his _Dissertation_ his a priori concept of the Deity as a creator and sustainer of "Wondrous Laws," immutable and beneficent. To the depersonalized First Mover, however, he has added "some of those Passions he has planted in us," and he suggests furthermore that the Deity is mildly providential. A maker of systematic, if inhuman, metaphysics in the _Dissertation_, the author of the _Articles_, in spite of the superficial and embryonic metaphysics, succeeds better in making himself at home in his world. To this embryonic religion (linked with Franklin's obsession with the plurality of worlds and gods--of no real significance save to indicate picturesquely the extent to which he had, with the scientists of his age, extended the limits of the physical universe) Franklin welded a pattern of ethics, prudential but stern. Mr. Hefelbower's description of the growth of free thought might appropriately be applied to Franklin's _Articles_: "As the supernatural waned in radical Deism, the ethical grew in importance, until religion was but a moral system on a theistic background."[i-458] Although the metaphysical portions of this work are far too neighborly and casual to be inspiring and provocative of saintliness, the ethical conclusions (would that they were uttered less consciously and complacently!) are worthy of the introspective force of New England's stern mind, of the classic tradition of Socrates and Aristotle, and of England's unbending emphasis on the middle way.[i-459] One could learn from the _Articles_ how to be just, if he did not discover what is meant by the beauty of holiness. In 1728 Franklin, though bewildered by the tenuousness of metaphysics, based his religion on the "everlasting tables of right reason," plumbing the "mighty volumes of visible nature." He was thus our pioneer scientific deist, who discovered his chief sanction in popularized Newtonian physics. Following Franklin's formal profession of deism buttressed by Newtonian science in 1728, one must depend on scattered references to plot the persistence of his philosophic ideology. His _Dialogues between Philocles and Horatio_ (1730), borrowed[i-460] from Shaftesbury's _The Moralists_, suggest that his _moral_ speculations were dual and not reconciled; he seems torn between humanitarian compassion and the self-development of the individual, unable to decide which is the nobler good. One may observe that this moral bifurcation was inveterate in Franklin's mind, never resolving itself into a fondness for the idea that human nature is inexorably the product of institutions and outward social forms. _A Witch Trial at Mount Holly_ suggests that he felt free to handle scriptures with Aristophanic levity. His intellectual conviction of a matchless physical harmony, as yet unmatched in the world by a corresponding moral harmony, is joyously seen in _Preface to Poor Richard, 1735_: Whatever may be the Musick of the Spheres, how great soever the Harmony of the Stars, 'tis certain there is no Harmony among the Stargazers; but they are perpetually growling and snarling at one another like strange Curs....[i-461] Even Polly Baker is made to appeal to "nature and nature's God,"[i-462] discovering in her bastard children the Deity's "divine skill and admirable workmanship in the formation of their bodies." In _Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pensilvania_ (1749) Franklin remarked in a note on Natural Philosophy that "Proper Books may be, Ray's _Wisdom of God in the Creation_, Derham's _Physico-Theology_, [Pluche's?] _Spectacle de la Nature, &c._"[i-463] _Poor Richard_, in addition to prognostications of weather, survey of roads, Rabelaisian wit, and aphoristic wisdom, was a popular vehicle for the diffusion of a Newtonianism bordering on a mild form of deism.[i-464] Since Franklin's interest in science is too commonly discussed as if his research were synonymous with a tinkering and utilitarian inventiveness, it is pertinent to inquire in how far it was at least partially (or even integrally) the result of his philosophic acceptance of Newtonianism. Since his philosophic rationale preceded his activities in science, it will not do to suggest that his interest in science was responsible for his scientific deism. He wrote (August 15, 1745) to Cadwallader Colden, who was receptive to Newtonianism, that he [Franklin] "ought to _study_ the sciences" in which hitherto he had merely dabbled.[i-465] Then follow his electrical experiments. In one of his famous letters on the properties and effects of electricity (sent to Peter Collinson, July 29, 1750) he allowed that the principle of repulsion "affords another occasion of adoring that wisdom which has made all things by weight and measure!"[i-466] Investigating--like a Newton--nature's _laws_, Franklin at first hand added to his philosophic assurance of the existence of a Deity, observable in the physical order. In 1739 Franklin met Reverend George Whitefield, whose sermons and journals he printed while the evangelist remained in the colonies.[i-467] He first angled public opinion through the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, promising to print Whitefield's pieces "if I find sufficient Encouragement."[i-468] The _Pennsylvania Gazette_ piously hoped that Whitefield's heavenly discourses would be ever remembered: "May the Impression on all our Souls remain, to the Honour of God, both in Ministers and People!"[i-469] As editor (perhaps even writer of some of those notices) Franklin must have squirmed in praising the activities of one who daily cast all deists in hell! But it should be observed that if Franklin could not accept Methodistic zeal, he loved Whitefield, the man.[i-470] Even so did Whitefield regard Franklin, the man and printer--though not the scientific deist. Waiting to embark for England in 1740, Whitefield wrote to Franklin from Reedy Island: "Dear Sir, adieu! I do not despair of your seeing the reasonableness of Christianity. Apply to God, be willing to do the Divine Will, and you shall know it."[i-471] Twelve years later Whitefield wrote to his printer-deist friend: "I find that you grow more and more famous in the learned world. As you have made a pretty considerable progress in the mysteries of electricity, I would now humbly recommend to your diligent unprejudiced pursuit and study the mysteries of the new birth."[i-472] When troops had been sent to Boston, Franklin wrote a letter to Whitefield (after January 21, 1768) which offers a significant clue for estimating Franklin's philosophy: "I _see_ with you that our affairs are not well managed by our rulers here below; I wish I could _believe_ with you, that they are well attended to by those above; I rather suspect, from certain circumstances, that though the general government of the universe is well administered, our particular little affairs are perhaps below notice, and left to take the chance of human prudence or imprudence, as either may happen to be uppermost. It is, however, an uncomfortable thought, and I leave it."[i-473] Whitefield "endorsed his friend's letter with the words, '_Uncomfortable_ indeed! and blessed be God, _unscriptural_!'"[i-474] If in 1786 Franklin wrote to an unknown correspondent (perhaps Tom Paine?)[i-475] that any arguments "against the Doctrines of a particular Providence" strike "at the Foundation of all Religion,"[i-476] he also had written not long before that "the Dispensations of Providence in this World puzzle my weak Reason."[i-477] Beneath the taciturn and allegedly complacent, imperturbable Franklin there is apparent a haunting inquietude. Never dead to his Calvinist heritage, he sought to establish a providential relationship between the Deity and man's fortunes, not a little chilled in the presence of the virtually depersonalized Deity of the Enlightenment. If Calvin's God was wrathful, he was providential; his own Deity, if benevolent and omnipotent, seemed strangely remote from the ken of man's moral experience. Science had shown him a Deity existing at the head of a fagot of immutable laws. If this Creator was picturesquely unlike the fickle gods of Olympus, he was strangely like them to the extent that he seemed to exist apart from man's moral nature. When he wrote to his friend, the Bishop of St. Asaph, "It seems my Fate constantly to wish for Repose, and never to obtain it,"[i-478] was he in part longing for the retirement when he would be able to resolve his doubts as to the workings of Providence? M. Marbois, discussing Franklin's religion with John Adams, quietly noted that "Mr. Franklin adores only great Nature."[i-479] Joseph Priestley "lamented that a man of Dr. Franklin's general good character and great influence should have been an unbeliever in Christianity, and also have done so much as he did to make others unbelievers."[i-480] This evidence appears untrustworthy in light of his diffident attitude toward church attendance, even toward scriptures, as it may be discovered in his collected works.[i-481] Even if he did not feel the desire to attend formal services, he seemed, like Voltaire, to feel that they were salutary, if only to furnish the _canaille_ with the will to obey authority. In 1751 Franklin's mother, Abiah Franklin, wrote to her son: "I hope you will lookup to God, and thank Him for all His good providences towards you."[i-482] If he were unable to understand God's providences, it was certain that he did not seek to disturb others by calling the concept of a providential deity into question. In England and France Franklin was revered as the answer to the Enlightenment's prayer for the ideal philosopher-scientist. Sir John Pringle,[i-483] one of his warmest friends, in a Royal Society lecture in honor of Maskelyne, might well have been describing Franklin's place in eighteenth-century science when he said: "As much then remains to be explored in the celestial regions, you [Maskelyne] are encouraged, Sir, by what has been already attained, to persevere in these hallowed labours, from which have been derived the greatest improvements in the most useful arts, and the loudest declarations of the power, the wisdom, and the goodness of the Supreme Architect in the Spacious and beautiful fabric of the world."[i-484] To his age Franklin was "that judicious philosopher," judicious and "enlightened" to the extent that his experiments showed how men "may perceive not only the direction of Divine Wisdom, but the _goodness_ of Providence towards mankind, in having so admirably settled all things in the sublime arrangement of the world, that it should be in the power of men to secure themselves and their habitations against the dire effects of lightning."[i-485] Turgot's famous epigram on Franklin, the republican-deist, that he snatched sceptres from kings and lightning from the heavens, in part expressed the extent to which the French public conceived of Franklin, the scientist, as detracting from the terror in the cosmos, hence making their reasonable world more habitable.[i-486] In the popular mind death-dealing lightning had been the visible symbol and proof of Calvin's wrathful and capricious Jehovah. Franklin's dramatic and widely popularized proof that even lightning's secrets were not past finding out, that it acted according to immutable laws and could be made man's captive and menial slave, no doubt had a powerful influence in encouraging the great untheological public to become ultimately more receptive to deism. If Franklin was apotheosized as the apostle of liberty, he was no less sanctified as a "Modern Prometheus." In his own words, he saw science as freeing man "from vain Terrors."[i-487] To Condorcet, his friend and disciple, Franklin was one who "was enabled to wield a power sufficient to disarm the wrath of Heaven."[i-488] He expressed his creed just before his death in the often-quoted letter to Ezra Stiles.[i-489] Bearing in mind his inveterate scientific deism, we are not surprised that his religion is one created apart from Christian scripture, that Jesus is the conventional, amiable philosopher, respected but not worshipped by the Enlightenment. If he seems convinced in this letter that God "governs" the universe "by his Providence," we have seen above that his attitude toward the Deity's relation to man and his world was anything but sure and free from disturbing reflection. Convinced that the Deity "ought to be worshipped," he next observed "that the most acceptable service we render to him is doing good to his other children." His a priori concept of a benevolent Deity whose goodness is expressed in the harmony of the creation, in effect challenged him to attempt to approximate this kindness in his relations with his fellow men. Apart from provoking humanitarianism, primarily an ethical experience guided not by sentimentality but by reason and practicality. Franklin's natural religion--like deism in general--failed, as scriptural religion does not, to establish a union between theology, the religious life, and ethical behavior. It must be seen that Franklin had no confidence in achieving the good life through mere fellow-service: he continually urged man to conquer passion through reason, seeming to covet pagan sobriety more than he did the satisfaction of having aided man to achieve greater physical ease. If he felt that "to relieve the misfortunes of our fellow creatures is concurring with the Deity; it is godlike,"[i-490] he warned against helping those who had failed to help themselves, implying that the inner growth of the individual is more significant than his outward charity to others. Whatever be the ultimate resolution of these antithetic principles, we see that his humanitarianism was the offspring of his a priori conceived Deity, augmented by his experiments in science which led to discovery of nature's laws. His emphasis on the inward and vertical growth of the individual toward perfection, on the other hand, may be viewed as the expression of the introspective force of his Puritan heritage and his knowledge, direct and indirect, of classical literature. As in the polarity of his thoughts concerning Providence, so here we see that the _modus operandi_ of his mind is explicable in terms of the interplay of the old and the new, Greek paganism (Socratic self-knowledge) and Christianity and the rationale of the Enlightenment. Before he became an economist, a statesman, a man of letters, a scientist, he had embraced scientific deism, primarily impelled by Newtonianism. We have observed that it is not improbable that his agrarianism, emphasis on free trade, and tendency toward laissez faire were partially at least the result of his efforts to parallel in economics the harmony of the physical order. Likewise, his views on education were conditioned by his faith in intellectual progress, in the might of Reason, which in turn was in part the result of his scientific deism. Then too, it may well be suggested that his theories of rhetoric were to some degree the result of his rationalistic and scientific habits of mind. We have also seen that his scientific deism was among the motivating factors of his belief in natural rights, which, coupled with his empirical awareness of concrete economic and political abuses issuing from monarchy and imperialistic parliamentarians, made him alive to the sovereignty of the people in their demands for civil and political liberty. This introduction, it is hoped, has made apparent the fact that the growth of Franklin's mind was a complex matter and that it was moulded by a vast multitude of often diverse influences, no one of which alone completely "explains" him. Puritanism, classicism, and neoclassicism were all important influences. Yet perhaps the _modus operandi_ of this myriad-minded colonial, this provincial Leonardo, is best explained in reference to the thought pattern of scientific deism. To see the reflection of Newton and his progeny in Franklin's activities, be they economic, political, literary, or philosophical, lends a compelling organic unity to the several sides of his genius, heretofore seen as unrelated. Franklin's mind represents an intellectual coherence--an imperfect counterpart to the physical harmony of the Newtonian order, of which all through his life he was a disciple. FOOTNOTES: [Footnote i-1: _The Works of John Adams_, ed. by C. F. Adams (Boston, 1856), f, 660.] [Footnote i-2: W. P. Trent, "Benjamin Franklin," _McClure's Magazine_, VIII, 273 (Jan., 1897).] [Footnote i-3: Cited in C. R. Weld's _History of the Royal Society_ (London, 1848), I, 146. For Baconian influence see I, 57 f. See also Edwin Greenlaw, "The New Science and English Literature in the Seventeenth Century," _Johns Hopkins Alumni Magazine_, XIII, 331-59 (1925). Of dominant tendencies he stresses (a) a "new realism, or sense of fact and reliance on observation and experiment"; (b) the disregard for authority in favor of free inquiry; and (c) the development of faith in progress, inspiring men to improve their worldly condition.] [Footnote i-4: E. A. Burtt, _The Metaphysical Foundations of Modern Physical Science_, 208. Newtonianism as a method and a philosophy has been ably examined by recent scholars. See, for examples, C. Becker, _The Declaration of Independence_, especially chap. II, and _The Heavenly City of the Eighteenth-Century Philosophers_; and in Bibliography, pp. cli ff., below, W. M. Horton (chap. II); C. S. Duncan; H. Drennon; L. Bloch; E. Halévy. See also Isabel St. John Bliss, "Young's _Night Thoughts_ in Relation to Contemporary Christian Apologetics," _Publications of the Modern Language Association_, XLIX, 37-70 (March, 1934); J. H. Randall, _The Making of the Modern Mind_ (Boston, 1926), chap. X ff.; H. H. Clark, "An Historical Interpretation of Thomas Paine's Religion," _University of California Chronicle_, XXXV, 56-87 (Jan., 1933), and "Toward a Reinterpretation of Thomas Paine," _American Literature_, V, 133-45 (May, 1933).] [Footnote i-5: Burtt, _op. cit._ 223.] [Footnote i-6: Article, "Deism."] [Footnote i-7: Article, "Nature."] [Footnote i-8: P. Smith, _A History of Modern Culture_ (New York, 1934), II, 17-8.] [Footnote i-9: See S. Hefelbower, _The Relation of John Locke to English Deism_.] [Footnote i-10: _Primitivism and the Idea of Progress in English Popular Literature of the Eighteenth Century_, 168-9: "One inference that might be drawn from the theory was that while the infant whose mind is a blank page at birth is not so well off from the primitivistic point of view as the one who comes into the world already equipped with a complete set of the laws of nature and a predisposition to obey them, he is infinitely better off than the infant whose poor little mind had been loaded with original sin by his remote ancestors. For the orthodox baby, born in sin, there is almost no hope, except in supernatural aid; but if we suppose that man's ideas are all derived, as Locke postulated, from sense-impressions, then we may conclude that all men, rich and poor, primitive and civilized, are on an equal footing intellectually at birth. Although the primitive child does not have the help of civilization in the development of his mind, neither does he have its superstitions, prejudices, and corrupting influences; and he might actually be better off than the product of civilization--at least so many a primitivist argued. But one might draw another inference from the _tabula rasa_ theory. Men, however corrupt they are now, may still have a chance of regeneration if their mind is really like blank paper at birth." For eighteenth-century primitivism see also H. N. Fairchild, _The Noble Savage_ (New York, 1928).] [Footnote i-11: H. J. Laski, _Political Thought in England from Locke to Bentham_ (New York, 1920), 9. See also W. A. Dunning, _A History of Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu_; G. S. Veitch, _Genesis of Parliamentary Reform_; and G. P. Gooch, _English Democratic Ideas in the Seventeenth Century_ (2d ed., Cambridge, England, 1927).] [Footnote i-12: K. Martin, _French Liberal Thought in the Eighteenth Century_, 13.] [Footnote i-13: See J. B. Bury, _The Idea of Progress_, chap. VIII; and J. Morley, _Diderot and the Encyclopædists_, I, 6: "The great central moral of it all was this: that human nature is good, that the world is capable of being made a desirable abiding-place, and that the evil of the world is the fruit of bad education and bad institutions."] [Footnote i-14: "Shaftesbury and the Ethical Poets in England, 1700-1760," _Publications of the Modern Language Association_, XXXI (N. S. XXIV), 277 (June, 1916).] [Footnote i-15: See Bury, _op. cit._; Whitney, _op. cit._; and J. Delvaille, _Essai sur l'histoire de l'idée de progrès_ (Paris, 1910).] [Footnote i-16: R. Crane, "Anglican Apologetics and the Idea of Progress, 1699-1745," _Modern Philology_, XXXI, 273-306 (Feb., 1934), and 349-82 (May, 1934).] [Footnote i-17: _The Heavenly City of the Eighteenth-Century Philosophers_, 30-1.] [Footnote i-18: N. L. Torrey, _Voltaire and the English Deists_.] [Footnote i-19: D. Mornet, _French Thought in the Eighteenth Century_, 50-1. Also see his _Les sciences de la nature en France au XVIII^e siècle_ (Paris, 1911), and R. L. Cru, _Diderot as a Disciple of English Thought_ (New York, 1913). See Morley, _op. cit._, I, 31 ff., and Martin, _op. cit._] [Footnote i-20: _An Account of the Destruction of the Jesuits in France_ (Glasgow, 1766), 61.] [Footnote i-21: Consult M. Roustan, _The Pioneers of the French Revolution_, and L. Ducros, _French Society in the Eighteenth Century_.] [Footnote i-22: Quoted in J. Fiske's _The Beginnings of New England_, 73. For the seventeenth-century New England way, see especially F. H. Foster, _A Genetic History of the New England Theology_ (Chicago, 1907); P. Miller, _Orthodoxy in Massachusetts, 1630-1650: A Genetic Study_ (Cambridge, Mass., 1933); B. Wendell, _Cotton Mather, The Puritan Priest_; I. W. Riley, _American Philosophy: The Early Schools_, 3-58 and _passim_; H. W. Schneider, _The Puritan Mind_; J. Haroutunian, _Piety versus Moralism_; R. and L. Boas, _Cotton Mather: Keeper of the Puritan Conscience_ (New York, 1928). See Bk. V of Mather's _Magnalia_, "prose epic of New England Puritanism" (B. Wendell, _Literary History of America_, 50).] [Footnote i-23: Prior to the Treaty of Paris (1763) the American colonies were indebted primarily to English liberalism for ideas subversive of colonial orthodoxy. If works of Fénelon, Fontenelle, Bayle, Voltaire, and Rousseau are occasionally found in the colonies prior to 1763, these are dwarfed beside the impact of such English minds as those of Trenchard and Gordon, Collins, Wollaston, Tillotson, Boyle, Shaftesbury, Locke, and Newton. It was only in the twilight of the century that French liberalism, itself nursed on English speculation, began to impinge on the thought-life of the colonies. See H. M. Jones, _America and French Culture_. Also see L. Rosenthal, "Rousseau at Philadelphia," _Magazine of American History_, VII, 46-55. See works of Riley, Koch, Gohdes, Morais, in Bibliography, pp. cli ff., below.] [Footnote i-24: Fiske, _op. cit._, 124.] [Footnote i-25: F. J. Turner, _The Frontier in American History_ (New York, 1920), 30.] [Footnote i-26: _Ibid._, 38.] [Footnote i-27: Whitney, _op. cit._, 83-4.] [Footnote i-28: See R. M. Jones, _The Quakers in the American Colonies_ (London, 1921).] [Footnote i-29: T. Hornberger's "The Date, the Source, and the Significance of Cotton Mather's Interest in Science," _American Literature_, VI, 413-20 (Jan., 1935), offers evidence to show that Mather's thought in this work is latent in earlier works.] [Footnote i-30: K. Murdock (ed.), _Selections from Cotton Mather_ (New York, 1926), xlix-l; see G. L. Kittredge items (Murdock, lxii), and Hornberger, _op. cit._] [Footnote i-31: Murdock, _op. cit._, 286.] [Footnote i-32: _Ibid._, 292.] [Footnote i-33: _Ibid._, 349.] [Footnote i-34: Riley, _op. cit._, 196.] [Footnote i-35: Quoted in H. M. Morais, _Deism in Eighteenth Century America_, 25.] [Footnote i-36: _Ibid._, 17. See also G. A. Koch, _Republican Religion_.] [Footnote i-37: _Travels in North America, in the Years 1780, 1781, and 1782_ (London, 1787), I, 445.] [Footnote i-38: F. E. Brasch, "Newton's First Critical Disciple in the American Colonies--John Winthrop," in _Sir Isaac Newton, 1727-1927_ (Baltimore, 1928), 301.] [Footnote i-39: H. and C. Schneider (eds.), _Samuel Johnson, President of Kings College: His Career and Writings_ (New York, 1929), I, 6.] [Footnote i-40: _Ibid._, I, 8-9. It will be remembered that Thomas Young was struck with science and deism while at Yale: he it was who introduced liberal ideas to that militant prince of deists (with Thomas Paine), Ethan Allen.] [Footnote i-41: _Jacobus Rohaultus physica Latine reddita et annotata ex, Js. Newtonii principiis_ (1697).] [Footnote i-42: _Literary Diary_, I, 556 (1775).] [Footnote i-43: D. Stimson, _The Gradual Acceptance of the Copernican Theory_, 48.] [Footnote i-44: See S. E. Morison, "The Harvard School of Astronomy in the Seventeenth Century," _New England Quarterly_, VII, 3 (March, 1934).] [Footnote i-45: _Ibid._, 7. In 1672 Harvard received her first telescope. Such men as Winthrop and Thomas Brattle were actively interested in science.] [Footnote i-46: F. Cajori, _The Teaching and History of Mathematics in the United States_, U. S. Bureau of Education, Circular of Information, No. 3, 1890 (Washington, D. C.), 22.] [Footnote i-47: Brasch, _op. cit._, 308.] [Footnote i-48: _Dictionary of American Biography_, VII, 591-2.] [Footnote i-49: _The Newtonian System of the World ..._ (Westminster, 1728), 30.] [Footnote i-50: _Ibid._, 6.] [Footnote i-51: See J. Quincy, _History of Harvard University_ (Boston, 1860 [1840]), II, 4-21.] [Footnote i-52: Jan. 12, 1727, Feb. 23, and others. Also see June 13 and July 11 of 1734.] [Footnote i-53: See advertisements in _Boston Gazette_, June 17-24, 1734, quoted in W. G. Bleyer's _Main Currents in the History of American Journalism_, 73-4.] [Footnote i-54: _Op. cit._, 25.] [Footnote i-55: _Literary Diary_, II, 334.] [Footnote i-56: Through the kindness of the Hollis family, Harvard (by 1764) gained a remarkable collection of scientific instruments, possessed the Boylean lectures, Transactions of the Royal Society and of the Academy of Science in Paris, the works of Boyle and Newton, "with a great variety of other mathematical and philosophical treatises" (Quincy, _op. cit._, II, 481). Notable among these items are Chambers's _Cyclopædia_, received in 1743, and Pemberton's _View of Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy_, in 1752.] [Footnote i-57: A. Bradford, _Memoir of the Life and Writings of Rev. Jonathan Mayhew ..._ (Boston, 1838), 18-9, 46.] [Footnote i-58: _Ibid._, 50.] [Footnote i-59: _Ibid._, 305. Mayhew is on record as saying: "The inspired scriptures are our only rule of faith and conduct" (_ibid._, 140).] [Footnote i-60: _Ibid._, 75. On the other hand, he reacts against what deism and orthodox rationalism commonly became: "A religion consisting in nothing but a knowledge of God's attributes, and an external conduct agreeable to his laws, would be a lifeless, insipid thing. It would be neither a source of happiness to ourselves, nor recommend us to the approbation of him, who requires us 'to give him our hearts.'"] [Footnote i-61: _Ibid._, 464.] [Footnote i-62: _Two Discourses Delivered Oct. 9th, 1760 ..._ (Boston, 1760), 66.] [Footnote i-63: _Election-Sermon_, May 27, 1747 (Boston, 1747), 9.] [Footnote i-64: _A Sermon_ [election], May 31, 1769 (Boston, 1769), 5.] [Footnote i-65: _Election-Sermon_, May 30, 1781 (Boston, 1781), 4.] [Footnote i-66: _Election-Sermon_, May 28, 1783 (Boston, 1783), 29.] [Footnote i-67: _Ibid._, 54.] [Footnote i-68: _Election-Sermon_, May 31, 1780 (Boston, 1780), 21.] [Footnote i-69: _Election-Sermon_, May 27, 1778 (Boston, 1778), 7.] [Footnote i-70: _Election-Sermon_, May 29, 1765 (Boston, 1765), 17.] [Footnote i-71: _Life of Ezra Stiles_ (Boston, 1798), _passim_; see especially pp. 34-54.] [Footnote i-72: See his _United States Elevated to Glory and Honour ..._, May 8, 1783 (Worcester, 1785).] [Footnote i-73: See _Literary Diary_ for his inveterate interest in science and the laws of nature; see also I. M. Calder (ed.), _Letters & Papers of Ezra Stiles ..._ (New Haven, 1933).] [Footnote i-74: See Hornberger, _op. cit._, 419.] [Footnote i-75: For full backgrounds, see G. P. Gooch, _English Democratic Ideas in the Seventeenth Century_, W. A. Dunning, _A History of Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu_; H. L. Osgood, "Political Ideas of the Puritans," _Political Science Quarterly_, VI, 1-29, 201-31; Mellen Chamberlain, _John Adams ... with Other Essays_ (Boston, 1898), especially pp. 19-53, stressing the influence of Puritanism on political liberalism; Alice Baldwin, _The New England Clergy and the American Revolution_; J. W. Thornton, _The Pulpit of the American Revolution_ (Boston, 1860), a collection of election sermons edited with an extensive introduction; C. H. Van Tyne, "The Influence of the Clergy ... in the American Revolution," _American Historical Review_, XIX, 44-64. In stressing the influence on Franklin of European ideas, it is important to remember that, as we shall see, it is probable that some of Franklin's interest in doing good (charity), in science, and in democracy may have been inspired by his exposure during his formative years to American Puritanism.] [Footnote i-76: _The Writings of Benjamin Franklin_, ed. by Albert Henry Smyth (New York, 1905-1907), I, 300; (hereafter referred to as _Writings_). For a scholarly exposition of backgrounds of educational theory in relation to philosophy, especially the cult of progress, see A. O. Hansen's _Liberalism and American Education in the Eighteenth Century_, which includes a valuable bibliography. This work, however, slights Franklin and Jefferson.] [Footnote i-77: _Writings_, I, 312.] [Footnote i-78: For an exhaustive survey of the means Franklin pursued to educate himself, and suggestive notes on his ideas of education, see F. N. Thorpe's _Benjamin Franklin and the University of Pennsylvania_, chaps. I-II, 9-203. See also Thomas Woody's _Educational Views of Benjamin Franklin_ (New York, 1931), which in addition to relevant selections from Franklin's works contains stimulating observations by the editor.] [Footnote i-79: _Writings_, I, 323.] [Footnote i-80: _Essays to do Good_, with an Introductory Essay by Andrew Thomson (Glasgow, 1825 [1710]), 189.] [Footnote i-81: _Ibid._, 102.] [Footnote i-82: _Ibid._, 192-3.] [Footnote i-83: See his letter to Samuel Mather, May 12, 1784 (_Writings_, IX, 208-10).] [Footnote i-84: _The Works of Daniel Defoe_, ed. by Wm. Hazlitt (London, 1843), I.] [Footnote i-85: _Franklin, the Apostle of Modern Times_, 119. Also see his "Learned Societies in Europe and America in the Eighteenth Century," _American Historical Review_, XXXVII, 258 (1932), in which he suggests that the Junto "had Masonic leanings."] [Footnote i-86: These and others quoted in Woody, _op. cit._, 45-6 (reprinted from Sparks, _The Works of Benjamin Franklin_, II, 9-10).] [Footnote i-87: _Writings_, II, 88.] [Footnote i-88: _Ibid._, II, 89.] [Footnote i-89: _Ibid._] [Footnote i-90: _Ibid._, II, 90.] [Footnote i-91: Questions suggestive of the Junto's interest in moral, political, and philosophical topics are: "Is self-interest the rudder that steers mankind, the universal monarch to whom all are tributaries?" which causes one to suspect that Franklin had challenged his friends with _The Fable of the Bees_; "Can any one particular form of government suit all mankind?" which may have stirred controversies in the Junto between logical relativists and historic absolutists, the realists and those motivated by a priori abstractions, as, for example, in the Burke-Paine intellectual duel; "Whether it ought to be the aim of philosophy to eradicate the passions?" which may tend to suggest that Franklin would gear philosophy to moral action rather than to arid metaphysics.] [Footnote i-92: _Writings_, I, 312.] [Footnote i-93: _Ibid._, I, 322.] [Footnote i-94: Since writing this the editors have noted Morais's fragmentary use of the Company's catalogues in _Deism In Eighteenth Century America_. For popular accounts of the general character and function of the Company see L. Stockton, "The Old Philadelphia Library," _Our Continent_, Oct., 1882, 452-9; J. M. Read, Jr., "The Old Philadelphia Library," _Atlantic Monthly_, March, 1868, 299-312; B. Samuel, "The Father of American Libraries," _Century Magazine_, May, 1883, 81-6. The ablest survey is G. M. Abbot's _A Short History of the Library Company of Philadelphia_. He lists, however, only the first books ordered in 1732 through Peter Collinson.] [Footnote i-95: Cited in Abbot, _op. cit._, 5.] [Footnote i-96: Photostat used as source is in the William Smith Mason Collection in Evanston, Ill.] [Footnote i-97: "The Letters and Papers of Cadwallader Colden, Vol. II, 1730-1742," _Collections of the New York Historical Society_ (New York, 1919), II, 146-7. See also A. M. Keys, _Cadwallader Colden: A Representative Eighteenth-Century Official_ (New York, 1906), 6-7.] [Footnote i-98: _American Philosophy: The Early Schools_, 330.] [Footnote i-99: _An Historical Account of the Origin and Formation of the American Philosophical Society_ (Philadelphia, 1914); J. G. Rosengarten, in "The American Philosophical Society," tends to agree with Du Ponceau.] [Footnote i-100: _Writings_, II, 229.] [Footnote i-101: _The History of the Royal Society of London ..._ (2d ed., London, 1702), 61.] [Footnote i-102: _Ibid._, 64.] [Footnote i-103: _Writings_, II, 230.] [Footnote i-104: In 1750 he wrote: "Nor is it of much importance to us, to know the manner in which nature executes her laws; 'tis enough if we know the laws themselves. 'Tis of real use to know that china left in the air unsupported will fall and break; but _how_ it comes to fall, and _why_ it breaks, are matters of speculation. 'Tis a pleasure indeed to know them, but we can preserve our china without it" (_Writings_, II, 434-5). We remember that even Sir Isaac Newton confessed that "the _cause_ of gravity is what I do not pretend to know" (_Works of Richard Bentley_, London, 1838, III, 210). He observed that "Gravity must be caused by an agent acting constantly according to certain laws; but whether this agent be material or immaterial, I have left to the consideration of my readers" (_ibid._, 212).] [Footnote i-105: _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, XIII, 247-8 (1889).] [Footnote i-106: Franklin was unable to prevail upon Johnson to accept the provostship of the Academy. In 1752 he printed Johnson's _Elementa Philosophica_ and suggested in _Idea of the English School_ that it be used in the Academy. In a letter of 1754 Franklin informs Johnson that the grammatical and mathematical parts were already being used--the rest would be when the instructors and pupils were ready for it (E. E. Beardsley, _Life and Correspondence of S. Johnson, D. D._, 2d ed., New York, 1874, 180-1). In the _Elementa Philosophica_ Johnson stresses the use of mathematics in man's study of nature (p. xv). Through mathematics, an indispensable aid in "considering that wonderful and amazing Power, that All-comprehending Wisdom, that inimitable Beauty, that surprizing Harmony, that immutable Order, which abundantly discover themselves in the Formation and Government of the Universe, we are led to their divine Original, who is the unexhausted Source, the glorious Fountain of all Perfection ..." (_ibid._, xiii). The _Elementa_ is a rhapsodic manual extolling the discovery of the Deity in his Work, through the study of the physical laws of the creation. Although subordinated to this, there are frequent reactions against Lockian sensationalism, suggesting an ecstatic mystical union between man and God. On the whole, the volume is a treatise on the glories of a natural religion (a religion of course which buttresses rather than refutes scriptural religion).] [Footnote i-107: Quoted in T. H. Montgomery's _A History of the University of Pennsylvania_, 396. Smith's educational principles may be partially seen in his "View of the Philosophy Schools" (1754) printed in H. W. Smith's _Life and Correspondence of the Rev. William Smith_ (Philadelphia, 1879), I, 59 f. Although he conceived Nature as affording only "those fainter exhibitions of the Deity" (I, 156), he was a sturdy orthodox rationalist, tending toward, yet not embracing deism. Emphasizing the principal writings of Barrow, Maclaurin, Watts, Keill, Locke, Hutcheson, 'sGravesande, Martin, Desaguliers, Rohault (Clarke's edition), Ray, Derham, and Sir Isaac Newton, Smith suggests the rationalist who buttresses scriptural revelation with the evidences of Deity through discovery by reason of the Workman in the Work. His _Discourses on Public Occasions in America_ (2d ed., London, 1762) are the result "of his office as Head of a seminary of learning [Philadelphia Academy and College]; in order to advance the interests of Science, and therewith the interests of true Christianity" (p. vi). "A General Idea of the College of Mirania" (1762), though written about 1752 while Smith was in New York, suggests the form of his "View": he observes that "besides his revealed will, God has given intimations of his will to us, by appealing to our senses in the constitution of our nature, and the constitution and harmony of the material universe" (_Discourses_, 44). The same titles and authors are listed as in the "View." A Newtonian rationalist, Smith meditated: "All thy works, with unceasing voice, echo forth thy wondrous praises. The splendid sun, with the unnumbered orbs of heaven, thro' the pathless void, repeat their unwearied circuits, that, to the uttermost bounds of the universe, they may proclaim Thee the source of justest order and unabating harmony" (_ibid._, 155). Smith arrived at his principles of rationalism apparently without indebtedness to Franklin: there seems to be no evidence that as provost he was merely attempting to fulfill the scientific and rationalistic ideas latent in Franklin's _Proposals_, that he was a tool in Franklin's hands. Indeed, they were anything but friendly to one another. Hence, one feels that the credit for the relatively modern curriculum should be given more abundantly to Smith than to Franklin.] [Footnote i-108: _Writings_, II, 388.] [Footnote i-109: Montgomery, _op. cit._, 254 note.] [Footnote i-110: _Writings_, II, 9-14.] [Footnote i-111: _Writings_, X, 29.] [Footnote i-112: _Ibid._, X, 31. Compare similar views in Benjamin Rush's "Observations upon the Study of the Latin and Greek Languages," in _Essays, Literary, Moral and Philosophical_ (Philadelphia, 1798), and Francis Hopkinson's "An Address to the American Philosophical Society," in _Miscellaneous Essays and Occasional Writings_ (Philadelphia, 1792), I.] [Footnote i-113: _Writings_, IV, 22.] [Footnote i-114: _Ibid._, VI, 153.] [Footnote i-115: Quoted in J. B. Bury's _The Idea of Progress_, 104. See also Lois Whitney's _Primitivism and the Idea of Progress_, especially chap. V.] [Footnote i-116: Bury, _op. cit._, 96.] [Footnote i-117: _Writings_, VIII, 451.] [Footnote i-118: For example see _ibid._, IX, 74, 557.] [Footnote i-119: See _Writings_, VIII, 454.] [Footnote i-120: See R. M. Gummere, "Socrates at the Printing Press. Benjamin Franklin and the Classics," _Classical Weekly_, XXVI, 57-9 (Dec. 5, 1932).] [Footnote i-121: Several of the following arguments are included in C. E. Jorgenson's "Sidelights on Benjamin Franklin's Principles of Rhetoric," _Revue Anglo-Américaine_, Feb., 1934, 208-22.] [Footnote i-122: Hume wrote to Franklin: "You are the first philosopher, and indeed the first great man of letters for whom we are beholden to her [America]" (_Writings_, IV, 154). Cowper exclaimed that Franklin was "one of the most important [men] in the literary world, that the present age can boast of" (Parton, _op. cit._, II, 439); for other engaging estimates of Franklin as a man of letters consult C. W. Moulton, _Library of Literary Criticism ..._, IV, 79-106.] [Footnote i-123: Franklin found in an appendix to Greenwood's _English Grammar_ and in the _Memorabilia_ specimens of the Socratic method which influenced him to adopt the manner of "the humble inquirer and doubter," to write and harangue with a "modest diffidence." On several occasions he approvingly quotes Pope's rule: "to speak, tho' sure, with seeming Diffidence." Jefferson recognized Franklin's use of this kind of Machiavellian diffidence, noting, "It was one of the rules which, above all others, made Dr. Franklin the most amiable of men in society, never to contradict anybody," and that "if he was urged to announce an opinion, he did it rather by asking questions, as if for information, or by suggesting doubts." In the _Autobiography_ Franklin sees the Socratic method as a necessary ally to "doing good," observing that many who mean to be helpful "lessen their power of doing good by a positive, assuming manner, that seldom fails to disgust, tends to create opposition, and to defeat every one of those purposes for which speech was given to us."] [Footnote i-124: Bunyan's dignified simplicity, his "sound and honest Gospel strains," may have been one of Franklin's incentives to write lucidly and compellingly. For Bunyan's literary ideals, see the prefaces to his works, especially that to _Grace Abounding_. The best study of Defoe and Swift as literary theorists is W. Gückel and E. Günther, _D. Defoes und J. Swifts Belesenheit und literarische Kritik_ (Leipzig, 1925).] [Footnote i-125: E. C. Cook, _Literary Influences in Colonial Newspapers, 1704-1750_, 15. This scholarly work shows the great influence in America of neoclassical authors.] [Footnote i-126: For a generous catalog of the devices borrowed see _ibid._, 15 f.] [Footnote i-127: _Spectator_, No. 167.] [Footnote i-128: For a fuller discussion of Franklin's view of the ancients, see section on "Franklin's Theories of Education," p. xxxii above.] [Footnote i-129: Cited in R. F. Jones, "Science and English Prose Style ...," _Publications of the Modern Language Association_, XLV, 982 (Dec., 1930). On the backgrounds of literary theories underlying the sermons which Franklin heard, see scholarly studies such as Caroline F. Richardson's _English Preachers and Preaching, 1640-1670_ (New York, 1928), and W. F. Mitchell's _English Pulpit Oratory_ (New York, 1932). From 1750 on, however, the Puritan clergy in America increasingly advocated a simple, clear, and easy style. See Howard M. Jones, "American Prose Style; 1700-1770," _Huntington Library Bulletin_, No. 6, 115-51 (Nov., 1934).] [Footnote i-130: _History of the Royal Society ..._ (2d ed., London, 1702), 113.] [Footnote i-131: R. F. Jones, _op. cit._, 989. Tillotson, whom Franklin suggested as a model worthy of emulation (_Writings_, II, 391), was "another great exponent of the new style" (R. F. Jones, _op. cit._, 1002).] [Footnote i-132: L. M. MacLaurin (_Franklin's Vocabulary_, 21) also suggests Franklin's probable indebtedness to the Royal Society program.] [Footnote i-133: O. Elton, _The Augustan Age_, 8-12.] [Footnote i-134: A. O. Lovejoy, "The Parallel of Deism and Classicism," _Modern Philology_, XXIX, 281-99 (Feb., 1932).] [Footnote i-135: Franklin's friend Henry Pemberton, in his _View of Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy_ (London, 1728), had said (pp. 2-3) that the Newtonian thirst for knowledge, especially of the causes of the operations of nature, had become "so general, that all men of letters, I believe, find themselves influenced by it."] [Footnote i-136: _Writings_, II, 157.] [Footnote i-137: _Ibid._, I, 37.] [Footnote i-138: _Ibid._, I, ix.] [Footnote i-139: _Ibid._, III, 121. For his demand that sculpture and music have "beautiful simplicity" of form see _ibid._, VII, 194; VIII, 578; IV, 210, 377-8, 381; V, 530; VIII, 94. On the basis of confusion of genres, Franklin disliked the opera.] [Footnote i-140: _Ibid._, I, 41. See also X, 33, 51.] [Footnote i-141: Miss MacLaurin's research has disclosed that Franklin's vocabulary (4,062 words, between 1722 and 1751) contained only 19 words which "were discovered to be pure 'Americanisms,' and of these, 6 are the names of herbs or grasses; 1 is derived from the name of an American university, and 1 from the name of an American state" (_op. cit._, 38-9).] [Footnote i-142: Quoted in Bruce, _op. cit._, II, 439. Also see his letters to Noah Webster, _Writings_, I, 29; X, 75-6.] [Footnote i-143: S. A. Leonard, _The Doctrine of Correctness in English Usage, 1700-1800_, 14.] [Footnote i-144: See L. Richardson, _A History of Early American Magazines, 1741-1789_, index, for the vogue of Swift. In the library of the _New England Courant_, as early as 1722, there was a copy of _The Tale of a Tub_ (T. G. Wright, _Literary Culture in Early New England, 1620-1730_, 187-8). Franklin was probably indebted to the Dean for his prophecies of the death of Titan Leeds (although he could have learned the use of this device from Defoe). In _Idea of the English School_ Franklin recommends Swift for use in the sixth class (_Writings_, III, 28). His _Meditation on a Quart Mugg_ is undoubtedly derived from Swift's _Meditation upon a Broomstick_, each forced to undergo the indignities of a "dirty wench." In 1757 he made the acquaintance of Dr. John Hawksworth, who in 1755 had edited Swift's works. It is likely that this friendly union may have helped to produce Franklin's 1773 masterpieces of caustic irony and the disarmingly effective hoaxes. Variously he quotes (acknowledged and otherwise) bits from Swift's poetry and prose. See Herbert Davis's "Swift's View of Poetry," in _Studies In English by Members of University College, Toronto_ (1931), collected by M. W. Wallace.] [Footnote i-145: _Writings_, III, 26.] [Footnote i-146: To suggest that Franklin knew his Horace, see _ibid._, VI, 150; VIII, 148.] [Footnote i-147: It seems unnecessary to extend a discussion of the didacticism inherent in Franklin's writing. Addison, and the ethical bent of neoclassicism in general, impinging on a mind no small part of which was motivated by its Puritan heritage, help to account for Franklin's ethicism, a lifelong quality. References illustrating his assumed role as _Censor Morum_ are: _Writings_, I, 37, 243; II, 4, 50, 101, 110-1, 117, 175. Franklin proposes not only to delight, but also, in the Jonsonian and Meredithian sense, to instruct through a mild catharsis brought about by holding up man's excesses and vagaries for ridicule. He is firm in distinguishing good writing by its "tendency to benefit the reader, by improving his virtue or his knowledge." Consonant with Horace's "To teach--to please--comprise the poet's views, Or else at once to profit and amuse," and with Sidney's "to teach delightfully," Franklin's literary purpose included a basic ethical motivation.] [Footnote i-148: _Writings_, I, 226.] [Footnote i-149: _Ibid._, I, 42-3.] [Footnote i-150: Fully aware "that I am no _Poet born_" (Bruce, _op. cit._, II, 498), apparently agreeing with his father that poets "were generally beggars" (_Writings_ I, 240), Franklin allowed only that writing poetry may improve one's language. Yet _Dogood Paper_ No. VII and his estimate of Cowper (characterized by easiness in manner, correctness in language, clarity of expression, perspicuity, and justness of the sentiments) (_ibid._, VIII, 448-9), and the "Tears of Pleasure" he shed over Thomson, all suggest that he was not wholly blind to poetry. He hoped to see Philadelphia "become the Seat of the _American_ Muses" (_ibid._, II, 245, 110; IV, 181, 184; VI, 437).] [Footnote i-151: A. Bosker, _Literary Criticism in the Age of Johnson_, 34. For important qualifications see the thorough study by Donald F. Bond, "'Distrust' of Imagination in English Neo-Classicism," _Philological Quarterly_, XIV, 54-69 (Jan., 1935). Those interested in considering Franklin with reference to contemporary literary theory will find full materials in J. W. Draper's _Eighteenth-Century English Aesthetics: A Bibliography_, and additions to it by R. S. Crane, _Modern Philology_, XXIX, 25 ff. (1931); W. D. Templeman, _ibid._, XXX, 309-16; R. D. Havens, _Modern Language Notes_, XLVII, 118-20 (1932).] [Footnote i-152: _Writings_, II, 24.] [Footnote i-153: _Ibid._, V, 182; also II, 43, and VIII, 128, 163, 604.] [Footnote i-154: See G. S. Eddy, "Dr. Benjamin Franklin's Library," _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, N. S. XXXIV, 206-26 (Oct., 1924).] [Footnote i-155: See C. E. Jorgenson, "Benjamin Franklin and Rabelais," _Classical Journal_, XXIX, 538-40 (April, 1934).] [Footnote i-156: _The Travels of Cyrus._] [Footnote i-157: _Independent Whig_ and _Cato's Letters_.] [Footnote i-158: For an interesting summary of Franklin's references to the classics, see R. M. Gummere, _op. cit._] [Footnote i-159: Add to this, Franklin's use of the Swiftian hoax and complex irony. After writing _Rules by Which a Great Empire May Be Reduced to a Small One_ (1773) he explained to a friend: "These odd ways of presenting Matters to the publick View sometimes occasion them to be more read, talk'd of, and more attended to" (_Writings_, VI, 137). Parton observes that the _Edict of the King of Prussia_ "was the nine-days' talk of the kingdom." Raynal unsuspectingly used Franklin's _Polly Baker_, as an authentic document in his _Histoire ..._. Franklin's _Exporting of Felons to the Colonies_, _The Sale of Hessians_, and _A Dialogue between Britain, France, Spain, Holland, Saxony, and America_ illustrate these trenchant devices used to achieve a political purpose.] [Footnote i-160: _Writings_, I, 49.] [Footnote i-161: _The True Benjamin Franklin_, 158.] [Footnote i-162: _Writings_, I, 239.] [Footnote i-163: Smyth's note, _Writings_, VIII, 336.] [Footnote i-164: _Writings_, I, 238.] [Footnote i-165: _Writings_, X, 4 (to Mrs. Catherine Greene, March 2, 1789).] [Footnote i-166: There were eight towns in the colonies which had presses when Franklin went into business for himself: Cambridge, Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Annapolis, New London (Conn.), Woodbridge (N. J.), and Williamsburg. See Isaiah Thomas, _The History of Printing in America_ (Worcester, 1810), II, _passim_.] [Footnote i-167: "A printer of first-rate eminence," according to Charles Henry Timperley's _A Dictionary of Printers and Printing_ (London, 1839), 714 note.] [Footnote i-168: R. A. Austen Leigh, "William Strahan and His Ledgers," in _Transactions of the Bibliographical Society_, N. S. III, 286. For Strahan see also Spottiswoode & Co.'s _The Story of a Printing House, Being a Short Account of the Strahans and Spottiswoodes_ (London, 1911); and Timperley, _op. cit._, 754-6.] [Footnote i-169: See G. S. Eddy, "Correspondence Between Dr. Benjamin Franklin and John Walter, Regarding the Logographic Process of Printing," _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, N. S. XXXVIII, 349-69 (Oct., 1928).] [Footnote i-170: _Writings_, II, 175.] [Footnote i-171: See W. P. and J. P. Cutler, _Life, Journals and Correspondence of Rev. Manasseh Cutler_, I, 269, letter of July 13, 1787; also G. S. Eddy, _op. cit._] [Footnote i-172: See Thomas, _loc. cit._] [Footnote i-173: A notable exception was the type of "letter to the editor" which Franklin used as a means of suggesting reforms, such as those affecting the city watch, the fire companies, and the cleaning and lighting of the streets. See J. B. McMaster, _Benjamin Franklin as a Man of Letters_, 82-5.] [Footnote i-174: A correspondent of Franklin's paper commended Zenger's stand (see _Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 11-18, 1738; reprinted in W. G. Bleyer, _Main Currents in the History of American Journalism_, 66-7), but Franklin shrewdly kept his own paper free of factional politics. See Livingston Rutherford, _John Peter Zenger_ (New York, 1904).] [Footnote i-175: See Clarence S. Brigham, "American Newspapers to 1820," _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, N. S. XXXII, 157-9 (April, 1922), for detailed bibliography of the _Gazette_.] [Footnote i-176: A. H. Smyth, _Philadelphia Magazines and Their Contributors_, 200.] [Footnote i-177: _Writings_, I, 360.] [Footnote i-178: For a list of the printers with whom Franklin had such connections, see M. R. King, "One Link in the First Newspaper Chain, the _South Carolina Gazette," Journalism Quarterly_, IX, 257 (Sept., 1932).] [Footnote i-179: For sketches of both magazines, see L. N. Richardson, _A History of Early American Magazines_, 17-35, and F. L. Mott, _A History of American Magazines_, 1741-1850, 71-7. See also Philip Biddison, "The Magazine Franklin Failed to Remember," _American Literature_, IV, 177 (June, 1932); the writer thinks certain accusations in the Bradford-Franklin controversy over the magazines discreditable to Franklin, so that the latter's lapse of memory saved him "embarrassment."] [Footnote i-180: See letter to John Wright, Nov. 4, 1789 (_Writings_, X, 60-3). For European backgrounds of Franklin's economic views see Gide and Rist, in Bibliography. On American backgrounds the standard work is E. A. J. Johnson's _American Economic Thought in the Seventeenth Century_ (London, 1932), which shows the intimate relation between economic and religious theories.] [Footnote i-181: Lewis J. Carey, _Franklin's Economic Views_ (Garden City, N. Y., 1928), 72.] [Footnote i-182: Cited in Carey, 73. He had used in this article facts lent by Benezet concerning the "detestable commerce" motivated in part by English "laws for promoting the Guinea trade" (_Writings_, V, 431-2).] [Footnote i-183: _Writings_, IX, 627.] [Footnote i-184: In 1779 he professed mortification that the King of France gave "freedom to Slaves, while a king of England is endeavouring to make Slaves of Freemen" (_ibid._, VII, 402).] [Footnote i-185: _Ibid._, IX, 404. See also _ibid._, 6.] [Footnote i-186: Suggestive notes on this point may be found in N. Foerster's article in the _American Review_, IV, 129-46 (Dec., 1934).] [Footnote i-187: _Writings_, VI, 102. See also VI, 39-40.] [Footnote i-188: _Ibid._, III, 66.] [Footnote i-189: _Ibid._, III, 66-7.] [Footnote i-190: _Ibid._, III, 68.] [Footnote i-191: Carey, _op. cit._, 69.] [Footnote i-192: _Writings_, III, 65.] [Footnote i-193: _Ibid._, III, 73.] [Footnote i-194: That others in the colonies saw slavery as an economically unsound investment (without any reference to its being _malum in se_) may be witnessed in an article in the _Boston News-Letter_ (March 3, 1718): "In the previous year there had been eighty burials of Indians and negroes in Boston. The writer argued that the loss of £30 each amounted to £2,400. If white servants had been employed instead, at £15 for the time of each, the 'town had saved £1,200.' A man could procure £12 to £15 to purchase the time of a white servant that could not pay £30 to £50 for a negro or Indian. 'The Whites Strengthens [_sic_] and Peoples the Country, others do not'" (W. B. Weeden, _Economic and Social History of New England, 1620-1789_, Boston, 1891, II, 456). Congruent with Franklin's _Observations_ is John Adams's note that "Argument might have some weight in the abolition of slavery in Massachusetts, but the real cause was the multiplication of labouring white people, who would no longer suffer the rich to employ these sable rivals so much to their injury" (_ibid._, II, 453).] [Footnote i-195: In Franklin's view, slavery was also politically subversive. In 1756 he feared that the slaves, along with servants and loose people in general, would desert to the French (_Writings_, III, 359). Since the danger undoubtedly existed (_ibid._, VII, 48, 69), Franklin had a right to be sardonic in commenting on Dr. Johnson's advice that slaves be incited "to rise, cut the throats of their purchasers, and resort to the British army, where they should be rewarded with freedom" (_ibid._, X, 110-1).] [Footnote i-196: Printed in _Maryland Gazette_ (Dec. 17, 1728); later as pamphlet (April 3, 1729).] [Footnote i-197: Carey, _op. cit._, 7. See _Writings_ I, 306-7, for Franklin's own account of the effect of this work.] [Footnote i-198: C. J. Bullock, _Essays on the Monetary History of the United States_, 51.] [Footnote i-199: Weeden, _op. cit._, II, 485.] [Footnote i-200: _Financial History of the United States_, 21. Bullock observes another factor: "Sooner or later all the plantations were deeply involved in the mazes of a fluctuating currency, for the burdens attending the various wars of the eighteenth century were so great as to induce even the most conservative colonies to resort to this easy method of meeting public obligations" (_op. cit._, 33).] [Footnote i-201: _Writings_, II, 133-5.] [Footnote i-202: See Carey, _op. cit._, chap. I, for suggestive survey of this pamphlet. Carey points out Franklin's indebtedness to writings of Sir William Petty.] [Footnote i-203: Carey (chap. II, "Value and Interest") quotes Franklin: "Riches of a Country are to be valued by the Quantity of Labour its inhabitants are able to purchase, and not by the Quantity of Silver and Gold they possess" (_Writings_, II, 144).] [Footnote i-204: See, for example, _Plan for Saving One Hundred Thousand Pounds_, 1755 (_Writings_, III, 293-5).] [Footnote i-205: Writings, IV, 420: _Examination of Benjamin Franklin_. He was obliged to admit that Massachusetts colonists had taken a calmer view of the 1751 act (IV, 428).] [Footnote i-206: G. L. Beer, _British Colonial Policy, 1754-1765_, 188.] [Footnote i-207: Although it is true that Pennsylvania suffered less from paper money because of better security (Carey, _op. cit._, 23 note), it seems curious that Franklin should have been blind to the evils of inflation and the operations of Gresham's law.] [Footnote i-208: Paper in William Smith Mason Collection; cited in Carey, _op. cit._, 20. See also _Writings_, V, 189, in which he repeats the threat. British restraint must hence provoke colonial "industry and frugality."] [Footnote i-209: _Writings_, VII, 294. Cf. _ibid._, IX, 231-6.] [Footnote i-210: See _Writings_, VII, 275, 335, 341.] [Footnote i-211: To Josiah Quincy, Sept. 11, 1783 (_Writings_, IX, 93-5).] [Footnote i-212: In 1779 (see _Writings_, VII, 294) Franklin explained that the French knew little of paper currency. Mr. Carey offers convincing evidence to show that Franklin helped to predispose the deputies of the first National Assembly to use assignats (_op. cit._, 27-33). See _Of the Paper Money of the United States of America_ (_Writings_, IX, 231-6).] [Footnote i-213: J. F. Watson, _Annals of Philadelphia_ (1844 ed.), I, 533.] [Footnote i-214: Cited by J. Rae in his _Life of Adam Smith_ (London, 1895), 265.] [Footnote i-215: _Ibid._, 266. See Carey's chapter, "Franklin's Influence on Adam Smith," for an exhaustive survey of the _personalia_ linking Adam Smith and Franklin. Both were in London in 1773-1776 and were occasional companions, having in 1759 met in Edinburgh at the home of Dr. Robertson. Probably they again met in Glasgow during the same year. Smith could have received copies of Franklin's works through Hume and Lord Kames; among Franklin's works in Smith's library was _Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind_; when Smith in the _Wealth of Nations_ observes that colonial population doubles in every twenty to twenty-five years, it seems reasonable to infer that he was beholden to Franklin for the suggestion. It is within the realm of reasonable inference, says Mr. Carey, that Franklin did, as Parton urges, help to educate Smith in the colonial point of view. T. D. Eliot, in "The Relations Between Adam Smith and Benjamin Franklin before 1776," _Political Science Quarterly_, XXXIX, 67-96 (March, 1924), after calling attention to the lack of extant correspondence between them and the silence of their contemporaries concerning a vital relationship, shows a reasonable hesitancy in observing that little is known about Smith's alleged debt to Franklin. Like Wetzel and Carey, Eliot thinks the debt has been exaggerated. He has been unable to prove Dr. Patten's intuition that in 1759 Franklin went to Smith in Scotland to urge him to write a treatise on colonial policy. In 1765 Turgot met Adam Smith. In the following year he published his _Réflexions sur la formation et la distribution des richesses_, antedating Smith's _Wealth of Nations_ by ten years. See J. Delvaille's _Essai sur l'histoire de l'idée de progrès_ (Paris, 1910), chap. IV, on Adam Smith; and Carey, _op. cit._, 152, 158-9, for the relationship between Turgot and Franklin.] [Footnote i-216: Although both Franklin and Smith held to the labor theory of value (Franklin was indebted to Petty for his use of the term), Smith was confirmed in his belief before he knew of Franklin or his works.] [Footnote i-217: According to Jacob Viner ("Adam Smith and Laissez Faire," in _Adam Smith, 1776-1926. Lectures to Commemorate the Sesqui-Centennial of the Publication of 'The Wealth of Nations_,' 116-55), "Smith's major claim to fame ... seems to rest on his elaborate and detailed application to the economic world of the concept of a unified natural order, operating according to natural law, and if left to its own course producing results beneficial to mankind" (p. 118), which suggests, especially in _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, that self-love and social are the same. When Smith came to write the _Wealth of Nations_, he tended, Viner asserts, to distrust the operations of the harmonious natural order--yet Viner admits that many passages tend to corroborate his earlier view expressed in _Theory of Moral Sentiments_ and that "There is no possible room for doubt that Smith in general believed that there was, to say the least, a stronger presumption against government activity beyond its fundamental duties of protection against its foreign foes and maintenance of justice" (p. 140). We shall see elsewhere that Franklin seems to have urged a less frugal governmental restraint in activities other than economic.] [Footnote i-218: _The Colonial Mind_, 173. It is generally thought that _Principles of Trade_ is "partly" Franklin's "own composition" (Carey, _op. cit._, 161).] [Footnote i-219: Philadelphia, Sept. 13, 1775: MS letter (unpublished) in W. S. Mason Collection.] [Footnote i-220: London, Sept. 29, 1769: MS letter (unpublished) in W. S. Mason Collection.] [Footnote i-221: London, Feb. 20, 1768 (_Writings_, V, 102).] [Footnote i-222: Dated April 4, 1769 (_ibid._, V, 200-2).] [Footnote i-223: _Writings_, V, 202.] [Footnote i-224: Cited by F. W. Garrison in "Franklin and the Physiocrats," _Freeman_, VIII, 154-6 (Oct. 24, 1923).] [Footnote i-225: Dupont de Nemours's opinion of Franklin (_Writings_, V, 153-4).] [Footnote i-226: _Writings_, V, 156. See W. Steell's entertaining "The First Visit to Paris," in _Benjamin Franklin of Paris_, 3-21; also E. E. Hale and E. E. Hale, Jr., _Franklin in France_, I, 7-13.] [Footnote i-227: C. Gide and C. Rist, _A History of Economic Doctrines_, 4 note.] [Footnote i-228: _Writings_, V, 155.] [Footnote i-229: As an _experimental_ agriculturist Franklin has been given too little honor. He performed many valuable services in introducing Old-World plants, trees, and fruits to the New, and in encouraging others to carry on practical botanical experiments. Particularly from 1747 to 1757 he experimented in agriculture and was in constant communication with that pioneer scientific husbandman, Jared Eliot. See E. D. Ross's "Benjamin Franklin as an Eighteenth-Century Agriculture Leader," _Journal of Political Economy_, XXXVII, 52-72 (Feb., 1929).] [Footnote i-230: Although no scholarly substitute for the works of Quesnay, Mirabeau, Mercier de la Rivière, Dupont de Nemours, Le Trosne, Abbé Bandeau, Abbé Roubaud, and some pieces of the occasional physiocrat Turgot, the following will enable the student to derive adequately for general purposes the thought of the Économistes: H. Higgs, _The Physiocrats_ (1897); Gide and Rist, op. cit.; L. H. Haney, _History of Economic Thought_ (1911), 133-57; G. Weulersse, _Le mouvement physiocratique en France (de 1756 à 1770)_; A. Smith, _Wealth of Nations_, Bk. IV, chap. IX; J. Bonar, _Philosophy and Political Science_ (1893); in addition see critical and interpretative writings of Oncken, Stem, Kines, Hasbach, Schelle, Bauer, Feilbogen, De Lavergne.] [Footnote i-231: An integral idea of the French school was its advocacy of the _impôt unique_--a single tax on land. It is difficult to find evidence to controvert Mr. Carey's assertion that Franklin seems never to have advocated this tax (_op. cit._, 154). However, in marginalia on a pamphlet by Allan Ramsay, Franklin held: "Taxes must be paid out of the Produce of the Land. There is no other possible Fund" (cited by Carey, 155). Another reference is found in a letter of 1787 to Alexander Small: "Our Legislators are all Land-holders; and they are not yet persuaded, that all taxes are finally paid by the Land" (_Writings_, IX, 615). It is probable that he felt that a land tax would be dubiously effective in view of the difficulties of collection in sparse settlements.] [Footnote i-232: _Writings_, II, 313 (July 16, 1747). See also _Note Respecting Trade and Manufactures_, London, July 7, 1767 (Sparks, II, 366): "Suppose a country, X, with three manufactures, as _cloth_, _silk_, _iron_, supplying three other countries. A, B, C, but is desirous of increasing the vent, and raising the price of cloth in favor of her own clothiers. In order to do this, she forbids the importation of foreign cloth from A. A, in return, forbids silks from X. Then the silk-workers complain of a decay of trade. And X, to content them, forbids silks from B. B, in return, forbids iron ware from X. Then the iron-workers complain of decay. And X forbids the importation of iron from C. C, in return, forbids cloth from X. What is got by all these prohibitions? _Answer._--All four find their common stock of the enjoyments and conveniences of life diminished."] [Footnote i-233: _Writings_, IV, 469-70.] [Footnote i-234: _Ibid._, V, 155.] [Footnote i-235: Passy, May 27, 1779 (_Writings_, VII, 332).] [Footnote i-236: _Ibid._, IV, 242-5 (April 30, 1764). As Mr. Carey notes. Franklin in several places. _On the Labouring Poor_ and in a letter (IX, 240-8), suggests that private vices--demands for luxuries--make public benefits, hence resembling, if not ultimately derived from, Mandeville's _Fable of the Bees_. Franklin's sanction of free trade is, however, antithetical to Mandeville's 'dog eat dog' basis. (See Kaye's Intro. to _The Fable of the Bees_, xcviii ff.) Franklin in no uncertain terms looks upon trade restrictions definitely as the result of "the abominable selfishness" of men (VII, 332). As long as selfishness is the rule, mercantilism, not economic laissez faire, will be king. It is theoretically probable also that belief in man's innate altruism could furnish emotional if not logical sanction for laissez faire--but this abstraction is in Franklin's case futile, since like Swift he was not blind to man's malevolence!] [Footnote i-237: _Writings_, IV, 245; see also _ibid._, VIII, 107-8, 261, 19.] [Footnote i-238: _Ibid._, IX, 41; also 63, 578, 588.] [Footnote i-239: Cited in Carey, _op. cit._, 160-1.] [Footnote i-240: See Gide and Rist, _op. cit._, 7 note.] [Footnote i-241: _Ibid._, 7 note.] [Footnote i-242: _Ibid._] [Footnote i-243: Mercier de la Rivière, cited in _ibid._, 8 note.] [Footnote i-244: _Ibid._, 9-10.] [Footnote i-245: "Economics and the Idea of Natural Law," _Quarterly Journal of Economics_, XLIV, 16 (1929). See also O. H. Taylor's valuable dissertation, "The Idea of a 'Natural Order' in Early Modern Economic Thought," summarized in Harvard University _Summaries of Theses_, 1928, 102-6, and available in manuscript at the Harvard University Library.] [Footnote i-246: Taylor, "Economics and the Idea of Natural Law," _loc. cit._, 16.] [Footnote i-247: Even this fragmentary view of the more obvious economic principles held by Franklin offers convincing evidence that had he been less incidentally an economist he would have been at least a lesser Adam Smith. Mr. Wetzel, in _Benjamin Franklin as an Economist_, offers a convenient summary of Franklin as an economist, some items suggesting aspects of his views which, had space permitted, we should have included in this study: "1. Money as coin may have a value higher than its bullion value. 2. Natural interest is determined by the rent of so much land as the money loaned will buy. 3. High wages are not inconsistent with a large foreign trade. 4. Population will increase as the means of gaining a living increase. 5. A high standard of living serves to prolong single life, and thus acts as a check upon the increase of population. 6. People are adjusted among the different countries according to the comparative well-being of mankind. 7. The value of an article is determined by the amount of labor necessary to produce the food consumed in making the article. 8. While manufactures are advantageous, only agriculture is truly productive. 9. Manufactures will naturally spring up in a country as the country becomes ripe for them. 10. Free trade with the world will give the greatest return at the least expense. 11. Wherever practicable, State revenue should be raised by direct taxes."] [Footnote i-248: _Writings_, II, 110.] [Footnote i-249: _Ibid._, II, 295. In 1736 Franklin wrote: "Faction, if not timely suppressed, may overturn the balance, the palladium of liberty, and crush us under its ruins" (cited in R. G. Gettell, _History of American Political Thought_, 149).] [Footnote i-250: W. R. Shepherd, _History of Proprietary Government in Pennsylvania_ (New York, 1896), 5.] [Footnote i-251: _Writings_, II, 351.] [Footnote i-252: _Ibid._] [Footnote i-253: _Ibid._, II, 352.] [Footnote i-254: _Ibid._, II, 347.] [Footnote i-255: Shepherd, _op. cit._, 222. In 1764 Penn thought that Franklin was one "who may lose the government of a post office by grasping at that of a province" (_ibid._, 564). In turn one of the proprietors wrote to him: "Franklin is certainly destined to be our plague" (_ibid._, 566). Penn professed not to fear "your mighty Goliath." For proof that Franklin's fear expressed in _Plain Truth_ was not idle see _Extracts from Chief Justice William Allen's Letter Book_, 17, 22-3, 25, 31-2.] [Footnote i-256: _Plain Truth_ inspirited the colonists to defend themselves, even if it failed in its larger purpose; see _Writings_, II, 354, 362.] [Footnote i-257: To James Parker, March 20, 1750/51 (_Writings_, III, 40-5). L. C. Wroth, in _An American Bookshelf_, 1755 (Philadelphia, 1934), 12 ff., reviews A. Kennedy's _The Importance of Gaining the Friendship of the Indians to the British Interest_ (1751), to which was appended a letter, prefiguring the Albany Plan of Union. This letter, Mr. Wroth observes, was by Franklin. C. E. Merriam states that "The storm centre of the democratic movement during the colonial period was the conflict between the governors and the colonial legislatures or assemblies" (_A History of American Political Theories_, 34). Also see E. B. Greene, _The Provincial Governor in the English Colonies of North America_.] [Footnote i-258: _Writings_, III, 71.] [Footnote i-259: Cited in G. L. Beer, _British Colonial Policy_, 1754-1765, 17.] [Footnote i-260: _Writings_, III, 197.] [Footnote i-261: For a suggestive source study see Mrs. L. K. Mathews's "Benjamin Franklin's Plans for a Colonial Union, 1750-1775," _American Political Science Review_, VIII, 393-412 (Aug., 1914).] [Footnote i-262: Cited in Beer, _op. cit._, 49.] [Footnote i-263: _Writings_, III, 242.] [Footnote i-264: _Ibid._, III, 226. As Beer has pointed out (_op. cit._, 23 note), since the plan was not ratified, it never went before the Crown; hence Franklin's retrospective glance is misleading: "The Crown disapproved it, as having placed too much Weight in the Democratic Part of the Constitution; and every Assembly as having allowed too much to Prerogative. So it was totally rejected" (_Writings_, III, 227).] [Footnote i-265: _Ibid._, III, 233.] [Footnote i-266: To Peter Collinson, Nov. 22, 1756 (_Writings_, III, 351).] [Footnote i-267: As A. H. Smyth says, this was probably _inspired_ by Franklin although not written by him; at any rate "it undoubtedly reflects" his opinions (III, vi). Isaac Sharpless observes that Franklin "had sympathy with their [Quakers'] demands for political freedom, but none for their non-military spirit" (_Political Leaders of Provincial Pennsylvania_, New York, 1919, 178).] [Footnote i-268: _Writings_, III, 372.] [Footnote i-269: A. Bradford, _Memoir of the Life and Writings of Rev. J. Mayhew_ (Boston, 1838), 119.] [Footnote i-270: See for capable studies: B. F. Wright, _American Interpretations of Natural Law_; C. F. Mullett, _Fundamental Law and the American Revolution_; D. G. Ritchie, _Natural Rights_ (London, 1895), and his "Contributions to the History of the Social Contract Theory," _Political Science Quarterly_, VI, 656-76 (1891); C. Becker, _The Declaration of Independence_, chap. II; C. E. Merriam, _op. cit._, chap. II; H. J. Laski, _Political Thought in England from Locke to Bentham_ (New York, 1920).] [Footnote i-271: Becker, _op. cit._, 24.] [Footnote i-272: _Ibid._, 27.] [Footnote i-273: Burke said that nearly as many copies of this work were sold in the colonies as in Great Britain. It will be remembered that Hamilton leaned heavily on Blackstone in _The Farmer Refuted_ (1773).] [Footnote i-274: Cited in Wright, _op. cit._, 11.] [Footnote i-275: _The Farmer Refuted._ For discussion of changes in Hamilton's political theory see F. C. Prescott's Introduction to _Hamilton and Jefferson_ (American Writers Series, New York, 1934).] [Footnote i-276: Franklin acknowledges his close reading of Locke's _Essay Concerning Human Understanding_ (_Writings_, I, 243). In 1749 he urges that Locke be read in the Philadelphia Academy (II, 387) and refers again to the great logician in _Idea of the English School_ (III, 28). He is supposed to have defended in spirited debate Locke's treatise on Toleration (I, 179). The catalogues of the Philadelphia Library Company disclose that by 1757 all of Locke's works had been obtained. One may ask how an alert eighteenth-century mind could have escaped the impact of Locke's thought. It is more difficult to establish satisfactorily a nexus between Rousseau's and Franklin's minds. Mr. George Simpson Eddy has kindly allowed us to consult his "Catalogue of Pamphlets, Once a Part of the Library of Benjamin Franklin, and now owned by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania" in which are included Rousseau's _Preface de la Nouvelle Hélöise ..._ (1761) and _Discours sur l'économie politique ..._ (1760). Even if Rousseau's mistress, Countess d'Houdetot, feted Franklin in 1781, and Franklin was acquainted with Rousseau's physician, Achille-Guillaume le Bègue de Presle, and directly in 1785 mentions Rousseau on child-education (_Writings_, IX, 334), one can not be sure to what extent Rousseau's writings may have aided Franklin in formulating notions similar to the social contract theory (IX, 138).] [Footnote i-277: Cited in A. M. Baldwin, _The New England Clergy and the American Revolution_, 6.] [Footnote i-278: _Ibid._, xii. See also C. H. Van Tyne's able study, "The Influence of the Clergy, and of Religious and Sectarian Forces, on the American Revolution," _American Historical Review_, XIX, 44-64 (Oct., 1913). He takes issue with the economic determinists and concludes that of all the causes of the Revolution, religious causes are "among the most important" (p. 64). The Revolution was in large measure caused by a conflict of political ideas, and these were disseminated mostly by the clergy.] [Footnote i-279: _An Oration, Delivered March 5, 1773_ (Boston, 1773), 6.] [Footnote i-280: _Ibid._, 10-11.] [Footnote i-281: _Ibid._, 8. Also see S. Stillman, _Election-Sermon_, May 26, 1779 (Boston, 1779); J. Clarke, _Election-Sermon_, May 30, 1781 (Boston, 1781).] [Footnote i-282: Although Franklin denied having written it (_Writings_, IV, 82), Mr. Ford (_Franklin Bibliography_, III) asserts that "this work must still be treated as from Franklin's pen." He sent 500 copies to Pennsylvania consigned to his partner, David Hall, for distribution.] [Footnote i-283: To Joseph Galloway, April 11, 1757 (unpublished MS letter in W. S. Mason Collection). For a description of the unpublished Franklin-Galloway correspondence see W. S. Mason's article in _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_ for Oct., 1924.] [Footnote i-284: To Joseph Galloway, Feb. 17, 1758 (unpublished MS letter in W. S. Mason Collection).] [Footnote i-285: June 10, 1758 (unpublished MS letter in W. S. Mason Collection).] [Footnote i-286: April 7, 1759 (unpublished MS letter in W. S. Mason Collection).] [Footnote i-287: _The Works of Benjamin Franklin_ (Philadelphia, 1809), II, 147.] [Footnote i-288: _Ibid._, II, 7.] [Footnote i-289: _Ibid._, II, 1.] [Footnote i-290: _Ibid._, II, vii.] [Footnote i-291: _Ibid._, II, xvi.] [Footnote i-292: Apropos of many colonial ferments, not unlike the one we have considered above, Carl Becker writes: "Throughout the eighteenth century, little colonial aristocracies played their part, in imagination clothing their governor in the decaying vesture of Old-World tyrants and themselves assuming the homespun garb, half Roman and half Puritan, of a virtuous republicanism.... It was the illusion of sharing in great events rather than any low mercenary motive that made Americans guard with jealous care their legislative independence" (_The Eve of the Revolution_, New Haven, 1918, 60). Also see C. H. Lincoln, _The Revolutionary Movement in Pennsylvania, 1760-1776_.] [Footnote i-293: _Writings_, III, 408-9.] [Footnote i-294: _Ibid._, III, 457.] [Footnote i-295: V. W. Crane, "Certain Writings of Benjamin Franklin on the British Empire and the American Colonies," _Papers of the Bibliographical Society_, XXVIII, Pt. 1, 6 (1934). Also see W. L. Grant, "Canada vs. Guadaloupe," _American Historical Review_, XVII, 735-43, (Oct., 1911-July, 1912).] [Footnote i-296: Beer, _op. cit._, 313.] [Footnote i-297: _Writings_, IV, 224.] [Footnote i-298: _Ibid._, IV, 229.] [Footnote i-299: The massacre led by the "Paxton boys."] [Footnote i-300: _Writings_, IV, 314.] [Footnote i-301: _Writings_, IV, 418.] [Footnote i-302: _Ibid._, IV, 419. See Beer, _op. cit._, 294 f.] [Footnote i-303: _A History of American Political Theories_, 46.] [Footnote i-304: _Writings_, IV, 445-6.] [Footnote i-305: To Joseph Galloway, May 20, 1767 (photostat of unpublished MS letter in W. S. Mason Collection; original in W. L. Clements Library).] [Footnote i-306: To Joseph Galloway, Aug. 20, 1768 (photostat of unpublished MS letter in W. S. Mason Collection; original in W. L. Clements Library).] [Footnote i-307: To Joseph Galloway, April 14, 1767 (photostat of unpublished MS letter in W. S. Mason Collection; original in W. L. Clements Library). Cf. also letter to the same, Jan. 11, 1770, _ibid._] [Footnote i-308: See, for example, _An Edict by the King of Prussia_ (1773)--for its effect see _Writings_, VI, 146--and _Rules by Which a Great Empire May Be Reduced to a Small One_ (1773). Crane, _op. cit._, concludes that Franklin appears as "the chief agent of the American propaganda in England, especially between 1765 and 1770" (p. 26). For treatment of American propagandists see P. G. Davidson, "Whig Propagandists of the American Revolution," _American Historical Review_, XXXIX, 442-53 (April, 1934), and his _Revolutionary Propagandists in New England, New York and Pennsylvania, 1763-1776_ (unpublished dissertation, University of Chicago, 1929); summarized in _Abstracts of Theses_, Humanistic Series VII, 239-42; F. J. Hinkhouse, _The Preliminaries of the American Revolution as Seen in the English Press_ (New York, 1926).] [Footnote i-309: _Writings_, V, 297.] [Footnote i-310: See R. G. Adams, _Political Ideas of the American Revolution_, 35, 62-3.] [Footnote i-311: Oct. 2, 1770 (_Writings_, V, 280). See also _Causes of the American Discontents before 1768_ (V, 78 f., 160-2). An aspect of his loyalty to the crown may be seen in his hatred of French desire to separate the colonies from England (V, 47, 231, 254, 323). The printing of the _Examination_ and other of Franklin's pieces in Europe buttressed the predisposition of France to hate Great Britain (V, 231). The best comprehensive treatment of backgrounds is C. H. Van Tyne's _The Causes of the War of Independence_.] [Footnote i-312: _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, XXV, 311 (1901). See also _ibid._, 307-22, and XXVI, 81-90, 255-64 (1902). See _Writings_, VI, 144.] [Footnote i-313: _Writings_, VI, 173.] [Footnote i-314: _Ibid._, VI, 319. His unpublished letters of 1775 in the Original Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin with the Bishop of St. Asaph (in the W. S. Mason Collection) emphasize his progressive apathy toward a reconciliation. Especially see letters of May 15 and July 7.] [Footnote i-315: _Ibid._, VI, 460.] [Footnote i-316: Cited in Davidson, _op. cit._, 442.] [Footnote i-317: Hugh Williamson claimed that he actually gave Franklin the letters. Apparently another person went to the office where the letters were archived and posing as an authorized person secured the desired correspondence (D. Hosack, _Biographical Memoir of Hugh Williamson_, New York, 1820, 37 ff.).] [Footnote i-318: For an interesting account of this episode see Parton, _op. cit._, 1, chap. IX.] [Footnote i-319: _Writings_, V, 134. Franklin and Burke were friendly; see their correspondence. The best exposition of Burke's doctrines is that by John MacCunn, _The Political Philosophy of Edmund Burke_ (London, 1913).] [Footnote i-320: _Ibid._, V, 439; see also 527.] [Footnote i-321: London, April 20, 1771; unpublished MS letter in W. S. Mason Collection. Compare with Abbé Raynal's opinion that "society is essentially good; government, as is well known, may be, and is but too often evil" (_The Revolution of America_, Dublin, 1781, 45).] [Footnote i-322: M. Eiselen (_Franklin's Political Theories_, Garden City, N. Y., 1928) observes that Franklin as presiding officer had actually little to do with casting the instrument. From his later paper on the Constitution it is possible, however, to see that he accepted most of its major ideas (pp. 57-8). See S. B. Harding, "Party Struggles over the First Pennsylvania Constitution," _Annual Report of the American Historical Association for 1894_, 371-402.] [Footnote i-323: That Franklin "had more to do with the phraseology of the Declaration of Independence than has been recognized up to now" (J. C. Fitzpatrick, _Spirit of the Revolution_, Boston, 1924, 11) has been shown by Becker, _op. cit._] [Footnote i-324: See text in S. E. Morison, _Sources and Documents Illustrating the American Revolution, 1764-1788, and the Formation of the Federal Constitution_ (Oxford, 1923, 162-76).] [Footnote i-325: C. H. Lincoln, _The Revolutionary Movement in Pennsylvania, 1760-1776_, 277.] [Footnote i-326: Cited in N. G. Goodman, _Benjamin Rush_ (Philadelphia, 1934), 62. Another wrote that the unicameral form is good "if men were wise and virtuous as angels" (Lincoln, _op. cit._, 282; see also 283). The American Philosophical Society, of which Franklin was president, declared against it.] [Footnote i-327: T. F. Moran, _The Rise and Development of the Bicameral System in America_ (Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, 13th ser., V [Baltimore, 1895]), 42. The legislative Council (upper chamber) had been destroyed by the 1701 constitution. See B. A. Konkle, _George Bryan and the Constitution of Pennsylvania_ (Philadelphia, 1922), 114. P. L. Ford ("The Adoption of the Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776," _Political Science Quarterly_, X, Sept., 1895, 426-59) observes: "The one-chamber legislature and the annual election were hardly the work of the Convention, for they were merely transferred from the Penn Charter; having yielded such admirable results in the past, it is not strange that they were grafted into the new instrument" (p. 454).] [Footnote i-328: Defending (in 1789) the Pennsylvania constitution, Franklin wrote, "Have we not experienced in this Colony, when a Province under the Government of the Proprietors, the Mischiefs of a second Branch existing in the Proprietary Family, countenanced and aided by an Aristocratic Council?" (_Writings_, X, 56.)] [Footnote i-329: In 1775 he submitted to the Second Continental Congress his _Articles of Confederation_ (_Writings_, VI, 420-6) which called for a "firm League of Friendship" motivated by a unicameral assembly and a plural executive, a Council of twelve. It was democratic also in its "basing representation upon population instead of financial support" (Eiselen, _op. cit._, 54).] [Footnote i-330: _Writings_, VII, 48.] [Footnote i-331: _Ibid._, VII, 23. No dull sidelight on the quality of Franklin's radicalism during this period is the fact that he brought Thomas Paine to the colonies and was partly responsible for the writing of _Common Sense_. It is alleged that Franklin considered Paine "his adopted political son" (cited in M. D. Conway's _Life of Thomas Paine_, 3d ed., New York, 1893, II, 468). For explication of Paine's political theories see C. E. Merriam, "Political Theories of Thomas Paine," _Political Science Quarterly_, XIV, 389-403.] [Footnote i-332: Hale and Hale, _op. cit._, I, 70; see also 75.] [Footnote i-333: _Ibid._, I, 32.] [Footnote i-334: Cited in J. B. Perkins, _France in the American Revolution_, 140.] [Footnote i-335: _Ibid._, 127.] [Footnote i-336: See D. J. Hill, "A Missing Chapter of Franco-American History," _American Historical Review_, XXI, 709-19, (July, 1916).] [Footnote i-337: _Ibid._, 710.] [Footnote i-338: _Writings_, IX, 132. The Due de la Rochefoucauld translated them into French (IX, 71). Franklin thought they would induce emigration to the colonies. See the scores of requests (on the part of notable Frenchmen) and thanks for copies of the constitutions of the United States listed in _Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin in the Library of the American Philosophical Society_.] [Footnote i-339: J. S. Schapiro, _Condorcet and the Rise of Liberalism_, 79-81 and _passim_.] [Footnote i-340: _Ibid._, 222.] [Footnote i-341: Cited in W. T. Franklin's edition, I, 303-4. E. P. Oberholtzer, essentially hostile to Franklin, is obliged to admit that Franklin "seems not to have had more than an advisory part" in making the Constitution of 1776. He adds that if Franklin did not form it, "he was at any rate a loyal defender of its principles," and that he seems to have allowed the French to think that the Constitution was his own (_The Referendum in America_, New York, 1900, 26-42). For Franklin's later defenses of unicameralism, see _Writings_, IX, 645, 674; X; 56-8.] [Footnote i-342: Cited in B. Faÿ, _The Revolutionary Spirit In France and America_, 289. Faÿ shows that in France the "revolutionary leaders" who took lessons from Franklin regarded him as "the prophet and saint of a new religion," as the "high priest of Philosophy." See also E. J. Lowell, _The Eve of the French Revolution_ (Boston, 1892), chaps. XVI and XVIII.] [Footnote i-343: B. Faÿ, _The Revolutionary Spirit in France and America_, 302.] [Footnote i-344: _Writings_, VIII, 34.] [Footnote i-345: _Ibid._, VIII, 452; June 7, 1782 (to Joseph Priestley).] [Footnote i-346: _Ibid._, IX, 241.] [Footnote i-347: _Ibid._, IX, 330.] [Footnote i-348: _Ibid._, IX, 521; see also IX, 489.] [Footnote i-349: Although the preponderance of evidence bears out the trustworthiness of this assertion, one can not idly dismiss his _Some Good Whig Principles_ or disregard his expressed belief that the people "seldom continue long in the wrong" and if misled they "come right again, and double their former affections" (cited in W. C. Bruce, _Benjamin Franklin, Self-Revealed_, II, 100; also see _Writings_, X, 130). There is a clearly evident polarity in Franklin's mind between ultra-democratic faith and a rigorous observation that if "people" are so constituted, many men are utter rascals. One almost senses a dichotomy between Franklin the politician and Franklin the man and moralist.] [Footnote i-350: See his _The Constitution of the United States_ (New York, 1924).] [Footnote i-351: _The Records of the Federal Convention_, ed. by Max Farrand, I, 488; see _Writings_, IX, 602-3, 595-9.] [Footnote i-352: _Writings_, IX, 596.] [Footnote i-353: _The Records of the Federal Convention_, I, 47.] [Footnote i-354: _Ibid._, I, 165.] [Footnote i-355: _Writings_, IX, 593.] [Footnote i-356: _The Records of the Federal Convention_, I, 109.] [Footnote i-357: _Ibid._, II, 120.] [Footnote i-358: _Ibid._, II, 204.] [Footnote i-359: Franklin objected to primogeniture and entail.] [Footnote i-360: _Ibid._, II, 249.] [Footnote i-361: Gettell, _op. cit._, 122.] [Footnote i-362: _Writings_, X, 56-8.] [Footnote i-363: _Ibid._, IX, 698-703.] [Footnote i-364: _Ibid._, IX, 608.] [Footnote i-365: _Ibid._, IX, 638.] [Footnote i-366: _Writings_, X, 7.] [Footnote i-367: Letter in American Philosophical Society Library; cited by B. M. Victory, _Benjamin Franklin and Germany_, 128.] [Footnote i-368: _Writings_, III, 96.] [Footnote i-369: _Ibid._, III, 97.] [Footnote i-370: _Ibid._, III, 107.] [Footnote i-371: _Ibid._, IV, 221.] [Footnote i-372: _Ibid._, IV, 377.] [Footnote i-373: _Ibid._, V, 165. He repeated this thought to Beccaria in 1773 (_ibid._, VI, 112). Also see V, 206, 410-1, VII, 49.] [Footnote i-374: _Ibid._, VII, 418; also see VIII, 211.] [Footnote i-375: _Ibid._, VIII, 315; also see letter to Priestley, June 7, 1782, VIII, 451; to Comte de Salmes, July 5, 1785, IX, 361.] [Footnote i-376: _Ibid._, IX, 652.] [Footnote i-377: _Ibid._, IX, 621. He wrote this after he was reappointed President of Pennsylvania in 1787. He confessed, however, that this honor gave him "no small pleasure."] [Footnote i-378: W. P. and J. P. Cutler, _Life, Journals and Correspondence of Rev. Manasseh Cutler_, I, 269-70.] [Footnote i-379: _Joseph and Benjamin, A Conversation_, Trans. from a French Manuscript (London, 1787), 72. If this meeting never took place, the reported conversation is anything but "decidedly silly" as Ford opines (_Franklin Bibliography_, #936, 371).] [Footnote i-380: _Writings_, IV, 143.] [Footnote i-381: _Ibid._, VIII, 601. Also see IX, 53.] [Footnote i-382: _Ibid._, VIII, 593.] [Footnote i-383: Brother Potamian and J. J. Walsh, _Makers of Electricity_, 126.] [Footnote i-384: "Letters and Papers of Cadwallader Colden, IV (1748-54)," _Collections of the New York Historical Society_ (1920), 372.] [Footnote i-385: "An Outline of Philosophy in America," _Western Reserve University Bulletin_ (March, 1896). See also I. W. Riley, _American Philosophy: The Early Schools_, 229-65.] [Footnote i-386: _Franklin, the Apostle of Modern Times_, iv.] [Footnote i-387: _Writings_, I, 295.] [Footnote i-388: _Boston News-Letter_, Jan. 17, 1744/5. Also see 1669-1882. _An Historical Catalogue of the Old South Church (Third Church), Boston_ (Boston, 1883), 304.] [Footnote i-389: _Writings_, I, 324.] [Footnote i-390: _Writings_, IX, 208.] [Footnote i-391: _Essays to do Good_, with an Introductory Essay by A. Thomson (Glasgow, 1825), 102.] [Footnote i-392: _Ibid._, 213-4.] [Footnote i-393: _Works of Daniel Defoe_, ed. by Wm. Hazlitt (London, 1843), I, 22.] [Footnote i-394: _Writings_, I, 239.] [Footnote i-395: See _New England Courant_, No. 48, June 25-July 2, 1722.] [Footnote i-396: _Writings_, I, 244.] [Footnote i-397: Consecrated to piety, Robert Boyle at his death left £50 per annum, for a clergyman elected to "preach eight sermons in the year for proving the Christian religion against notorious infidels, _viz._ Atheists, Theists, Pagans, Jews, and Mahometans...." (_Works of Robert Boyle_, London, 1772, I, clxvii.)] [Footnote i-398: _Writings_, I, 295.] [Footnote i-399: In his Introduction to _Selections from Cotton Mather_ (New York, 1926), xlix-li, K. B. Murdock agrees with I. W. Riley that _The Christian Philosopher_ (1721) represents the first stage of the reaction from scriptural Calvinism to the scientific deism of Paine and Franklin. T. Hornberger's "The Date, the Source, and the Significance of Cotton Mather's Interest in Science" (_loc. cit._) shows that "as early as 1693 Cotton Mather was expressing that delight in the wonder and beauty of design in the external world which Professors Murdock and Riley regard as deistic in tendency," that he "was unconsciously vacillating between two points of view."] [Footnote i-400: _Works of Richard Bentley_, ed. by A. Dyce (London, 1838), III, 74-5.] [Footnote i-401: _Ibid._, III, 79.] [Footnote i-402: _Physico-Theology ..._ (5th ed., London, 1720), 25-6. God's "exquisite Workmanship" is seen in "every Creature" (p. 27).] [Footnote i-403: See _A Discourse of Free-Thinking_ (London, 1713).] [Footnote i-404: _Priestcraft in Perfection ..._ (London, 1710).] [Footnote i-405: _Writings_, I, 243.] [Footnote i-406: A. C. Fraser ed. (Oxford, 1894), II, 425-6.] [Footnote i-407: _Ibid._, II, 121. For Locke and his place in the age see S. G. Hefelbower's _The Relation of John Locke to English Deism_. About the time he read Locke, Franklin notes he studied Arnauld and Nicole's _La logique ou l'art de penser_. Mr. G. S. Eddy has informed one of the editors that the Library Company of Philadelphia owns John Ozell's translation of the work (London, 1718), and that this was the copy owned by Franklin. (See Lowndes's _Bibliographer's Manual_, IV, 1930, and _Dictionary of National Biography_, "John Ozell.") In accord with the English deistic and rationalistic tendency, _La logique_ admits that Aristotle's authority is not good, that "Men cannot long endure such constraint" (Thomas S. Bayne's trans., 8th ed., Edinburgh and London, n.d., 23). Indebted to Pascal and Descartes, it admits with the latter that geometry and astronomy may help one achieve justness of mind, but it vigorously asserts that this justness of mind is more important than speculative science (p. 1). Anti-sensational, it denies "that all our ideas come through sense" (p. 34), affirming that we have within us ideas of things (p. 31). It is uncertain of the value of induction, which "is never a certain means of acquiring perfect knowledge" (p. 265; see also 304, 307, 308, 350). It accords little praise to the sciences and reason, and seems wary of metaphysical speculation, assuring more humbly that "Piety, wisdom, moderation, are without doubt the most estimable qualities in the world" (p. 291). As we shall discover, this work on the whole seems to have had (with the exception of the last very general principle) little formative influence on the young mind which was fast impregnating itself with scientific deism. Were it not for the recurring implications (particularly in the harvest of editions of the _Autobiography_) that _La logique_ is as significant for our study as, for example, the works of Locke and Shaftesbury, this note would be pedantic supererogation.] [Footnote i-408: A. C. Fraser, _op. cit._, I, 99. See also 190, 402-3; II, 65, 68, 352.] [Footnote i-409: Cited in C. A. Moore, "Shaftesbury and the Ethical Poets in England, 1700-1760," _Publications of the Modern Language Association_, XXXI (N. S. XXIV), 276 (June, 1916).] [Footnote i-410: _Ibid._, 271.] [Footnote i-411: J. M. Robertson, ed., _Characteristics ..._ (New York, 1900), I, 27.] [Footnote i-412: _Ibid._, I, 241-2.] [Footnote i-413: Moore, _op. cit._, 267.] [Footnote i-414: In _Dogood Paper_ No. XIV Franklin suggests (autobiographically?): "In Matters of Religion, he that alters his Opinion on a _religious Account_, must certainly go thro' much Reading, hear many Arguments on both Sides, and undergo many Struggles in his Conscience, before he can come to a full Resolution" (_Writings_, II, 46).] [Footnote i-415: He read Thomas Tryon's _The Way to Health, Long Life and Happiness_, probably the second edition (London, 1691), a copy of which is in the W. S. Mason Collection. Tryon holds that no "greater Happiness" than Attic sobriety is "attainable upon Earth" (p. 1). Divine Temperance is the "spring head of all Virtues" (p. 33). Inward harmony "is both the Glory and the Happiness, the Joy and Solace of created Beings, the celebrated Musick of the Spheres, the Eccho of Heaven, the Business of Seraphims, and the Imployment of Eternity" (p. 500). From Xenophon he learned that "self-restraint" is "the very corner-stone of virtue." The classic core of the _Memorabilia_ is the love of the moderate contending with the love of the incontinent. Franklin has impressed many as representing an American Socrates. Emerson was certain that Socrates "had a Franklin-like wisdom" (Centenary Ed., IV, 72). Franklin's fondness for Socratic centrality, discipline, and knowledge of self is fragmentarily shown by the aphorisms appropriated in _Poor Richard_. There are scores of the quality of the following: "He that lives carnally won't live eternally." "Who has deceived thee so oft as thyself?" "Caesar did not merit the triumphal car more than he that conquers himself." "If Passion drives, let Reason hold the Reins." "A man in a Passion rides a mad Horse." "There are three Things extremely hard, Steel, a Diamond and to know one's self." Consult T. H. Russell's _The Sayings of Poor Richard, 1733-1758_.] [Footnote i-416: See S. Bloore, "Samuel Keimer. A Footnote to the Life of Franklin," _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, LIV, 255-87 (July, 1930), and "Samuel Keimer," in _Dictionary of American Biography_, X, 288-9. In 1724 Samuel Keimer (probably with Franklin's aid) reprinted Gordon and Trenchard's _The Independent Whig_. (See W. J. Campbell's _A Short-Title Check List of all the Books, Pamphlets, Broadsides, known to have been printed by Benjamin Franklin_.) Franklin also was acquainted with their _Cato's Letters_, having helped to set up parts from it while working on the _New England Courant_. _The Independent Whig_ emphasizes humanitarian morality rather than theological dogma, morality which "prompts us to do good to all Men, and to all Men alike" (London, 1721, xlviii). It is fearful of metaphysical vagaries (p. 26). Warring against priests and their "Monkey Tricks at Church" (p. 165)--"One Drop of Priestcraft is enough to contaminate the Ocean" (p. 168)--it sets up a violent antithesis between reason and authority (p. 212), declaring that "we must judge from Scripture what is Orthodoxy" _but_ "we must judge from Reason, what is Scripture" (p. 276). Tilting at a Deity "revengeful, cruel, capricious, impotent, vain, fond of Commendation and Flattery," exalting an "All-powerful, All-wise, and All-merciful God" (p. 413), _The Independent Whig_, like Franklin's _Articles_, suggests that "it is absurd to suppose, that we can direct the All-wise Being in the Dispensation of his Providence; or can flatter or persuade him out of his eternal Decrees" (p. 436). In _Cato's Letters_ (3rd ed., 4 vols., London, 1733), which were tremendously popular in the American colonies, Franklin could have read that "The People have no Biass to be Knaves" (I, 178), that man "cannot enter into the Rationale of God's punishing all Mankind for the Sin of their first Parents, which they could not help" (IV, 38), "That we cannot provoke him, when we intend to adore him; that the best Way to serve him, is to be serviceable to one another" (IV, 103). Jesus instituted a natural religion, a worship of One Immutable God, free from priests, sacrifices, and ceremonies, in which one shows through "doing Good to men" his adoration for God (IV, 265-6). Here are observations which could easily have reinforced Franklin's deistic rationale. For interesting evidence of further deistic and rationalistic works available to Franklin, see L. C. Wroth's _An American Bookshelf_, 1755.] [Footnote i-417: One of the editors has examined the photostated _New England Courant_ in the W. S. Mason Collection. For readable accounts of this newspaper see: W. G. Bleyer, _Main Currents in the History of American Journalism_, chaps. I-II; C. A. Duniway, _The Development of Freedom of the Press in Massachusetts_, 97-103; W. C. Ford, "Franklin's New England Courant," _Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society_, LVII, 336-53 (April, 1924); H. F. Kane, "James Franklin Senior, Printer of Boston and Newport," _American Collector_, III, 17-26 (Oct., 1926).] [Footnote i-418: See _Writings_, II, 52-3.] [Footnote i-419: One of the editors has used the Huth copy now possessed by W. S. Mason. Not included in the Sparks, Bigelow, or Smyth editions of his works, it was printed by Parton as an Appendix to his _Life_; by I. W. Riley, _op. cit._, and recently edited by L. C. Wroth for The Facsimile Text Society.] [Footnote i-420: Franklin must have been mistaken in his belief that he set up the second edition. The work was privately printed in 1722, reprinted in 1724 and a second time in 1725. Hence Franklin really set up the _third_ edition. For an extensive analysis of this work, see C. G. Thompson's dissertation, _The Ethics of William Wollaston_ (Boston, 1922).] [Footnote i-421: Wollaston, _op. cit._, 15.] [Footnote i-422: _Ibid._, 23.] [Footnote i-423: _Ibid._, 78-9.] [Footnote i-424: _Ibid._, 80.] [Footnote i-425: _Ibid._] [Footnote i-426: _Ibid._, 83.] [Footnote i-427: It would be interesting to know whether Franklin's much discussed prudential virtues (listed in _Autobiography_) were not in part motivated by Wollaston's pages 173-80.] [Footnote i-428: _Ibid._, 7.] [Footnote i-429: _Ibid._, 26.] [Footnote i-430: _Ibid._, 63 ff.] [Footnote i-431: _Writings_, VII, 412.] [Footnote i-432: _A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity_, _Pleasure and Pain_ (London, 1725), 4.] [Footnote i-433: _Ibid._, 5.] [Footnote i-434: For an incisive exposition of the earlier and contemporary controversy regarding freedom of the will, see C. H. Faust and T. H. Johnson's Introduction to _Jonathan Edwards_ (American Writers Series, New York, 1935), xliii-lxiv.] [Footnote i-435: _A Dissertation ..._, 10-1.] [Footnote i-436: In Franklin's liturgy of the '30's (in the _Autobiography_) he quotes from Thomson's _Winter_ (lines 217 ff.). While the references to Thomson are few in the complete works, his later influence on Franklin need not be underestimated. See Franklin's letter to W. Strahan (_Writings_, II, 242-3) in which he confesses that "That charming Poet has brought more Tears of Pleasure into my Eyes than all I ever read before." It is not inconceivable that in Thomson Franklin found additional sanction for his humanitarian bias. One remembers the wide differences between the humanitarianism of Thomson and Franklin. Franklin's practical and masculine-humanitarianism keyed to the saving of time and energy was unlike the sentimental warmheartedness often displayed by Thomson. Franklin was never moved to tears at beholding the worm's "convulsive twist in agonizing folds."] [Footnote i-437: Phillips Russell has suggested _Spectator_, No. 183, as Franklin's probable source in Part II of the _Dissertation_. There, pleasure and pain are "such constant yoke-fellows." This intuitive assertion can hardly be conceived as the elaborate metaphysical rationale upon which this idea rests in Franklin's work.] [Footnote i-438: Robertson, _op. cit._, 239-40.] [Footnote i-439: London (4th ed.), 1724. A despiser of authoritarianism in religion, intrigued by the physico-deistic thought of his day, Lyons (with a vituperative force akin to Thomas Paine's) damns those who damn men for revolting against divine and absolute revelation (p. 25). "Men have _Reason_ sufficient to find out proper and regular ways for improving and perfecting their laws." Faith he calls "an unintelligible Chymæra of the Phantasie" (p. 92). The doctrine of the Trinity "is one of the most nice Inventions that ever the subtlest Virtuoso constru'd to puzzle the Wit of Man with" (p. 112). Through faith people make of God "only a confus'd unintelligible Description of a _Heterogeneous Monster_ of their own Making" (p. 117). Deistically he opines that "we shall soon see that the Object of _True Religion_, and all Rational Mens Speculations, is an Eternal, Unchangeable, Omnipotent Being, infinitely Good, Just and Wise" (p. 123). Like Toland he urges, "To pretend to Believe a Thing or the Working of a Miracle, is a stupid and gaping Astonishment" (p. 195). Although he enjoyed Franklin's dissertation, he does not in his work hold to Franklin's necessitarianism: "Nothing interrupts Men, but only as they interrupt one another" (p. 238). Religion to Lyons is remote from books, but is found in the "unalterable laws of Nature, which no Authority can destroy, or Interpolator corrupt" (p. 252).] [Footnote i-440: Although Franklin indicates in his _Autobiography_ that he delighted to listen to Mandeville hold forth at the Horns, there seems to be traceable in his writings no direct influence of Mandeville's thought. (One may wonder whether Franklin's use of the name "Horatio" in his 1730 dialogues between Philocles and Horatio could be traced to Mandeville's use of the name in his dialogues between Cleomenes and Horatio.) Mandeville's empirical view of man's essential egoism would have found sympathetic response from Franklin. On the other hand, Mandeville's ethical rigorism (see Kaye's Introd. to The _Fable of the Bees_) differs from the utilitarian cast Franklin sheds over his strenuous ethicism. One may suspect that like a Bunyan, a Swift, a Rabelais, Mandeville would have fortified Franklin against accepting too blithely Shaftesbury's faith in man's innate altruism, even if he did not short-circuit Franklin's growing humanitarianism.] [Footnote i-441: _Writings_, I, 278.] [Footnote i-442: David Brewster, _Life of Sir Isaac Newton_ (New York, 1831), 258. For fuller treatment see his _Memoirs of the Life, Writings, and Discoveries of Sir Isaac Newton_ (Edinburgh, 1855), II, 378 ff., and _passim_.] [Footnote i-443: Quoted in C. S. Duncan, _op. cit._, 16. See Desaguliers's _A System of Experimental Philosophy, Prov'd by Mechanicks ..._ (London, 1719), and his _The Newtonian System of the World, The Best Model of Government: An Allegorical Poem_ (Westminster, 1728). The popularizers of Newton were legion: see especially Watts, Derham, Ray, Huygens, Blackmore, Locke, Thomson, Shaftesbury, S. Clarke, Whiston, Keill, Maclaurin.] [Footnote i-444: _A View of Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy_ (London, 1728), 2-3.] [Footnote i-445: _Ibid._, 405. Cf. also 13, 18, 181, 406.] [Footnote i-446: Not to be neglected in a summary of the factors influencing Franklin during his youth is Quakerism. Taught in Boston to suspect the Quakers, in Philadelphia in the midst of their stronghold he came soon, one may imagine, to have a sympathetic regard for them. Quakerism, in its antagonism towards sacraments and ceremonies, in its emphasis on the priesthood of every man and the right of private judgment, in its strenuous effort to promote fellow-service, was congenial to the young printer, reacting against Presbyterianism. Like the radical thought of the age, Quakerism refused first place to scriptural revelation, which became secondary to the light within, the dictates of one's heart. Often, we may suspect, the light within was blended with the concept in deism, that regardless of the promptings of scripture, each man has within him a natural sense which enables him to apprehend the truths of nature. The effort of deism to simplify religion was historically shared by Quakerism. During the years we have under consideration Franklin was endeavoring to make a simple worship out of the subtle theology which had been offered him during his early years. Presbyterianism had frowned upon a covenant of works; Quakerism attempted to express its covenant with God in terms of human kindliness, fellowship, and service.] [Footnote i-447: It would be interesting to know if M. Faÿ is able to document his statement that the Junto "had Masonic leanings" ("Learned Societies in Europe and America in the Eighteenth Century," _American Historical Review_, XXXVII, 258 [1932]). R. F. Gould (_The History of Freemasonry_, London, 1887, III, 424) conjectures whether where was a lodge in Boston as early as 1720 but can offer no evidence of a real history of Masonry in the colonies until 1730, when colonial Masonry "may be said to have its commencement." Chroniclers of Franklin's Masonic career have found no documentary evidence of his affiliation with Masonry until February, 1731, when he entered St. John's Lodge. See J. F. Sachse, _Benjamin Franklin as a Free Mason_; J. H. Tatsch, _Freemasonry in the Thirteen Colonies_ (New York, 1924); _Early Newspaper Accounts of Free Masonry in Pennsylvania, England, Ireland, and Scotland. From 1730 to 1750 by Dr. Benjamin Franklin. Reprinted from Franklin's Pennsylvania Gazette_ (Philadelphia, 1886); _Masonic Letters of Benjamin Franklin of Philadelphia to H. Price of Boston_, ed. by C. P. MacCalla (Philadelphia, 1888); M. M. Johnson, _The Beginnings of Freemasonry in America_ (New York, 1924). See "Prefatory Note" in W. B. Loewy's reprint of Anderson's _Constitutions_ (a reprint of Franklin's imprint of 1734) in _Publications of the Masonic Historical Society of New York_, No. 3 (New York, 1905). Arriving in London only seven years after the inauguration of the Grand Lodge, Franklin could hardly have been unaware of the broader speculations of Masonry. In London only a year after Anderson's _Constitutions_ were printed (in 1723), he may conceivably have read the volume. Stressing toleration, the universality of natural religion, morality rather than theology, reason rather than faith, Masonry could easily have augmented these ideas as they were latent or already developed in Franklin's mind. Scholars have yet to work out the extent to which Freemasonry, yokefellow of deism, reinforced free thought and was one of the subversive forces breaking down colonial orthodoxy. B. Faÿ's _Revolution and Freemasonry, 1680-1800_ neglects non-political influences of Freemasonry. Although there is no evidence that Franklin as early as 1728 read such works (popular in the colonies) as De Ramsay's _The Travels of Cyrus_ and Rowe's translation of _The Golden Sayings of Pythagoras_, the manner in which oriental lore augmented science and Masonry in fostering deism is an intriguing problem in eighteenth-century colonial letters.] [Footnote i-448: See I. W. Riley, _op. cit._, 249. Also see C. M. Walsh, "Franklin and Plato," _Open Court_, XX, 129 ff.] [Footnote i-449: See _Writings_, II, 95-6 (1728).] [Footnote i-450: John Ray's _The Wisdom of God Manifested in the Works of the Creation_ (London, 1827; first ed. 1691), 31-2.] [Footnote i-451: _The Augustan Age_, 54-5.] [Footnote i-452: _Selections from the Writings of Fénelon_, ed. by Mrs. Follen (Boston, 1861), 51-2.] [Footnote i-453: _Ibid._, 59.] [Footnote i-454: _Ibid._, 47.] [Footnote i-455: In Preface to _The Works of the British Poets_, ed. by R. Anderson (London, 1795), 592. Since Franklin frequented Batson's in Cornhill, it is possible that through Dr. Pemberton he might have met Sir R. Blackmore, who was one of its best patrons.] [Footnote i-456: _Ibid._, 611.] [Footnote i-457: See Ray, _op. cit._, 143: "I persuade myself, that the beautiful and gracious Author of man's being and faculties, and all things else, delights in the beauty of his creation, and is well pleased with the industry of man, in adorning the earth with beautiful cities and castles...."] [Footnote i-458: _The Relation of John Locke to English Deism_, 133.] [Footnote i-459: See P. S. Wood, "Native Elements in English Neo-Classicism," _Modern Philology_, XXIV, 201-8 (Nov., 1926).] [Footnote i-460: See C. E. Jorgenson's "The Source of Benjamin Franklin's Dialogues between Philocles and Horatio (1730)," _American Literature_, VI, 337-9 (Nov., 1934).] [Footnote i-461: _Writings_, II, 203.] [Footnote i-462: _Ibid._, II, 467.] [Footnote i-463: Facsimile reprint by W. Pepper (Philadelphia, 1931), 27 note.] [Footnote i-464: See _Almanac_ for 1753.] [Footnote i-465: _Writings_, II, 288.] [Footnote i-466: _Ibid._, II, 429. See also II, 434-5.] [Footnote i-467: See W. J. Campbell, _op. cit._] [Footnote i-468: No. 570 (Nov. 15, 1739), No. 565 (Oct. 11, 1739), and No. 628 (Dec. 25, 1740), for example, are loaded with tributes to the effective preaching and contagious saintliness of this preacher of the Great Awakening.] [Footnote i-469: No. 618 (Oct. 16, 1740). Franklin's _General Magazine and Historical Chronicle_ contains many Whitefield references.] [Footnote i-470: _Writings_, II, 316. In general, emotional Methodism was not responsive to science as a basis for rationalistic deism, although to a considerable extent Methodism and deism synchronized in their endeavor to relieve social suffering. See U. Lee's able study, _The Historical Backgrounds of Early Methodist Enthusiasm_ (New York, 1931).] [Footnote i-471: Rev. L. Tyerman, _Life of the Reverend George Whitefield_ (London, 1876), I, 439.] [Footnote i-472: _Ibid._, II, 283-4.] [Footnote i-473: _Ibid._, II, 540-1.] [Footnote i-474: _Ibid._, II, 541.] [Footnote i-475: See H. H. Clark's "An Historical Interpretation of Thomas Paine's Religion," _University of California Chronicle_, XXXV, 56-87 (Jan., 1933), and "Toward a Reinterpretation of Thomas Paine," _American Literature_, V, 133-45 (May, 1933).] [Footnote i-476: _Writings_, IX, 520.] [Footnote i-477: _Ibid._, VIII, 561. See also IX, 506.] [Footnote i-478: Aug. 22, 1784; unpublished letter in W. S. Mason Collection. Also see _Writings_, VIII, 113; IX, 476, 488, 621.] [Footnote i-479: I. W. Riley, _American Thought from Puritanism to Pragmatism_, 76.] [Footnote i-480: Parton, _op. cit._, I, 546.] [Footnote i-481: He admonished Deborah, his wife, that she "should go oftener to Church" (_Writings_, IV, 202), and his daughter, Sarah, "Go constantly to Church, whoever preaches" (_Ibid._, IV, 287).] [Footnote i-482: _Letters to Benjamin Franklin from His Family and Friends, 1751-1790_ (New York, 1859), 10.] [Footnote i-483: Franklin's English friends, Dr. Richard Price, Joseph Priestley, Rev. David Williams, Dr. John Fothergill, Peter Collinson, Sir Joseph Banks, Jonathan Shipley, Lord Kames, Sir William Jones, et cetera, though not all deists, found Newtonian science useful in augmenting their philosophies.] [Footnote i-484: _A Discourse ..._ (London, 1775), 33. For background material on the history of this concept see L. E. Hicks, _A Critique of Design-Arguments_ (New York, 1883).] [Footnote i-485: N. Meredith, _Considerations on the Utility of Conductors for Lightning ..._ (London, 1789), 44-5. See especially the characteristic notice in _Monthly Review ..._, XLII (London, 1770), 199-210, 298-308.] [Footnote i-486: For references see B. Faÿ, _The Revolutionary Spirit in France and America_; E. E. Hale and E. E. Hale, Jr., _Franklin in France_; L. Amiable, _Un loge maçonnique d'avant 1789 ..._.] [Footnote i-487: _Writings_, IX, 436.] [Footnote i-488: W. T. Franklin ed. of Franklin's _Writings_ (London, 1818), I, 433.] [Footnote i-489: See similar expression in letter to Mme Brillon, cited in J. M. Stifler, _The Religion of Benjamin Franklin_, 55-6.] [Footnote i-490: _Writings_, III, 135.] _CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE_ 1706. Benjamin Franklin born in Boston, January 17 (January 6, 1705, O. S.). 1714-16. After a year in Boston Grammar School is sent to learn writing and arithmetic in school kept by George Brownell, from which, after a year, he is taken to assist his father, Josiah, a candlemaker. 1717. James Franklin returns from England, following apprenticeship as printer. 1718. Benjamin is apprenticed to brother James. 1718-23. Period of assiduous reading in Anthony Collins, Shaftesbury, Locke, Addison and Steele, Cotton Mather, Bunyan, Defoe, etc. 1719. Writes and hawks ballads of the "Grub-Street" style, "The Lighthouse Tragedy" and "The Taking of Teach the Pirate." 1721-23. Aids brother in publishing the _New England Courant_. During 1722-23 in charge of paper after James is declared objectionable by the authorities. 1722. His _Dogood Papers_ printed anonymously in the _New England Courant_. 1723. Breaks his indentures and leaves for New York; eventually arrives in Philadelphia. 1723-24. Employed by Samuel Keimer, a printer in Philadelphia. 1724. Visits Cotton Mather and Governor Burnet (New York). Meets James Ralph, Grub-Street pamphleteer, historian, and poet in the Thomson tradition. Patronized by Governor Keith. Leaves for London in November on the _London-Hope_ to buy type, etc., for printing shop to be set up in his behalf by Keith. Upon arrival he and Ralph take lodgings in Little Britain. 1725-26. Employed in Palmer's and Watts's printing houses. 1725. Publishes _A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain_. One result of this is acquaintance with Lyons, author of _The Infallibility of Human Judgement_. Through him Franklin meets Bernard Mandeville and Dr. Henry Pemberton, who is preparing a third edition of Sir Isaac Newton's _Principia_. Is received by Sir Hans Sloane in Bloomsbury Square. Conceives of setting up a swimming school in London. 1726. On July 21, with Mr. Denham, merchant and Quaker, leaves for Philadelphia on the _Berkshire_. Between July 22 and October 11 writes _Journal of a Voyage from London to Philadelphia_. Employed by Denham until latter's death in 1727. 1727. Ill of pleurisy and composes his epitaph. After recovery returns to Keimer's printing house. Forms his Junto club. Employed in Burlington, New Jersey, on a job of printing paper money. 1728. Forms partnership with Hugh Meredith. Writes _Articles of Belief and Acts of Religion_, and _Rules for a Club_--his Junto club "Constitution." 1729. Buys Keimer's _The Universal Instructor in all Arts and Sciences: and Pennsylvania Gazette_ (begun December 24, 1728). Changes name to _Pennsylvania Gazette_, first issue, XL, September 25-October 2, 1729. (Published by Franklin until 1748, by Franklin and David Hall from 1748 to 1766, after which Hall, until his death, and others publish it until 1815.) Contributes to _American Weekly Mercury_ six papers of _The Busy-Body_, February 4, 1729-March 27, 1729. Writes and prints _A Modest Enquiry into the Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency_. 1730. Appointed Public Printer by Pennsylvania Assembly (incumbent until 1764). Partnership with Meredith dissolved. Marries Deborah Read (Mrs. Rogers). Prints in _Pennsylvania Gazette_ his _Dialogues between Philocles and Horatio_. 1731. First public venture: founds the Philadelphia Library Company, first subscription library in America. Begins partnership with Thomas Whitemarsh, Charleston, S. C. (1732, publishes _South Carolina Gazette_.) Begins Masonic affiliations: enters St. John's Lodge in February. William Franklin born. 1732. Begins _Poor Richard's Almanack_ (for 1733). His son Francis Folger Franklin born (dies of smallpox in 1736). Elected junior grand warden of St. John's Lodge. 1733. Begins to study languages, French, Italian, Spanish, and continues Latin. 1734. Elected grand master of Masons of Pennsylvania for 1734-35. Reprints Anderson's _Constitutions_, first Masonic book printed in America. 1735. Writes and prints three pamphlets in defense of Rev. Mr. Hemphill. Prints, in the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, _Protection of Towns from Fire_. Secretary of St. John's Lodge until 1738. Writes introduction for and prints Logan's _Cato's Moral Distiches_, first classic translated and printed in the colonies. 1736. Establishes the Union Fire Company, the first in Philadelphia. Chosen clerk of the Pennsylvania General Assembly. 1737. Appointed postmaster of Philadelphia (incumbent until 1753); also justice of the peace. 1739. Beginning of friendship with the Reverend George Whitefield. 1740. Announces (November 13) _The General Magazine and Historical Chronicle_. 1741. Six issues (January-June) of this magazine (the first planned and the second issued in the colonies). With J. Parker establishes a printing house in New York. 1742. Invents Franklin open stove. 1743. _A Proposal for Promoting Useful Knowledge among the British Plantations in America_ (circular letter sent to his friends). 1744. Establishes the American Philosophical Society and becomes its first secretary. Daughter Sarah born. _An Account of the New Invented Pennsylvanian Fire-places._ Writes preface to and prints Logan's translation of Cicero's _Cato Major_. Reprints Richardson's _Pamela_. Father dies. 1746. _Reflections on Courtship and Marriage_, first of his writings reprinted in Europe. Peter Collinson sends a Leyden vial as gift to Library Company of Philadelphia. Having witnessed Dr. Spence's experiments, Franklin now begins his study of electricity. 1747. _Plain Truth: or, Serious Considerations on the Present State of the City of Philadelphia, and Province of Pennsylvania._ 1748. Withdraws from active service in his printing and bookselling house (Franklin and Hall). _Advice to a Young Tradesman._ Chosen member of the Council of Philadelphia. 1749. Appointed provincial grand master of colonial Masons (through 1750). _Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pensilvania._ Founds academy which later develops into University of Pennsylvania. Reprints Bolingbroke's _On the Spirit of Patriotism_. 1750. Appointed as one of the commissioners to make treaty with the Indians at Carlisle. 1751. _Experiments and Observations on Electricity, made at Philadelphia in America, By Mr. Benjamin Franklin, and Communicated in several Letters to Mr. P. Collinson, of London, F. R. S._ (London.) _Idea of the English School, Sketch'd out for the Consideration of the Trustees of the Philadelphia Academy._ Member of Assembly from Philadelphia (incumbent until 1764). _Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind, Peopling of Countries, Etc._ Aids Dr. Bond to establish Pennsylvania hospital. 1752. Collinson edition of Franklin's works translated into French. Alleged kite experiment proves identity of lightning and electricity. Invents lightning rod; in September raises one over his own house. Mother dies. Aids in establishing the first fire insurance company in the colonies. 1753. Appointed (jointly with William Hunter) deputy postmaster general of North America Post, a position he held until 1774. Makes ten-weeks' survey of roads and post offices in northern colonies. Abbé Nollet attacks Franklin in _Lettres sur l'électricité_ (Paris). Beccaria defends Franklin's electrical theories against Abbé Nollet. Receives M. A. from Harvard and from Yale. Receives Sir Godfrey Copley medal from the Royal Society. 1754. Proposes Albany Plan of Union. Second edition of _Experiments and Observations on Electricity_. 1755. _An Act for the Better Ordering and Regulating such as are Willing and Desirous to be United for Military Purposes within the Province of Pennsylvania._ _A Dialogue Between X, Y, & Z, concerning the Present State of Affairs in Pennsylvania._ Aids General Braddock in getting supplies and transportation. 1756. Supervises construction efforts in province of Pennsylvania (a task begun in 1755). Chosen Fellow of the Royal Society of London. Chosen a member of the London Society of Arts. _Plan for Settling the Western Colonies in North America, with Reasons for the Plan._ M. D'Alibard's edition of Franklin's electrical experiments (French translation). Receives M. A. from William and Mary College. 1757. Appointed colonial agent for Province of Pennsylvania (arrives in London July 26). _The Way to Wealth_ (for 1758). (In 1889 Ford noted: "Seventy editions of it have been printed in English, fifty-six in French, eleven in German, and nine in Italian. It has been translated into Spanish, Danish, Swedish, Welsh, Polish, Gaelic, Russian, Bohemian, Dutch, Catalan, Chinese, Modern Greek and Phonetic writing. It has been printed at least four hundred times, and is today as popular as ever.") 1759. Receives Doctor of Laws degree from University of St. Andrews. September 5, made burgess and guild-brother of Edinburgh. _An Historical Review of the Constitution and Government of Pennsylvania._ (See Ford, pp. 110-111, where he suggests that this "must still be treated as from Franklin's pen.") _Parable against Persecution._ Meets Adam Smith, Hume, Lord Kames, etc., in home of Dr. Robertson at Edinburgh. Makes many electrical experiments. Chosen honorary member of Philosophical Society of Edinburgh. 1760. Provincial grand master of Pennsylvania Masons. _The Interest of Great Britain Considered with Regard to Her Colonies._ Elected to society of Dr. Bray's Associates. (Corresponding member until 1790.) Successful close of his issue with the proprietaries. 1761. Tour of Holland and Belgium. 1762. Receives degree of Doctor of Civil Law from Oxford. Leaves England in August, arrives in America in October. 1763. Travels through colonies to inspect and regulate post offices. 1764. Appointed agent for Province of Pennsylvania to petition king for change from proprietary to royal government. Leaves for London in November. _Cool Thoughts on the Present Situation of Our Public Affairs._ _A Narrative of the Late Massacres in Lancaster County._ _Preface to the Speech of Joseph Galloway, Esq._ 1765. Presents Grenville with resolution of Pennsylvania Assembly against Stamp Act. 1766. Examined in House of Commons relative to repeal of the Stamp Act. _Physical and Meteorological Observations._ With Sir John Pringle visits Germany and Holland (June-August). Chosen foreign member of the Royal Society of Sciences, Göttingen. 1767. With Sir John Pringle visits France (August 28-October 8). Meets French Physiocrats. _Remarks and Facts Concerning American Paper Money._ 1768. Preface to _Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania_ (J. Dickinson). _A Scheme for a New Alphabet and Reformed Mode of Spelling._ _Causes of the American Discontents before 1768._ _Art of Swimming._ Appointed London agent for colony of Georgia. 1769. Visits France (July-August). Appointed New Jersey agent in London. Elected first president of the American Philosophical Society. 1770. Appointed London agent for Massachusetts Assembly. 1771. Begins _Autobiography_ (from 1706 to 1731) while visiting the Bishop of St. Asaph at Twyford. Three-months' tour of Ireland and Scotland. Entertained by Hume and Lord Kames. Chosen corresponding member of Learned Society of Sciences, Rotterdam. 1772. Chosen foreign member of Royal Academy of Sciences of Paris. 1773. _Abridgement of the Book of Common Prayer_ (with Sir Francis Dashwood). _Rules by Which a Great Empire May Be Reduced to a Small One._ M. Barbeu Dubourg's edition of _Œuvres de M. Franklin_. Sends Hutchinson-Oliver letters to Massachusetts. 1774. Examined by Wedderburn before the Privy Council (January 29) in regard to the Hutchinson-Oliver correspondence. Contributes notes to George Whately's second edition of _Principles of Trade_. Dismissed as deputy postmaster general of North America. Deborah Franklin dies December 19. 1775. First postmaster general under Confederation. Returns to America in May. Member of Philadelphia Committee of Safety. Chosen a delegate to second Continental Congress. _An Account of Negotiations in London for Effecting a Reconciliation between Great Britain and the American Colonies._ Appointed member of Committee of Secret Correspondence. 1776. A commissioner to Canada. Presides over Constitutional Convention of Pennsylvania. Appointed one of committee to frame Declaration of Independence. In September appointed one of three commissioners from Congress to the French court. Leaves Philadelphia October 27; reaches Paris December 21. 1777. Elected member of Loge des Neuf Sœurs. Chosen associate member of Royal Medical Society of Paris. 1778. Assists at initiation of Voltaire in Loge des Neuf Sœurs. Officiates at Masonic funeral service of Voltaire. Signs commercial treaty and alliance for mutual defense with France. _The Ephemera._ Altercation with Arthur Lee. 1779. Minister plenipotentiary to French court. _The Whistle._ _Morals of Chess._ B. Vaughan edits Franklin's _Political, Miscellaneous, and Philosophical Pieces_. 1780. _Dialogue between Franklin and the Gout._ 1781. Chosen Fellow of American Academy of Arts and Sciences: elected foreign member of Academy of Sciences, Letters, and Arts of Padua, for work in natural philosophy and politics. Appointed one of the peace commissioners to negotiate treaty of peace between England and United States. 1782. Elected Venerable of Loge des Neuf Sœurs. 1783. Signs treaty with Sweden. Prints _Constitutions of the United States_. Elected Honorary Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh. Interest in balloons. Signs the Treaty of Paris with John Jay and John Adams. 1784. With Le Roy, Bailly, Guillotin, Lavoisier, and others, investigates Mesmer's animal magnetism (results in numerous pamphlet reports). _Remarks Concerning the Savages of North America. Advice to Such as Would Remove to America._ Chosen member of Royal Academy of History, Madrid. At Passy resumes work on _Autobiography_, beyond 1731. 1785. _Maritime Observations._ _On the Causes and Cure of Smoky Chimneys._ Signs treaty of amity and commerce with Prussia. Resigns as minister to French Court, and returns to Philadelphia. President of Council of Pennsylvania (incumbent for three years). Associate member of Academy of Sciences, Literature, and Arts of Lyons. Councillor for Philadelphia until 1788. Member of Philadelphia Society for the Promotion of Agriculture, and Royal Society of Physics, National History and Arts of Orleans, and honorary member of Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society. 1786. Chosen corresponding member of Society of Agriculture of Milan. 1787. President of the Pennsylvania Society for the Abolition of Slavery (incumbent until death). Pennsylvania delegate to Constitutional Convention. Chosen honorary member of Medical Society of London. Aids in establishing the Society for Political Enquiry; elected its first president. 1788. At Philadelphia works on _Autobiography_, from 1731-1757. 1789. _Observations Relative to the Intentions of the Original Founders of the Academy in Philadelphia_ and several papers in behalf of abolition of slavery. At Philadelphia resumes _Autobiography_, from 1757 to 1759. Chosen member of Imperial Academy of Sciences of St. Petersburg. 1790. Paper on the slave trade, _To the Editor of the Federal Gazette_, March 23. Dies, April 17, in Philadelphia. _SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY_ Starred items are of primary importance. I. WORKS Only the most useful and historically significant editions are here listed. The student interested in other editions of Franklin's works, the publication of his separate pamphlets, his contributions to newspapers and periodicals, and his editorial activities should consult P. L. Ford's _Franklin Bibliography_. Many of these items are conveniently listed in _The Cambridge History of American Literature_, I, 442 ff. _Experiments and Observations on Electricity, made at Philadelphia in America, By Mr. Benjamin Franklin, and Communicated in several Letters to P. Collinson, of London, F. R. S._ London: 1751. (For various editions and translations of this and the supplementary letters added to first edition, consult Ford's _Bibliography_.) _Political, Miscellaneous, and Philosophical Pieces; ... Written by Benj. Franklin, LL. D. and F. R. S.... Now first collected, With Explanatory Plates, Notes_, ... [ed. by Benjamin Vaughan]. London: 1779. ("The work is ably performed, many pieces being for the first time printed as Franklin's; and contains valuable notes. But what gives a special value to this collection is that it is the only edition of Franklin's writings [other than his scientific], which was printed during his life time; was done with Franklin's knowledge and consent, and contains an 'errata' made by him for it" [Ford, p. 161]. Review in _Monthly Review_, LXII, 199-210, 298-308, describes his electrical experiments as constituting a "_principia_" of electricity. See also Smyth, VII, 410-13, for Franklin's own opinion.) _Mémoires de la vie privée de Benjamin Franklin, écrits par luimême, et adressés à son fils; suivis d'un précis historique de sa vie politique, et de plusieurs pièces, relatives à ce père de la liberté._ Paris: 1791. (First edition of Franklin's _Autobiography_ to the year 1731; translation attributed to Dr. Jacques Gibelin. "The remainder of his life is a translation from Wilmer's _Memoirs_ of Franklin, with the most objectionable statements omitted" [Ford, p. 183]. For a succinct history of _Autobiography_, editions, printing, translation, and fortunes of the MS see Bigelow's introduction to _Autobiography_.) _Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Benjamin Franklin, LL. D. F. R. S. &c.... Written by himself to a late period, and continued to the time of his death, by his Grandson; William Temple Franklin. Now first published from the original MSS...._ 3 vols. London: 1818. (The standard collection, according to A. H. Smyth, until Sparks's edition. Representative review in _Analectic Magazine_, XI, 449-84, June, 1818.) _The Works of Benjamin Franklin; containing several political and historical tracts not included in any former edition, and many letters official and private not hitherto published; with notes and a life of the author_, by Jared Sparks. 10 vols. Boston: 1836-1840. (Although Sparks took undesirable editorial liberties with the MSS, rephrasing, emending, and deleting, this edition still possesses value for its notes and inclusion of pieces which Smyth does not include, but which _may_ have been written by Franklin. Includes many valuable letters to Franklin. For reviews see _North American Review_, LIX, 446, and LXXXIII, 402.) _Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin. Edited from his Manuscript, with Notes and an Introduction_, by John Bigelow. Philadelphia: 1868. (To quote Ford: "This is not only the first appearance of the autobiography from Franklin's own copy, but also the first publication in English of the four parts, and the first publication of the very important 'outline' autobiography. It is therefore the first edition of _the_ autobiography" [p. 199].) _The Life of Benjamin Franklin, written by himself. Now first edited from original manuscripts and from his printed correspondence and other writings_, by John Bigelow. 3 vols. Philadelphia: 1874. (Bigelow text of _Autobiography_ and extracts from Franklin's other works.) _The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin including his private as well as his official and scientific correspondence, and numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed with many others not included in any former collection, also the unmutilated and correct version of his autobiography._ Comp. and ed. by John Bigelow. 10 vols. New York: 1887-1889. (Corrects many of Sparks's errors and adds "some six hundred new pieces." For first time works are chronologically arranged.) *_The Writings of Benjamin Franklin, collected and edited with a Life and Introduction_, by Albert Henry Smyth. 10 vols. New York: 1905-1907. (The standard edition. It is unfortunate that the editor has omitted pieces which are either too Rabelaisian or too metaphysically radical, such as the _Dissertation_ of 1725, or are, in his mind, _probably_ not written by Franklin.) II. COLLECTIONS AND REPRINTS No attempt has been made to include the learned journal articles which reprint occasional letters not in Smyth. Letters which aid in understanding Franklin's mind have been referred to in the Introduction and Notes. Chinard, Gilbert. _Les amitiés américaines de Madame d'Houdetot, d'après sa correspondance inédite avec Benjamin Franklin et Thomas Jefferson._ Paris: 1924. Diller, Theodore. _Franklin's Contribution to Medicine._ Brooklyn: 1912. (Able collection of Franklin's letters bearing on medicine. Franklin is described "as one of the greatest benefactors, friends, and patrons of the medical profession as well as a most substantial contributor to the science and art of medicine.") [Franklin, Benjamin.] _A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain._ Reproduced from the first edition, with a bibliographical note by Lawrence C. Wroth. The Facsimile Text Society, New York: 1930. (Although A. H. Smyth omitted this work from his _Writings of Benjamin Franklin_, suggesting that "the work has no value," it is difficult to see how a study of the _modus operandi_ of Franklin's mind could be thoroughly made without it. Parton in his _Life and Times of Benjamin Franklin_, and I. W. Riley in his _American Philosophy: The Early Schools_ have reprinted it in appendices.) Franklin, Benjamin. _Poor Richard's Almanack. Being the Almanacks of 1733, 1749, 1756, 1757, 1758, first written under the name of Richard Saunders._ With a foreword by Phillips Russell. Garden City, N. Y.: 1928. ("First facsimile edition of a group of the Almanacks to be published.") Franklin, Benjamin. _The Prefaces, Proverbs, and Poems of Benjamin Franklin Originally Printed in Poor Richard's Almanacs for 1733-1758._ Collected and ed. by P. L. Ford. Brooklyn: 1890. (Best collection of its kind; in addition contains account of popularity and function of almanacs in colonial period.) Franklin, Benjamin. _Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pensilvania._ Facsimile reprint, with an introduction by William Pepper. Philadelphia: 1931. (Franklin's notes omitted in Smyth. _Proposals_ also reprinted by the William L. Clements Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan: 1927; "though not a facsimile reprint," it does include the notes. Thomas Woody in his _Educational Views of Benjamin Franklin_ [New York: 1931] reprints it with the notes.) Franklin, Benjamin. _The Sayings of Poor Richard, 1733-1758._ Condensed and ed. by T. H. Russell. N.p.: n.d. (Best aphorisms chronologically arranged.) Goodman, N. G., ed. _The Ingenious Dr. Franklin; Selected Scientific Letters of Benjamin Franklin._ Philadelphia: 1931. (Includes several items not published in Smyth edition.) _Letters to Benjamin Franklin, from his Family and Friends, 1751-1790._ [Ed. by William Duane.] New York: 1859. Pepper, William. _The Medical Side of Benjamin Franklin._ Philadelphia: 1911. (Essentially quotations from the A. H. Smyth edition. Franklin is viewed as "an early and great hygienist.") Stifler, J. M., ed. "_My Dear Girl._" _The Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin with Polly Stevenson, Georgiana and Catherine Shipley._ New York: 1927. (Engaging collection showing Franklin's "capacity for lively and enduring friendship" [p. vii]. Many of the letters _to_ Franklin "printed now for the first time." Contains several of Franklin's letters hitherto unpublished.) III. BIOGRAPHIES Becker, Carl. "Benjamin Franklin," in _Dictionary of American Biography_. New York: 1931. VI, 585-98. (The most authoritative brief biography.) *Bruce, W. C. _Benjamin Franklin, Self-Revealed._ 2 vols. New York: 1917. (In spite of occasional extravagant statements and a conservative temperament preventing him from discussing Franklin's religion with sympathetic and historical insight, Mr. Bruce has provided a brilliant and perspicuous survey. "Self-revealed" fails to do justice to Bruce's incisive commentary.) *Faÿ, Bernard. _Franklin, the Apostle of Modern Times._ Boston: 1929. (A readable critical biography said to be based on "six hundred to nine hundred unpublished letters." Would have been more useful had it been given scholarly documentation. Some new light on Franklin's Masonic activities and his efforts during 1757-1762 to effect the growth of a British empire. [Faÿ used the Franklin-Galloway correspondence in the W. S. Mason and W. L. Clements collections.] Believes that Franklin was a "follower of the seventeenth-century English Pythagoreans": since this belief is largely undocumented, one feels it curious that Pythagoreanism should bulk larger than the pattern of thought provoked by Locke and Newton. See very critical reviews by H. M. Jones in _American Literature_, II, 306-12 [Nov., 1930], and W. C. Bruce, _American Historical Review_, XXXV, 634 ff. [April, 1930]. The latter concludes that "there is very little, indeed, in the text of the book under review that makes any unquestionably substantial addition to our pre-existing knowledge of Franklin, or is marked by anything that can be termed freshness of interpretation.") Faÿ, Bernard. _The Two Franklins: Fathers of American Democracy._ Boston: 1933. (Charmingly spirited portrait of patriarchal Franklin of Passy [reworking of materials in _Franklin, the Apostle of Modern Times_]. Faÿ's habit of mingling quotation, paraphrase, and intuition in use of Bache's Diary suggests untrustworthy documentation. The second Franklin is, of course, Benjamin Franklin Bache [1769-1798, son of Sally Franklin and Richard Bache], editor of the republican _Aurora General Advertiser_. For a judicial, unsympathetic review see A. Guerard's in the _New York Herald Tribune Books_, Oct. 22, 1933. J. A. Krout, in the _American Historical Review_, XXXIX, 741-2 [July, 1934], observes that Faÿ "fails to establish the elder Franklin's paternal relation to the democratic forces of the 'revolutionary' decade after 1790.") Fisher, S. G. _The True Benjamin Franklin._ Philadelphia: 1899. (Highly prejudiced interpretation with disproportionate attention to Franklin's acknowledged shortcomings.) *Ford, P. L. _The Many-Sided Franklin._ New York: 1899. (A gracefully solid and inclusive standard work.) Hale, E. E., and Hale, E. E., Jr. _Franklin in France. From Original Documents, Most of Which Are Now Published for the First Time._ 2 vols. Boston: 1887-1888. (Convenient collection of letters to Franklin; authors had access to Stevens and American Philosophical Society collections. Franklin letters and documents here given later published in Smyth. Useful chapters on Franklin's friends, his vogue in France, meetings with Voltaire, his activities in science, his interest in balloons, and investigation of Mesmerism. See reviews in _Dial_, VIII, 7, IX, 204; _Nation_, XLIV, 368; _Athenaeum_, II, 77 [1887]; _Atlantic Monthly_, LX, 318.) McMaster, J. B. _Benjamin Franklin as a Man of Letters._ American Men of Letters series. Boston: 1887. (Fullest account of this aspect of the many-minded Franklin. See also MacLaurin and Jorgenson items, pp. clxv, clxvi below.) More, P. E. _Benjamin Franklin._ Riverside Biographical Series. Boston: 1900. (Suggestive of a _précis_ of Parton's _Life_ with judicial, if not historical, penetration. Stimulating notes, such as the following: Franklin was "a great pagan, who lapsed now and then into the pseudo-religious platitudes of the eighteenth-century deists.") Morse, John Torrey, Jr. _Benjamin Franklin._ American Statesmen series. Boston: 1889. (Compact account stressing his political and diplomatic career.) *Parton, James. _Life and Times of Benjamin Franklin._ 2 vols. New York: 1864. (Although not all works ascribed to Franklin by Parton are by his pen, and although new materials have been added to the Franklin canon, he remains the most encyclopedic and often the most penetrating of Franklin's biographers. He deserves credit for printing in an appendix Franklin's _Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain_. For reviews see _North American Review_ [July, 1864]; _Atlantic Monthly_ [Sept., 1864]; _London Quarterly_, XXIII, 483; _Littell's Living Age_, LXXXIV, 289.) Russell, Phillips. _Benjamin Franklin, the First Civilised American._ New York: 1926. (The _esprit_ and readableness of this popular work do not offset its lack of precision, historical scholarship, and taste.) Smyth, Albert H. "Life of Benjamin Franklin," in Vol. X, 141-510, of _The Writings of Benjamin Franklin_. (Stimulating survey.) Swift, Lindsay. _Benjamin Franklin._ Beacon Biographies of Eminent Americans. Boston: 1910. (Brief series of biographical "impressions" arranged chronologically.) Weems, Mason L. _The Life of Benjamin Franklin, with many Choice Anecdotes and Admirable Sayings of this Great Man._ Baltimore: 1815. (One would think it unfair to smile at a writer who had the wit to describe Franklin as one who "with such equal ease, could play the _Newton_ or the _Chesterfield_, and charm alike the lightnings and the ladies." Contains some imaginative, though intuitive, remarks on Franklin's religion.) IV. BIOGRAPHICAL AND CRITICAL STUDIES Abbe, C. "Benjamin Franklin as Meteorologist," _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_, XLV, 117-28 (1906). ("Worthy co-laborer" with Newton, Huygens, Descartes, Boyle, and Gay-Lussac. He is "the first meteorologist of America," "pioneer of the rational long-range forecasters.") Abbot, G. M. _A Short History of the Library Company of Philadelphia: Compiled from the Minutes, together with some personal reminiscences._ Philadelphia: 1913. Amiable, L. _Une loge maçonnique d'avant 1789. La R.·. L.·. Les Neuf Sœurs._ Paris: 1897. (Fullest account of Franklin's activities in French Freemasonry.) _Analectic Magazine_, XI, 449-84 (June, 1818). (Review of W. T. Franklin's edition of Franklin's works. Complexion of this eulogy suggested by: "His name is now exalted in Europe above any others of the eighteenth century.") Angoff, Charles. _A Literary History of the American People._ New York: 1931. II, 295-310. (It would be difficult to match the debonair ignorance of this violently hostile essay.) "A Poem on the Death of Franklin," _Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society_, XV, 109 (Jan., 1930). (A typical elegy based on theme suggested by Turgot's epigram on Franklin.) Bache, R. M. "Smoky Torches in Franklin's Honor," _Critic_, XLVIII, 561-6 (June, 1906). (Charming in its caustic though just view that "articles on Franklin have verged on superfluity.") Bache, R. M. "The So-Called 'Franklin Prayer-Book,'" _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, XXI, 225-34 (1897). (See Rev. John Wright's account of the same in _Early Prayer Books of America_ [St. Paul: 1896], pp. 386-99.) Biddison, P. "The Magazine Franklin Failed to Remember," _American Literature_, IV, 177-80 (May, 1932). (Survey of the Franklin-Webbe altercation concerning the inauguration of Franklin's _General Magazine, and Historical Chronicle ..._, 1741.) Bigelow, John. "Franklin as the Man," _Independent_, LX, 69-72 (Jan. 11, 1906). (Stresses his tolerance, common sense, and "constitutional unwillingness to dogmatize.") Bleyer, W. G. _Main Currents in the History of American Journalism._ Boston: 1927. (Chapters I-II contain excellent survey of the _New England Courant_, and the _Pennsylvania Gazette_ during its formative years. Bibliography, pp. 431-41.) Bloore, Stephen. "Joseph Breintnall, First Secretary of the Library Company," _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, LIX, 42-56 (Jan., 1935). (Valuable notes on Franklin's collaborator in _Busy-Body_ series.) Bloore, Stephen. "Samuel Keimer. A Foot-note to the Life of Franklin," _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, LIV, 255-87 (July, 1930). (Readers of the _Autobiography_ will appreciate this excellent study of one who figures prominently in its pages.) Brett-James, N. G. _The Life of Peter Collinson._ London: [1917]. (Many notes on Franklin-Collinson friendship. Collinson, it is remembered, "started Franklin on his career as a researcher in electricity.") Buckingham, J. T. _Specimens of Newspaper Literature; with Personal Memoirs, Anecdotes, and Reminiscences._ 2 vols. Boston: 1850. (Vol. I, 49-88, discusses _New England Courant_. Identifies _Dogood Papers_ as Franklin's.) Bullen, H. L. "Benjamin Franklin and What Printing Did for Him," _American Collector_, II, 284-91 (May, 1926). Butler, Ruth L. _Doctor Franklin, Postmaster General._ Garden City, N. Y.: 1928. (A sturdily documented study illustrating that Franklin "furnished the most highly efficient administration to the postal system during the colonial period.") Canby, H. S. "Benjamin Franklin," in _Classic Americans_. New York: 1931, pp. 34-45. (Spirited estimate partly vitiated by excessive emphasis on influence of Quakerism; Canby observes that Franklin's mind represents "Quakerism conventionalized, stylized, and Deicized.") *Carey, Lewis J. _Franklin's Economic Views._ Garden City, N. Y.: 1928. (Excellent survey.) Cestre, Charles. "Franklin, homme représentatif," _Revue Anglo-Américaine_, 409-23, 505-22 (June, August, 1928). Choate, J. H. "Benjamin Franklin," in _Abraham Lincoln, and Other Addresses in England_. New York: 1910, pp. 47-94. (Sanely eulogistic biographical survey.) Condorcet, Marquis de. _Éloge de M. Franklin, lu à la séance publique de l'Académie des Sciences, le 13 Nov., 1790...._ Paris: 1791. (Both a eulogy, and an interpretation of _why_ France, as representative of the Enlightenment, eulogized the Philadelphia tradesman. By the most sublime of the _philosophes_.) Cook, E. C. _Literary Influences in Colonial Newspapers, 1704-1750._ New York: 1912. (Trenchant analysis of Franklin's indebtedness to Addison and Steele--especially in the _Dogood Papers_--the character of the _New England Courant_, advertisements of books in _Pennsylvania Gazette_, etc. "Benjamin Franklin was the only prominent man of the period who deliberately attempted to spread the knowledge and love of literature among his countrymen.") Crane, V. W. "Certain Writings of Benjamin Franklin on the British Empire and the American Colonies," _Papers of the Bibliographical Society_, XXVIII, Pt. 1, 1-27 (1934). (Newly identified Franklin papers more than double existing canon. He becomes "the chief agent of the American propaganda in England, especially between 1765 and 1770." New canon promises to "illuminate the development of Franklin's political ideas." Very significant.) Cumston, C. G. "Benjamin Franklin from the Medical Viewpoint," _New York Medical Journal_, LXXXIX, 3-12 (Jan. 2, 1909). (Useful survey.) Cutler, W. P., and Cutler, J. P. _Life, Journals and Correspondence of Rev. Manasseh Cutler._ 2 vols. Cincinnati: 1888. (Portrait of patriarchal Franklin at age of eighty-four.) Dickinson, A. D. "Benjamin Franklin, Bookman," _Bookman_, LIII, 197-205 (May, 1921). (Brief account of Franklin imprints.) _Discours du Comte de Mirabeau. Dans la séance du 11 Juin, sur la mort de Benjamin Francklin_ [_sic_]. Imprimé par ordre de l'Assemblée National. Paris: 1790. Draper, J. W. "Franklin's Place in the Science of the Last Century," _Harper's Magazine_, LXI, 265-75 (July, 1880). (Franklin's discoveries "were only embellishments of his life." Superficial.) Duniway, C. A. _The Development of Freedom of the Press in Massachusetts._ Cambridge, Mass.: 1906. (Chapter VI includes account of James Franklin and the _New England Courant_.) Eddy, G. S. "Dr. Benjamin Franklin's Library," _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, N. S. XXXIV, 206-26 (Oct., 1924). (This indefatigable scholar has ascertained the titles of 1350 volumes in Franklin's library. This survey article does not list the titles.) *Eiselen, M. R. _Franklin's Political Theories._ Garden City, N. Y.: 1928. (Thoughtful survey.) Eiselen, M. R. _The Rise of Pennsylvania Protectionism._ Philadelphia: 1932. (University of Pennsylvania dissertation. Chapter I describes Franklin's holding to laissez faire in a state dominantly protectionist.) Eliot, T. D. "The Relations Between Adam Smith and Benjamin Franklin before 1776," _Political Science Quarterly_, XXXIX, 67-96 (March, 1924). (Exhaustive documentary data which fails to establish specific and incontrovertible Franklin influence on Smith.) "Excerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Rush," _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, XXIX, 15-30 (Jan., 1905). (Includes "Conversations with Franklin," pp. 23-8: Franklin terms Latin and Greek the "quackery of literature"; is alleged to have reprobated the Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776, in that it placed "the Supreme power of the State in the hands of a Single legislature." Other interesting sidelights.) Farrand, Max, ed. _The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787._ 3 vols. New Haven: 1911. (Records show Franklin as a sober moderator: when rival factions tended to render the convention impotent, he said, "When a broad table is to be made, and the edges the artist takes a little from both, and makes a good joint.") Fauchet, Claude. _Éloge civique de Benjamin Franklin, prononcé, le 21 Juillet 1790, dans la Rotonde, au nom de la Commune de Paris._ Paris: 1790. Faÿ, Bernard. "Franklin et Mirabeau collaborateurs," _Revue de Littérature Comparée_, VIII, 5-28 (1928). (Franklin furnished materials for Mirabeau's _Considerations on the Order of Cincinnatus_.) Faÿ, Bernard. "Learned Societies in Europe and America in the Eighteenth Century," _American Historical Review_, XXXVII, 255-66 (Jan., 1932). (Urges that like all learned societies in the eighteenth century, Franklin's Junto and American Philosophical Society "had Masonic leanings.") Faÿ, Bernard. "Le credo de Franklin," _Correspondant_, 570-8 (Feb. 25, 1930). Faÿ, Bernard. "Les débuts de Franklin en France," _Revue de Paris_, 577-605 (Feb. 1, 1931). Faÿ, Bernard. "Les dernières amours d'un philosophe," _Correspondant_, 381-96 (May 10, 1930). Faÿ, Bernard. "Le triomphe de Franklin en France," _Revue de Paris_, 872-96 (Feb. 15, 1931). Ford, P. L. "Franklin as Printer and Publisher," _Century Magazine_, LVII, 803-17 (April, 1899). Ford, W. C. "Franklin and Chatham," _Independent_, LX, 94-7 (Jan. 11, 1906). Ford, W. C. "Franklin's New England Courant," _Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society_, LVII, 336-53 (April, 1924). Ford, W. C. "One of Franklin's Friendships. From Hitherto Unpublished Correspondence between Madame de Brillon and Benjamin Franklin, 1776-1789," _Harper's Magazine_, CXIII, 626-33 (Sept., 1906). Foster, J. W. "Franklin as a Diplomat," _Independent_, LX, 84-9 (Jan. 11, 1906). Fox, R. H. _Dr. John Fothergill and His Friends; Chapters in Eighteenth Century Life._ London: 1919. (Franklin and Fothergill, "lovers of nature and keen students of physical science," met in 1757. See also J. C. Lettsom, _Memoirs of John Fothergill_, 4th ed., London: 1786.) Garrison, F. W. "Franklin and the Physiocrats," _Freeman_, VIII, 154-6 (Oct. 24, 1923). (Transcended by Carey's chapter in _Franklin's Economic Views_, but has quotation from Dupont de Nemours [1769]: "Who does not know that the English have today their Benjamin Franklin, who has adopted the principles and the doctrines of our French economists?") Goggio, E. "Benjamin Franklin and Italy," _Romanic Review_, XIX, 302-8 (Oct., 1928). (Largely through the efforts of G. Beccaria, "Benjamin Franklin was one of the first Americans to gain eminence and popularity among the people of Italy.") Goode, G. B. "The Literary Labors of Benjamin Franklin," _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_, XXVIII, 177-97 (1890). Grandgent, C. H. "Benjamin Franklin the Reformer," in _Prunes and Prisms, with Other Odds and Ends_. Cambridge, Mass.: 1928, pp. 86-97. ("The principles advocated in his unfinished exposition [on spelling reform] are those which phoneticians now advocate.") Greene, S. A. "The Story of a Famous Book," _Atlantic Monthly_, XXVII, 207-12 (Feb., 1871). (A kind of _précis_ of Bigelow's Introduction to _Autobiography_.) Griswold, A. W. "Three Puritans on Prosperity," _New England Quarterly_, VII, 475-93 (Sept., 1934). (Cotton Mather, Timothy Dwight, and Franklin. One wonders by what right Franklin is dubbed the "soul of Puritanism.") Guedalla, Philip. "Dr. Franklin," in _Fathers of the Revolution_. New York: 1926, pp. 215-34. (Chatty popular review of "the first high-priest of the religion of efficiency.") Guillois, Antoine. _Le salon de Madame Helvétius._ Paris: 1894. Gummere, R. M. "Socrates at the Printing Press. Benjamin Franklin and the Classics," _Classical Weekly_, XXVI, 57-9 (Dec. 5, 1932). (Survey of his references to the classics, with occasional estimates of impact on his mind.) Hale, E. E. "Ben Franklin's Ballads," _New England Magazine_, N. S. XVIII, 505-7 (1898). (Thinks "The Downfall of Piracy," found in Ashton's _Real Sea-Songs_, is "one of the two lost ballads" Franklin mentions in _Autobiography_.) Hale, E. E. "Franklin as Philosopher and Moralist," _Independent_, LX, 89-93 (Jan. 11, 1906). (Does not go beyond terming Franklin's philosophy common sense.) Harrison, Frederic. "Benjamin Franklin," in _Memories and Thoughts_. New York: 1906, pp. 119-23. (Keen appraisal.) Hart, C. H. "Benjamin Franklin in Allegory," _Century Magazine_, XLI (N. S. XIX), 197-204 (Dec., 1890). (The French sanctify Franklin in allegory.) Hart, C. H. "Who Was the Mother of Franklin's Son? An Inquiry Demonstrating that She Was Deborah Read, Wife of Benjamin Franklin," _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, XXXV, 308-14 (July, 1911). (Plausible circumstantial evidence is offered.) Hays, I. M. _The Chronology of Benjamin Franklin, Founder of the American Philosophical Society._ Philadelphia: 1904. Hill, D. J. "A Missing Chapter of Franco-American History," _American Historical Review_, XXI, 709-19 (July, 1916). (Political interests of Masonic "Lodge of the Nine Sisters," Paris, of which Franklin was an active member. Franklin described as "creator of constitutionalism in Europe.") Houston, E. J. "Franklin as a Man of Science and an Inventor," _Journal of the Franklin Institute_, CLXI, Nos. 4-5, 241-383 (April-May, 1906). Hulbert, C. _Biographical Sketches of Dr. Benjamin Franklin, General Washington, and Thomas Paine; with an Essay on Atheism and Infidelity._ London: 1820. (Franklin and Washington made almost saintly to contrast with Paine, "a notorious Unbeliever." Quotes one who sees Franklin as "the patriot of the world, the playmate of the lightning, the philosopher of liberty.") Jackson, M. K. _Outlines of the Literary History of Colonial Pennsylvania._ Lancaster, Pa.: 1906. (Especially chapter III, which surveys Franklin as man of letters.) Jernegan, M. W. "Benjamin Franklin's 'Electrical Kite' and Lightning Rod," _New England Quarterly_, I, 180-96 (April, 1928). ("The question still remains however whether Franklin flew his kite _before_ he heard of the French experiments, and thus discovered the identity of lightning and electricity independently." Summarizes and supersedes: McAdie, A., "The Date of Franklin's Kite Experiment," _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, N. S. XXXIV, 188-205; Rotch, A. L., "Did Benjamin Franklin Fly His Electrical Kite before He Invented the Lightning Rod?" _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, N. S. XVIII, 115-23.) Jordan, J. W. "Franklin as a Genealogist," _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, XXIII, 1-22 (April, 1899). Jorgenson, C. E. "A Brand Flung at Colonial Orthodoxy. Samuel Keimer's 'Universal Instructor in All Arts and Sciences,'" _Journalism Quarterly_, XII, 272-7 (Sept., 1935). (Shows deistic tendencies.) Jorgenson, C. E. "The New Science in the Almanacs of Ames and Franklin," _New England Quarterly_, VIII, 555-61 (Dec., 1935). (Newtonianism and scientific deism diffused through these popular almanacs.) Jorgenson, C. E. "Sidelights on Benjamin Franklin's Principles of Rhetoric," _Revue Anglo-Américaine_, 208-22 (Feb., 1934). (Franklin's principles in general are consonant with the eighteenth-century neoclassic ideals.) Jorgenson, C. E. "The Source of Benjamin Franklin's Dialogues between Philocles and Horatio (1730)," _American Literature_, VI, 337-9 (Nov., 1934). (The source is Shaftesbury's "The Moralists," in the _Characteristics_.) *Jusserand, J. J. "Franklin in France," in _Essays Offered to Herbert Putnam...._ Ed. by W. W. Bishop and A. Keogh. New Haven: 1929, pp. 226-47. (Delightful summary.) Kane, Hope F. "James Franklin Senior, Printer of Boston and Newport," _American Collector_, III, 17-26 (Oct., 1926). (A study of his _New England Courant_ and his place in the development of freedom of the press.) King, M. R. "One Link in the First Newspaper Chain, _The South Carolina Gazette," Journalism Quarterly_, IX, 257-68 (Sept., 1932). (Franklin's partnership with Thomas Whitemarsh in 1731 is here alleged to have begun the first American newspaper "chain.") Kite, Elizabeth S. "Benjamin Franklin--Diplomat," _Catholic World_, CXLII, 28-37 (Oct., 1935). (An intelligent and appreciative brief survey of the subject, with a considerable preface showing the extent to which Franklin's worldly success grew out of his religious views.) Lees, F. "The Parisian Suburb of Passy: Its Architecture in the Days of Franklin," _Architectural Record_, XII, 669-83 (Dec., 1902). (Several good illustrations included.) Livingston, L. S. _Franklin and His Press at Passy; An Account of the Books, Pamphlets, and Leaflets Printed There, including the Long-Lost Bagatelles._ The Grolier Club, New York: 1914. (For additions to this work begun by L. S. Livingston, see R. G. Adams, "The 'Passy-ports' and Their Press," _American Collector_, IV, 177-80 [Aug., 1927], which includes bibliography useful to study of the Passy imprints.) MacDonald, William. "The Fame of Franklin," _Atlantic Monthly_, XCVI. 450-62 (Oct., 1905). Mackay, Constance D'A. _Franklin. A Play._ New York: 1922. MacLaurin, Lois M. _Franklin's Vocabulary._ Garden City, N. Y.: 1928. (His "conservative ideas about linguistic innovations" are to a notable degree achieved in his practices. For example, of a vocabulary of 4062 words used in his writings between 1722 and 1751, "only 19 were discovered to be pure 'Americanisms.'") McMaster, J. B. "Franklin in France," _Atlantic Monthly_, LX, 318-26 (Sept., 1887). (Good survey, based on Hale and Hale, _Franklin in France_.) Malone, Kemp. "Benjamin Franklin on Spelling Reform," _American Speech_, I, 96-100 (Nov., 1925). (Franklin was the "first American to tackle English phonetics scientifically.") Mason, W. S. "Franklin and Galloway: Some Unpublished Letters," _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, N. S. XXXIV, 227-58 (Oct., 1924). (Significant sidelights cast on "the problems of Pennsylvania colonial history from 1757 to 1760." Excellent summary of Franklin's and Galloway's victory over the Proprietors. Mr. Mason's collection includes many valuable letters [Franklin-Galloway] between 1757 and 1772, not published in Smyth.) Mathews, Mrs. L. K. "Benjamin Franklin's Plans for a Colonial Union, 1750-1775," _American Political Science Review_, VIII, 393-412 (Aug., 1914). Melville, Herman. _Israel Potter._ London: 1923. (Graphic intuitive portrait of Franklin: he lives as a "household Plato," "a practical Magian in linsey-woolsey," a "didactically waggish," prudent courtier who "was everything but a poet.") _Mémoires de l'Abbé Morellet, de l'Académie Française, sur le dixhuitième siècle et sur la Révolution._ 2 vols. Paris: 1821. (Especially II, 286-311. Franklin viewed as very emblem of Liberty.) Montgomery, T. H. _A History of the University of Pennsylvania from Its Foundation to A. D. 1770._ Philadelphia: 1900. _Monthly Review; or Literary Journal: By Several Hands._ London: 1770. XLII, 199-210, 298-308. ("The experiments and observations of Dr. Franklin constitute the _principia_ of electricity, and form the basis of a system equally simple and profound.") *More, P. E. "Benjamin Franklin," in _Shelburne Essays_, Fourth Series. New York: 1906, pp. 129-55. (Provocative appraisal: stresses Franklin's "contemporaneity," his tendency to be oblivious to the past--a suggestive, if a moot point.) Morgan, W. _Memoirs of the Life of Rev. Richard Price._ London: 1815. (Notes on Franklin's relations with Price during early 1760's; meetings at Royal Society and London Coffee-house.) Mottay, F. _Benjamin Franklin et la philosophie pratique._ Paris: 1886. (Good model for citizens of a free nation and "le véritable catechisme de l'homme vertueux." Also several just remarks on his style which possesses "les mots épiques d'un Corneille et les élégantes périphrases d'un Racine.") Moulton, C. W., ed. _Library of Literary Criticism of English and American Authors_. Buffalo, N. Y.: 1901. IV, 79-106. (Stimulating assembly of extracts which aids student in discovering the history of Franklin's reputation.) Mustard, W. P. "Poor Richard's Poetry," _Nation_, LXXXII, 239, 279 (March 22, April 5, 1906). (Indicates Franklin's borrowings from Dryden, Pope, Prior, Gay, Swift, and others.) Nichols, E. L. "Franklin as a Man of Science," _Independent_, LX, 79-84 (Jan. 11, 1906). (Franklin's mind "turned ever by preference to the utilitarian and away from the theoretical and speculative aspects of things.") "Notice sur Benjamin Franklin," in _Œuvres posthumes de Cabanis_. Paris: 1825, pp. 219-74. (Representative in its rapturous eulogy.) Oberholtzer, E. P. _The Literary History of Philadelphia._ Philadelphia: 1906. (Chap. II, "The Age of Franklin," written with conservative bias, belabors Franklin who as a statesman "was almost as wrong as Paine and Mirabeau." What Voltaire was to France, Franklin was to his native city and state.) Oswald, J. C. _Benjamin Franklin in Oil and Bronze._ New York: 1926. ("Probably the features and form of no man who ever lived were delineated so frequently and in such a variety of ways as were those of Benjamin Franklin." Best survey of its kind, including many excellent reproductions.) Oswald, J. C. _Benjamin Franklin, Printer._ Garden City, N. Y.: 1917. (Fullest and ablest account of this phase of Franklin's life.) Owen, E. D. "Where Did Benjamin Franklin Get the Idea for His Academy?" _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, LVIII, 86-94 (Jan., 1934). (Inconclusive evidence attributing it to Dr. Philip Doddridge.) *Parker, Theodore. "Benjamin Franklin," in _Historic Americans_. Ed. with notes by S. A. Eliot. Boston: 1908 [written in 1858]. (Franklin "thinks, investigates, theorizes, invents, but never does he dream." Although Parker, an idealist and reformer, exalts "the sharp outline of his [Franklin's] exact idea," his humanitarianism, his combining the "rare excellence of Socrates and Bacon" in making things "easy for all to handle and comprehend," he concludes that Franklin is "a saint devoted to the almighty dollar." There are few more readable estimates.) *Parrington, V. L. "Benjamin Franklin," in _The Colonial Mind, 1620-1800_. New York: 1927, pp. 164-78. (Emphasizes Franklin's tendencies toward agrarian democracy; Parrington's indifference to the genetic approach and his chronic economic determinism lead him to slight the primary importance of Franklin's religious and philosophic views in conditioning his other activities.) Pennington, E. L. "The Work of the Bray Associates in Pennsylvania," _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, LVIII, 1-25 (Jan., 1934). (Franklin's humanitarian interest in negro education. In 1758 he writes from London urging school for instructing young Negroes in Philadelphia.) _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, XXV, 307-22, 516-26 (1901), XXVI, 81-90, 255-64 (1902). (Reprints one of Dean Tucker's pamphlets with Franklin's annotations. Casts light on Franklin's loyalty to the Crown, while rebellious against Parliament.) Potamian, Brother, and Walsh, J. J. _Makers of Electricity._ New York: 1909. ("Franklin and Some Contemporaries," chapter II, pp. 68-132, by Brother Potamian, is an excellent survey of Franklin's contributions to the science of electricity.) Powell, E. P. "A Study of Benjamin Franklin," _Arena_, VIII, 477-91 (Sept., 1893). (Fair survey of Franklin as a diplomatist.) Priestley, J. _The History and Present State of Electricity, with Original Experiments._ London: 1767. (Many notes observing Franklin's "truly philosophical greatness of mind." Preface contains suggestive generalizations concerning function of the natural philosopher: especially, he who experiments in electricity discerns laws of nature, "that is, of the God of nature himself.") Rava, Luigi. "La fortuna di Beniamino Franklin in Italia," Prefazione al volume _Beniamino Franklin_ di Lawrence Shaw Mayo. Firenze: n.d. Repplier, Emma. "Franklin's Trials as a Benefactor," _Lippincott's Magazine_, LXXVII, 63-70 (Jan., 1906). (Concerning those who during the Revolution wrote Franklin for favors and places.) Riddell, W. R. "Benjamin Franklin and Colonial Money," _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, LIV, 52-64 (Jan., 1930). Riddell, W. R. "Benjamin Franklin's Mission to Canada and the Causes of Its Failure," _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, XLVIII, 111-58 (April, 1924). *Riley, I. W. _American Philosophy: The Early Schools._ New York: 1907, pp. 229-65. (Conventional view of Franklin's deism; with C. M. Walsh [see below], Riley overemphasizes influence of Plato on Franklin's thought.) Riley, I. W. _American Thought from Puritanism to Pragmatism and Beyond._ New York: 1915, pp. 68-77. (Graphic glimpses of "most precocious of the American skeptics.") Rosengarten, J. G. "The American Philosophical Society," reprinted from _Founders' Week Memorial Volume_. Philadelphia: 1908. Ross, E. D. "Benjamin Franklin as an Eighteenth-Century Agriculture Leader," _Journal of Political Economy_, XXXVII, 52-72 (Feb., 1929). (No "rural sentimentalist," Franklin experimented in agriculture, particularly during 1747-1755, as a utilitarian idealist. Quotes one who suggests Franklin was "half physiocratic before the rise of the physiocratic school." Excellent and well-documented survey.) Sachse, J. F. _Benjamin Franklin as a Free Mason._ Philadelphia: 1906. ("To write the history of Franklin as a Freemason is virtually to chronicle the early Masonic history of America." Soundly documented survey. Includes useful chronological table of Franklin's Masonic activities.) *Sainte-Beuve, C. A. _Portraits of the Eighteenth Century._ Tr. by K. P. Wormeley, with a critical introduction by E. Scherer. New York: 1905. I, 311-75. (The two essays on Franklin in _Causeries du lundi_ are "here put together," though with no important omissions from either. Brilliant portrait of the "most gracious, smiling, and persuasive utilitarian," one who assigned "no part to human imagination.") Seipp, Erika. _Benjamin Franklins Religion und Ethik._ Darmstadt: 1932. (Suggestive, though brief, view of Franklin's deism and utilitarianism. Attempts to see his thought in reference to various representative deists. This is not, however, a "source" study.) Shepherd, W. R. _History of Proprietary Government in Pennsylvania._ New York: 1896. (Franklin emerges as "a sort of tribune to the people," a "mighty Goliath," a "plague" in the eyes of the feudalistic rulers of Pennsylvania, "a huge fief." Author relatively unsympathetic to Franklin.) *Sherman, S. P. "Franklin and the Age of Enlightenment," in _Americans_. New York: 1922, pp. 28-62. (Penetrating survey and estimate.) Smith, William, D.D. _Eulogium on Benjamin Franklin._ Philadelphia: 1792. (One agrees with P. L. Ford, that this work "forms a somewhat amusing contrast to the savageness of the Doctor's earlier writings against Franklin." Bombastic in its rhetoric and eulogy.) Smythe, J. H., Jr., comp. _The Amazing Benjamin Franklin._ New York: 1929. (Anthology of brief, popular estimates. If individual notes are trivial, the collection illustrates Franklin's many-mindedness, a Renaissance versatility.) Sonneck, O. G. "Benjamin Franklin's Relation to Music," _Music_, XIX, 1-14 (Nov., 1900). Steell, Willis. _Benjamin Franklin of Paris, 1776-1785._ New York: 1928. (An undocumented, partly imaginative, popular account.) Stifler, J. M. _The Religion of Benjamin Franklin._ New York: 1925. (Popular survey. Warm appreciation of Franklin's _penchant_ for projects of a humanitarian sort.) Stuber, Henry. "Life of Franklin" [a biography meant as a continuation of Franklin's _Autobiography_], in _Columbian Magazine and Universal Asylum_, May, July, September, October, November, 1790, and February, March, May, June, 1791. *Thorpe, F. N., ed. _Benjamin Franklin and the University of Pennsylvania._ U. S. Bureau of Education, Circular of Information, No. 2 (1892). Washington: 1893. (See especially chapters I, II, written by Thorpe, which deal particularly with Franklin's ideas of self and formal education.) Titus, Rev. Anson. "Boston When Ben Franklin Was a Boy," _Proceedings of the Bostonian Society_, pp. 55-72 (1906). (Brief suggestive view of the climate of opinion with regard to inoculation, Newtonianism, and Lockian sensationalism.) Trent, W. P. "Benjamin Franklin," _McClure's Magazine_, VIII, 273-7 (Jan., 1897). ("The most complete representative of his century that any nation can point to." Franklin "thoroughly represents his age in its practicality, in its devotion to science, in its intellectual curiosity, in its humanitarianism, in its lack of spirituality, in its calm self-content--in short, in its exaltation of prose and reason over poetry and faith." An enthusiastic and wise account.) Trowbridge, John. "Franklin as a Scientist," _Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts_, XVIII (1917). (Excellent appreciation of Franklin's capacity for inductive reasoning.) Tuckerman, H. T. "Character of Franklin," _North American Review_, LXXXIII, 402-22 (Oct., 1856). (Praises disinterestedness of Franklin as a scientist, as "one whom Bacon would have hailed as a disciple," although he "is not adapted to beguile us 'along the line of infinite desires.'") Tudury, M. "Poor Richard," _Bookman_, LXIV, 581-4 (Jan., 1927). (Popular glance at "cynical patriarch of American letters.") _Typothetae Bulletin_, XXII, No. 15 (Jan. 11, 1926). (Issue devoted to the printer Franklin.) Vicq d'Azyr, Félix. _Éloge de Franklin._ N.p.: 1791. Victory, Beatrice M. _Benjamin Franklin and Germany._ Americana Germanica series, No. 21. Press of the University of Pennsylvania: 1915. (Sources reflecting Franklin's reputation in Germany of particular interest.) Walsh, C. M. "Franklin and Plato," _Open Court_, XX, 129-33 (March, 1906). (An attempt to interpret his _Articles of Belief_, 1728, in terms of the _Timaeus_, _Protagoras_, _Republic_, and _Euthyphro_.) Webster, Noah. _Dissertations on the English Language: With Notes, Historical and Critical. To which is added, By Way of Appendix, an Essay on a Reformed Mode of Spelling, with Dr. Franklins Arguments on that Subject._ Boston: 1789. (Notable remarks on Franklin's perspicuous and correct style which is "plain and elegantly neat": he "writes for the child as well as the philosopher.") Wendell, Barrett. _A Literary History of America._ New York: 1900. (Franklin estimate, pp. 92-103.) Wetzel, W. A. _Benjamin Franklin as an Economist._ Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, Thirteenth Series, IX, 421-76. Baltimore: 1895. (Useful summary, but superseded by Carey's _Franklin's Economic Views_.) Wharton, A. H. "The American Philosophical Society," _Atlantic Monthly_, LXI, 611-24 (May, 1888). Bibliographical suggestions relating to Franklin's American friends and contemporaries will be found following the brief but scholarly studies in the _Dictionary of American Biography_. Of these see especially John Adams (also G. Chinard, _Honest John Adams_, Boston, 1933); Samuel Adams; Ethan Allen; Nathaniel Ames; Joel Barlow (also V. C. Miller, _Joel Barlow: Revolutionist, London, 1791-92_, Hamburg, 1932, and T. A. Zunder, _Early Days of Joel Barlow_, New Haven, 1934); John Bartram; William Bartram (also N. Fagin, _William Bartram_, Baltimore, 1933); Hugh H. Brackenridge (also C. Newlin, _Brackenridge_, Princeton, 1933); Cadwallader Colden; John Dickinson; Philip Freneau; Francis Hopkinson; T. Jefferson; Cotton Mather; Jonathan Mayhew; Thomas Paine; David Rittenhouse; Dr. Benjamin Rush (also N. Goodman, _Rush_, Philadelphia, 1934); Rev. William Smith; Ezra Stiles; John Trumbull; Noah Webster. V. THE AGE OF FRANKLIN Adams, J. T. _Provincial Society, 1690-1763._ (Volume III of _A History of American Life_, ed. Fox and Schlesinger.) New York: 1927. (Contains useful "Critical Essay on Authorities" consulted, pp. 324-56, which serves as a guide for further study of many phases of the social history of the period.) Adams, R. G. _Political Ideas of the American Revolution._ Durham, N. C.: 1922. Andrews, C. M. _The Colonial Background of the American Revolution._ New Haven: 1924. (Stresses economic factors and the need of viewing the subject from the European angle; profitably used as companion study to Beer's _British Colonial Policy_.) Baldwin, Alice M. _The New England Clergy and the American Revolution._ Durham, N. C.: 1928. (Prior to 1763 the clergy popularized "doctrines of natural right, the social contract, and the right of resistance" and principles of American constitutional law.) Beard, C. A. _The Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy._ New York: 1915. (Suggestive, if _other_ factors are not neglected. See C. H. Hull's review in _American Historical Review_, XXII, 401-3.) Becker, Carl. _The Declaration of Independence; A Study in the History of Political Ideas._ New York: 1922. (Excellent survey of natural rights, and the extent to which this concept was influenced by Newtonianism.) Becker, Carl. _The Heavenly City of the Eighteenth-Century Philosophers._ New Haven: 1932. (R. S. Crane observes, after calling attention to certain obscurities and confusions: "The description of the general temper of the 'philosophers,' the characterization of the principal eighteenth-century historians, much at least of the final chapter on the idea of progress--these can be read with general approval for their content and with a satisfaction in Becker's prose style that is unalloyed by considerations of exegesis or terminology" [_Philological Quarterly_, XIII, 104-6].) Beer, George L. _British Colonial Policy, 1754-1765._ New York: 1933 [1907]. Bemis, S. F. _The Diplomacy of the American Revolution._ New York; 1935. (Brilliant exposition of French, Spanish, Austrian, and other diplomacy relative to the Revolution. Should be supplemented by Frank Monaghan's _John Jay_.) Bloch, Léon. _La philosophie de Newton._ Paris: 1908. (A comprehensive, standard exposition.) Bosker, Aisso. _Literary Criticism in the Age of Johnson._ Groningen: 1930. (Reviewed by N. Foerster in _Philological Quarterly_, XI, 216-7.) Brasch, F. E. "The Royal Society of London and Its Influence upon Scientific Thought in the American Colonies," _Scientific Monthly_, XXXIII, 336-55, 448-69 (1931). (Useful survey.) Brinton, Crane. _A Decade of Revolutions, 1789-1799._ New York: 1934. (Useful on the pattern of ideas associated with the French Revolution; has a full and up-to-date "Bibliographical Essay," pp. 293-322, with critical commentary.) Bullock, C. J. _Essays on the Monetary History of the United States._ New York: 1900. (Useful bibliography, pp. 275-88.) Burnett, E. C., ed. _Letters of Members of the Continental Congress._ Washington, D. C.: 1921. (Seven volumes now published include letters to 1784. Contain a mass of new material of first importance, edited with notes, cross-references, and introductions.) Burtt, E. A. _The Metaphysical Foundations of Modern Physical Science; A Historical and Critical Essay._ New York: 1925. Bury, J. B. _The Idea of Progress._ New York: 1932 (new edition). (Standard English work on the topic. See also Jules Delvaille, _Essai sur l'histoire de l'idée de progrès_ [Paris, 1910], a more encyclopedic book.) Channing, Edward. _A History of the United States._ New York: 1912. (Volumes II-III.) Clark, H. H. "Factors to be Investigated in American Literary History from 1787 to 1800," _English Journal_, XXIII, 481-7 (June, 1934). (Suggests the genetic interrelations of classical ideas; neoclassicism; the scientific spirit, rationalism, and deism; primitivism and the idea of progress; physical America and the frontier spirit; agrarianism and laissez faire; Federalism versus Democracy, whether Jeffersonian or French; sentimentalism and humanitarianism; Gothicism; and conflicting currents of aesthetic theory.) Clark, H. H., ed. _Poems of Freneau._ New York: 1929. (F. L. Pattee says of the Introduction, "No one has ever traced out better the ramifications of French Revolution deism in America and the effects of its clash with Puritanism" [_American Literature_, II, 316-7]. Also see Clark's "Thomas Paine's Theories of Rhetoric," _Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters_, XXVIII, 307-39 [1933], which discusses relationships between deism and literary theory.) Clark, J. M., Viner, J., and others. _Adam Smith, 1776-1926._ Chicago: 1928. (Brilliant essays on various aspects of Smith's thought and influence. See especially Jacob Viner's "Adam Smith and Laissez-Faire," pp. 116-55, which shows the relations in Smith's mind between economics and religion, between laissez faire and "the harmonious order of nature" posited by the scientific deists.) Crane, R. S. "Anglican Apologetics and the Idea of Progress, 1699-1745," _Modern Philology_, XXXI, 273-306 (Feb., 1934), 349-82 (May, 1934). (Demonstrates in masterly fashion how the idea of progress grew out of orthodox defenses of revealed religion, current in Franklin's formative years. Modifies the conventional view that the Church was hostile to the idea of progress and that it derived exclusively from the scientific spirit.) Davidson, P. G., Jr. "Whig Propagandists of the American Revolution," _American Historical Review_, XXXIX, 442-53 (April, 1934). (Also see _Revolutionary Propaganda in New England, New York, and Pennsylvania, 1763-1776_. Unpublished dissertation, University of Chicago, 1929.) "Deism," in _The New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge_, III, 391-7 (by Ernst Troeltsch). De la Fontainerie, F., tr. and ed. _French Liberalism and Education in the Eighteenth Century: The Writings of La Chalotais, Turgot, Diderot, and Condorcet on National Education._ New York: 1932. (Convenient source book.) Dewey, D. R. _Financial History of the United States._ New York: 1924 (9th ed.). (Bristles with bibliographical aids for study of eighteenth century.) Draper, J. W. _Eighteenth Century English Aesthetics: A Bibliography._ Heidelberg: 1931. (Source materials, pp. 61-128, for aesthetics of literature and drama: includes in appendix, pp. 129-40, ablest secondary works to 1931. An invaluable guide. See additions by R. S. Crane, _Modern Philology_, XXIX, 251 ff. [1931], W. D. Templeman, _ibid._, XXX, 309-16, R. D. Havens, _Modern Language Notes_, XLVII, 118-20 [1932].) Drennon, Herbert. "Newtonianism: Its Method, Theology, and Metaphysics," _Englische Studien_, LXVIII, 397-409 (1933-1934). (Other parts of Mr. Drennon's brilliant doctoral dissertation, _James Thomson and Newtonianism_ [University of Chicago, 1928], have been published in _Publications of the Modern Language Association_, XLIX, 71-80, March, 1934; in _Studies in Philology_, XXXI, 453-71, July, 1934; and in _Philological Quarterly_, XIV, 70-82, Jan., 1935.) Ducros, Louis. _French Society in the Eighteenth Century._ Tr. from the French by W. de Geijer; with a Foreword by J. A. Higgs-Walker. London: 1927. Duncan, C. S. _The New Science and English Literature in the Classical Period._ Menasha, Wis.: 1913. (Scholarly.) Dunning, W. A. _A History of Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu._ New York: 1905, and _A History of Political Theories from Rousseau to Spencer_. New York: 1920. (Standard works.) Elton, Oliver. _The Augustan Age._ New York: 1899, and _A Survey of English Literature, 1730-1780_. 2 vols. London: 1928. (Acute on literary trends, though hardly adequate on ideas.) Evans, Charles. _American Bibliography._ Chicago: 1903-1934. (Volumes I-XII, 1639-1799.) Faÿ, Bernard. _Revolution and Freemasonry, 1680-1800._ Boston: 1935. (Stimulating conjectures vitiated by extravagant and undocumented conclusions.) Faÿ, Bernard. _The Revolutionary Spirit in France and America._ Tr. by R. Guthrie. New York: 1927. (Especially valuable for notes on the vogue of Franklin in France. Highly important comprehensive survey of French influence in America, and the impetus our revolution gave to French liberalism.) Fisher, S. G. _The Quaker Colonies. A Chronicle of the Proprietors of the Delaware._ New Haven: 1921. (Useful bibliography, pp. 231-4.) Fiske, John. _The Beginnings of New England, or the Puritan Theocracy in Its Relations to Civil and Religious Liberty._ Boston: 1896 [1889]. (See also Perry Miller's _Orthodoxy in Massachusetts, 1630-1650_. _A Genetic Study._ Cambridge, Mass.: 1933.) Gettell, R. G. _History of American Political Thought._ New York: 1928. (The standard comprehensive treatment of its subject. Has good bibliographies.) Gide, Charles, and Rist, Charles. _A History of Economic Doctrines from the Time of the Physiocrats to the Present Day._ Authorized translation from the second revised and augmented edition of 1913 under the direction of the late Professor Wm. Smart, by R. Richards. Boston: 1915. (Excellent survey of physiocracy.) Gierke, Otto. _Natural Law and the Theory of Society, 1500 to 1800._ With a Lecture on The Ideas of Natural Law and Humanity, by Ernst Troeltsch. Tr. with an introduction by E. Barker. 2 vols. Cambridge, England: 1934. (A standard work, with excellent notes, especially valuable on European backgrounds.) Gohdes, Clarence. "Ethan Allen and his _Magnum Opus_," _Open Court_, XLIII, 128-51 (March, 1929). (Suggests the eighteenth-century battle between revelation and reason, the latter as buttressed by Lockian sensationalism and Newtonian science.) Greene, E. B. _The Provincial Governor in the English Colonies of North America._ Cambridge, Mass.: 1898. (Inveterate divergence between provincial governor and provincial assemblies foreshadowed the American Revolution.) Halévy, E. _The Growth of Philosophic Radicalism._ Tr. by M. Morris, with a preface by A. D. Lindsay. London: 1928. (A comprehensive, authoritative work.) Hansen, A. O. _Liberalism and American Education in the Eighteenth Century._ With an introduction by E. H. Reisner. New York: 1926. (A good bibliography of primary sources and a poor bibliography of secondary sources, pp. 265-96. Although this slights Franklin and deals especially with plans following Franklin's death, it surveys educational ideals with reference to the ideas of the Enlightenment, ideas latent in Franklin's writings.) Haroutunian, Joseph. _Piety versus Moralism, the Passing of the New England Theology._ New York: 1932. (An important scholarly work arguing reluctantly that Puritanism declined because it was theocentric and inadequate to the social needs of the time. Has an excellent bibliography.) Hefelbower, S. G. _The Relation of John Locke to English Deism._ Chicago: 1918. (The relation between Locke and the English deists is "not causal, nor do they mark different stages of the same movement"; they are "related as coordinate parts of the larger progressive movement of the age." Stresses Locke's tolerance, rationalism, and natural religion.) Higgs, Henry. _The Physiocrats. Six Lectures on the French Économistes of the Eighteenth Century._ London: 1897. (Gide and Rist term this a "succinct account" of the physiocratic system.) Hildeburn, C. R. _Issues of the Pennsylvania Press. A Century of Printing, 1685-1784._ 2 vols. Philadelphia: 1885-1886. (A highly useful guide to what was being read in Pennsylvania year by year.) Horton, W. M. _Theism and the Scientific Spirit._ New York: 1933. (Popular accounts of "Copernican world" and "God in the Newtonian world" in chapters I-II.) Humphrey, Edward. _Nationalism and Religion in America, 1774-1789._ Boston: 1924. Jameson, J. F. _The American Revolution Considered as a Social Movement._ Princeton, N. J.: 1926. (Brief and general, but suggestive.) Jones, H. M. _America and French Culture, 1750-1848._ Chapel Hill, N. C.: 1927. (A monumental, elaborately documented comprehensive work, containing an excellent bibliography.) Jones, H. M. "American Prose Style: 1700-1770," _Huntington Library Bulletin_, No. 6, 115-51 (Nov., 1934). (Shows that Puritan preachings inculcated the ideal of a simple, lucid, and dignified style.) Kaye, F. B., ed. _The Fable of the Bees: or, Private Vices, Publick Benefits. With a Commentary Critical, Historical, and Explanatory._ 2 vols. Oxford: 1924. (The introduction is the most lucid and penetrating commentary on Mandeville in relation to the pattern of ideas of his age. See L. I. Bredvold's review in _Journal of English and Germanic Philology_, XXIV, 586-9, Oct., 1925.) Koch, G. A. _Republican Religion: The American Revolution and the Cult of Reason._ New York: 1933. ("A vast body of facts about a host of obscure figures"--reviewed by H. H. Clark in _Journal of Philosophy_, XXXI, 135-8. Contains an elaborate bibliography.) Kraus, M. _Intercolonial Aspects of American Culture on the Eve of the Revolution._ New York: 1928. (Scholarly.) Lecky, W. E. H. _A History of England in the Eighteenth Century._ 7 vols. New York: 1892-1893 (new ed.). (A standard work, containing a finely documented treatment of the political aspects of the American Revolution.) Leonard, S. A. _The Doctrine of Correctness in English Usage, 1700-1800._ Madison, Wis.: 1929. (Authoritative.) Lévy-Bruhl, Lucien. _History of Modern Philosophy in France._ Chicago: 1899. Lincoln, C. H. _The Revolutionary Movement in Pennsylvania, 1760-1776._ Philadelphia: 1901. (A highly important study showing that local sectional strife which would have eventually led to conflict synchronized with the strife between the colony and England.) Lovejoy, A. O. "The Parallel of Deism and Classicism," _Modern Philology_, XXIX, 281-99 (Feb., 1932). ("A systematic statement of the rationalistic _preconceptions_ which, when applied in matters of religion terminated in Deism, when applied in aesthetics produced Classicism. An illuminating synthesis, done throughout with characteristic finesse and discrimination" [_Philological Quarterly_, XII, 106, April, 1933].) McIlwain, C. H. _The American Revolution: A Constitutional Interpretation._ New York: 1923. (Offers defense of revolution on English constitutional grounds.) Martin, Kingsley. _French Liberal Thought in the Eighteenth Century: A Study of Political Ideas from Bayle to Condorcet._ Boston: 1929. (Stimulating survey of ideology motivating the French revolution, "a dramatic moment when feudalism, clericalism and divine monarchy collapsed.") Merriam, C. E. _A History of American Political Theories._ New York: 1924 [1903]. (Authoritative, brief treatment.) Monaghan, Frank. _John Jay, Defender of Liberty._ New York: 1935. (A brilliant biography and a fully documented study of the activities and diplomacy of the Continental Congress. Supplements S. F. Bemis; see above.) Moore, C. A. "Shaftesbury and the Ethical Poets in England, 1700-1760," _Publications of the Modern Language Association_, XXXI (N. S. XXIV), 264-325 (June, 1916). (Penetrating and brilliant survey of the growth of altruism, to be supplemented by R. S. Crane's studies of earlier sources.) Morais, H. M. _Deism in Eighteenth Century America._ New York: 1934. (If little space is given to the implications of Deism in terms of political, economic, and literary theory, and if the leaders of deistic thought, such as Franklin, Jefferson, and Paine are too lightly dealt with, this work is "substantial, precise, well-documented, modest, cautious, and objective." Has a good bibliography. Reviewed by H. H. Clark, _American Literature_, VI, 467-9, Jan., 1935. See also Morais's "Deism in Revolutionary America, 1763-89," _International Journal of Ethics_, XLII, 434-53, July, 1932.) Morley, John. _Diderot and the Encyclopædists._ 2 vols. London: 1923. (A suggestive survey, parts of which have been superseded by more recent studies.) Mornet, Daniel. _French Thought in the Eighteenth Century._ Tr. by L. M. Levin. New York: 1929. (Lucid and penetrating survey; suggestive notes on the influence of speculation motivated by science.) Mornet, Daniel. _Les origines intellectuelles de la Révolution française (1715-1787)._ Paris: 1933. (A brilliant work, concluding that without the extraordinary diffusion of radical ideas in all classes in France, the States-General in 1789 would not have adopted revolutionary measures. See C. Brinton's review, _American Historical Review_, XXXIX, 726-7, 1934.) Morse, W. N. "Lectures on Electricity in Colonial Times," _New England Quarterly_, VII, 364-74 (June, 1934). (Presents fourteen items on the vogue of electrical experiments, 1747-1765.) Mott, F. L. _A History of American Magazines, 1741-1850._ New York: 1930. Mullett, C. F. _Fundamental Law and the American Revolution, 1760-1776._ New York: 1933. (A highly important scholarly study, with excellent bibliography of relevant investigations of recent date. Supplements B. F. Wright.) Ornstein, Martha. _The Rôle of Scientific Societies in the Seventeenth Century._ New York: 1913. Reprinted, University of Chicago Press: 1928. (Shows their radical influence. See suggestive reviews in _American Historical Review_, XXXIV, 386-7, 1929; and _Times Literary Supplement_ [London], 679, Sept. 27, 1928.) Osgood, H. L. _The American Colonies in the Eighteenth Century._ 4 vols. New York: 1924-1925. (Standard work on political aspects.) Perkins, J. B. _France in the American Revolution._ Boston: 1911. (Includes able survey of Franklin's efforts in behalf of colonies.) Richardson, L. N. _A History of Early American Magazines, 1741-1789._ New York: 1931. (An encyclopedic survey indispensable to all students of the period. Enormously documented.) Robertson, J. M. _A Short History of Free Thought, Ancient and Modern._ 2 vols. London: 1915. (Third edition, revised and expanded. An important survey, if somewhat militantly partisan.) Roustan, Marius. _The Pioneers of the French Revolution._ Tr. by F. Whyte, with an Introduction by H. J. Laski. Boston: 1926. (Thesis: "The spirit of the _philosophes_ was the spirit of the Revolution." Highly readable, but inferior to parallel studies by Martin and Mornet in incisive analysis of patterns of ideas. Stresses picturesque social aspects.) Schapiro, J. S. _Condorcet and the Rise of Liberalism in France._ New York: 1934. (Condorcet is the "almost perfect expression of the pioneer liberalism of the period"; he is viewed as the "last of the encyclopedists and the most universal of all." A lucid scholarly study, although hardly superseding Alengry's _Condorcet_.) Schlesinger, A. M. "The American Revolution," in _New Viewpoints in American History_. New York: 1922, pp. 160-83. (A brief but excellent interpretation, stressing economic factors, and presenting a useful "Bibliographical Note," pp. 181-3, including references to studies of political and religious factors. See also studies of the latter by R. G. Adams, Alice Baldwin, Carl Becker, B. F. Wright, C. F. Mullett, C. H. Van Tyne, and Edward Humphrey.) Schneider, H. W. _The Puritan Mind._ New York: 1930. (An acute scholarly study, with excellent bibliography. The stress on ideas supplements and balances Parrington's tendency to dismiss ideas as by-products of economic factors.) Smith, T. V. _The American Philosophy of Equality._ Chicago: 1927. (Chapter I includes discussion of "natural rights," with recognition of the influence of European theorists.) Smyth, A. H. _The Philadelphia Magazines and Their Contributors, 1741-1850._ Philadelphia: 1892. (Brief descriptive account, mostly superseded by the relevant sections in F. L. Mott's and L. N. Richardson's histories.) Stephen, Leslie. _A History of English Thought in the Eighteenth Century._ 2 vols. London: 1902 (3rd ed.). (As J. L. Laski observes, it is "almost insolent to praise such work." In certain aspects, however, it has been superseded by studies by such men as R. S. Crane, A. O. Lovejoy, H. M. Jones, etc.) Stimson, Dorothy. _The Gradual Acceptance of the Copernican Theory of the Universe._ Hanover, N. H.: 1917. Taylor, O. H. "Economics and the Idea of Natural Law," _Quarterly Journal of Economics_, XLIV, 1-39 (Nov., 1929). ("The evolution of the idea of 'law' in economics" paralleling "its evolution in the natural sciences" led to belief in an economic mechanism which "was regarded as a wise device of the Creator for causing individuals, while pursuing only their own interests, to promote the prosperity of society, and for causing the right adjustment to one another of supplies, demands, prices, and incomes, to take place automatically, in consequence of the free action of all individuals." The author suggests that there is evident an incongruous dichotomy between the mechanistic idea of the physiocrats and their assumption that enlightened men "would be able to use government as a scientific tool for carrying out purely rationalistic measures in the common interest." See also outline of his doctoral thesis on this subject. Harvard University _Summaries of Theses_ [1928], 102-6. An authoritative study of an important subject.) Torrey, N. L. _Voltaire and the English Deists._ New Haven: 1930. (Shows Voltaire's great indebtedness to Newtonianism, which he popularized in France, and to earlier deists than Bolingbroke. Authoritative.) Turberville, A. S., ed. _Johnson's England. An Account of the Life and Manners of His Age._ 2 vols. Oxford University Press: 1933. (Although this collaborative work neglects political, religious, economic, and aesthetic ideas, it embodies readable and authoritative surveys of external aspects of social history, viewed from many angles. Contains useful bibliographies. See review by H. H. Clark, _American Review_, II, No. 4 [Feb., 1934].) Tyler, M. C. _A History of American Literature, 1607-1765_ (2 vols. New York: 1878), and _The Literary History of the American Revolution_ (2 vols. New York: 1897). (Somewhat grandiloquent but very full survey, including Loyalists. Excellent on literary aspects but partly superseded on ideas. Contains excellent bibliography of primary sources.) Van Tyne, C. H. _The Causes of the War of Independence._ Boston: 1922. (Brilliant both in interpretation and style, and well balanced in considering economic, political, social, religious, and philosophic factors.) Veitch, G. S. _The Genesis of Parliamentary Reform._ London: 1913. (Useful for English backgrounds.) Weld, C. R. _A History of the Royal Society with Memoirs of the Presidents._ 2 vols. London: 1848. Wendell, Barrett. _Cotton Mather, the Puritan Priest._ Cambridge, Mass.: 1926 [1891]. (A sympathetic study of one of Franklin's masters, based on a deep knowledge of the Puritan spirit.) Weulersse, Georges. _Le mouvement physiocratique en France_ (_de 1756 à 1770_). 2 vols. Paris: 1910. (The standard treatment.) White, A. D. _A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom._ 2 vols. New York: 1897. (Prominent attention given to colonial eighteenth century.) Whitney, Lois. _Primitivism and the Idea of Progress in English Popular Literature of the Eighteenth Century._ Baltimore: 1934. (An acute study of the history of an important idea, especially as embodied in novels. Occasionally misleading because Miss Whitney does not always pay necessary attention to the major individuals' change of attitude, to their genetic development. Contains no bibliography. See Bury, above.) Williams, David. "The Influence of Rousseau on Political Opinion, 1760-1795," _English Historical Review_, XLVIII, 414-30 (1933). Winsor, Justin, ed. _Narrative and Critical History of America._ 8 vols. Boston: [1884-] 1889. (Especially valuable for bibliographical notes.) Wright, B. F. _American Interpretations of Natural Law. A Study in the History of Political Thought._ Cambridge, Mass.: 1931. (An able outline of main trends, although it neglects evidence both in eighteenth-century sermons and in legal papers of colonial attorneys. Shows strong influence of Grotius, Puffendorf, and Locke on Revolutionary theories. Should be supplemented by C. F. Mullett's parallel book. Reviewed by R. B. Morris, _American Historical Review_, XXXVII, 561-2, April, 1932.) Wright, T. G. _Literary Culture in Early New England, 1620-1730._ New Haven: 1920. (Valuable for its check lists of colonial libraries, suggesting books current in Franklin's formative years. The best treatment of its subject although it neglects the literary and aesthetic theories of the period. To be supplemented by books by C. F. Richardson, W. F. Mitchell, and E. C. Cook.) Further background studies may be found in _The Cambridge History of English Literature_, Cambridge and New York, 1912-1914, VIII-XI, and _The Cambridge History of American Literature_, New York, 1917, Vol. I. See also the more up-to-date bibliographies in P. Smith's _A History of Modern Culture_, New York, 1934, II, 647-76; R. S. Crane's _A Collection of English Poems, 1660-1800_, New York, 1932, pp. 1115-42; and especially O. Shepard and P. S. Wood, _English Prose and Poetry, 1660-1800_, Boston, 1934, pp. xxxiii-xxxviii and pp. 937-1067. For bibliographical guides, see note following, p. clxxxviii. VI. BIBLIOGRAPHIES AND CHECK LISTS Boggess, A. C., and Witmer, E. R. _Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin in the Library of the University of Pennsylvania._ (Being the Appendix to the _Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin in the Library of the American Philosophical Society_, edited by I. M. Hays.) Philadelphia: 1908. (This valuable work lists letters to Franklin, letters from Franklin, and miscellaneous letters, with brief notes on the topics discussed in each letter and place of publication in cases where the letters have been published.) _Books Printed by Benjamin Franklin. Born Jan. 17, 1706._ New York: 1906. (Lists best known imprints; useful although eclipsed by Campbell.) *_The Cambridge History of American Literature._ New York: 1917. I, 442-52. (Lists of "Collected Works," "Separate Works," and "Contributions to Periodicals" constitute a convenient abridgment of Ford, but the list, "Biographical and Critical," limited to two pages, is at best inadequately suggestive.) Campbell, W. J. _The Collection of Franklin Imprints in the Museum of the Curtis Publishing Company. With a Short-Title Check List of All the Books, Pamphlets, Broadsides, &c., known to have been printed by Benjamin Franklin._ Philadelphia: 1918. Campbell, W. J. _A Short-Title Check List of All the Books, Pamphlets, Broadsides, &c., known to have been printed by Benjamin Franklin._ Philadelphia: 1918. *Faÿ, B. _Benjamin Franklin bibliographie et étude sur les sources historiques relatives à sa vie_ (Vol. III of _Benjamin Franklin, bourgeois d'Amérique et citoyen du monde_.) Paris: 1931. (Faÿ, in _Franklin, the Apostle of Modern Times_, pp. 517-33, has furnished "only a summary bibliography," which, in spite of its occasional inaccuracies and infelicities in form, contains many useful items, American, English, and French; especially valuable for notes on several manuscript collections. In this French edition the bibliography is more detailed.) *Ford, P. L. _Franklin Bibliography. A List of Books Written by, or Relating to Benjamin Franklin._ Brooklyn, N. Y.: 1889. (The standard, time-honored work, unfortunately not superseded.) Ford, W. C. _List of the Benjamin Franklin Papers in the Library of Congress._ Washington, D. C.: 1905. Hays, I. M. _Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin in the Library of the American Philosophical Society._ Vols. II-VI in _The Record of the Celebration of the Two Hundredth Anniversary of the Birth of Benjamin Franklin, under the Auspices of the American Philosophical Society Held at Philadelphia for Promoting Useful Knowledge, April 17 to 20, 1906_. Philadelphia: 1908. (A. H. Smyth purports to have printed in his ten-volume edition all of Franklin's letters in this collection. Valuable especially for letters addressed to Franklin.) "List of Works in the New York Public Library by or Relating to Benjamin Franklin," _Bulletin of New York Public Library_, X, No. 1. New York: 1906, pp. 29-83. Rosengarten, J. G. "Some New Franklin Papers," _University of Pennsylvania Alumni Register_, 1-7 (July, 1903). (A report to the Board of Trustees saying "there are over five hundred pieces of MS among the collection of Franklin papers recently added to the Library of the University." These range from 1731 to Franklin's latest correspondence. Only a few of these pieces are described.) Stevens, Henry. _Benjamin Franklin's Life and Writings. A Bibliographical Essay on the Stevens Collection of Books and Manuscripts Relating to Doctor Franklin._ London: 1881. (Pp. 21-40 contain a list of "Franklin's Printed Works.") Swift, Lindsay. "Catalogue of Works Relating to Benjamin Franklin in the Boston Public Library," _Bulletin of the Boston Public Library_, V, 217-31, 276-84, 420-33. Boston: 1883. (Including Dr. S. A. Green's collection, this was the "immediate predecessor" to Ford.) For current articles the student should consult especially the bibliographies in _Philological Quarterly_, _American Literature_, _Publications of the Modern Language Association_, bibliographical bulletins of the Modern Humanities Research Association, and Grace G. Griffin's annual bibliography, _Writings on American History_. * _Selections from_ BENJAMIN FRANKLIN * NOTE: Superior figures through the text refer to notes in pp. 529 ff. _From the_ AUTOBIOGRAPHY[1] TWYFORD, at the Bishop of St. Asaph's, 1771. DEAR SON, I have ever had a Pleasure in obtaining any little Anecdotes of my Ancestors. You may remember the Enquiries I made among the Remains of my Relations when you were with me in England; and the journey I undertook for that purpose. Now imagining it may be equally agreable to you to know the Circumstances of _my_ Life, many of which you are yet unacquainted with; and expecting a Weeks uninterrupted Leisure in my present Country Retirement, I sit down to write them for you. To which I have besides some other Inducements. Having emerg'd from the Poverty and Obscurity in which I was born and bred, to a State of Affluence and some Degree of Reputation in the World, and having gone so far thro' Life with a considerable Share of Felicity, the conducing Means I made use of, which, with the Blessing of God, so well succeeded, my Posterity may like to know, as they may find some of them suitable to their own Situations, and therefore fit to be imitated. That Felicity, when I reflected on it, has induc'd me sometimes to say, that were it offer'd to my Choice, I should have no Objection to a Repetition of the same Life from its Beginning, only asking the Advantages Authors have in a second Edition to correct some Faults of the first. So would I if I might, besides corr[ecting] the Faults, change some sinister Accidents and Events of it for others more favourable, but tho' this were deny'd, I should still accept the Offer. However, since such a Repetition is not to be expected, the next Thing most like living one's Life over again, seems to be a _Recollection_ of that Life; and to make that Recollection as durable as possible, the putting it down in Writing. Hereby, too, I shall indulge the Inclination so natural in old Men, to be talking of themselves and their own past Actions, and I shall indulge it, without being troublesome to others who thro' respect to Age might think themselves oblig'd to give me a Hearing, since this may be read or not as any one pleases. And lastly (I may as well confess it, since my Denial of it will be believ'd by no Body) perhaps I shall a good deal gratify my own _Vanity_. Indeed I scarce ever heard or saw the introductory Words, _Without vanity I may say_, &c. but some vain thing immediately follow'd. Most People dislike Vanity in others whatever share they have of it themselves, but I give it fair Quarter wherever I meet with it, being persuaded that it is often productive of Good to the Possessor and to others that are within his Sphere of Action: And therefore in many Cases it would not be quite absurd if a Man were to thank God for his Vanity among the other Comforts of Life.-- And now I speak of thanking God, I desire with all Humility to acknowledge, that I owe the mention'd Happiness of my past Life to his kind Providence, which led me to the Means I us'd and gave them Success. My Belief of this, induces me to _hope_, tho' I must not _presume_, that the same Goodness will still be exercis'd towards me in continuing that Happiness, or in enabling me to bear a fatal Reverse, which I may experience as others have done, the Complexion of my future Fortune being known to him only: in whose Power it is to bless to us even our Afflictions. The Notes one of my Uncles (who had the same kind of Curiosity in collecting Family Anecdotes) once put into my Hands, furnish'd me with several Particulars relating to our Ancestors. From these Notes I learnt that the Family had liv'd in the same Village, Ecton in Northamptonshire, for 300 Years, and how much longer he knew not (perhaps from the Time when the Name _Franklin_ that before was the name of an Order of People, was assum'd by them for a Surname, when others took surnames all over the kingdom)[,] on a Freehold of about 30 Acres, aided by the Smith's Business, which had continued in the Family till his Time, the eldest son being always bred to that Business[.] A Custom which he and my Father both followed as to their eldest Sons.--When I search'd the Register at Ecton, I found an Account of their Births, Marriages and Burials, from the Year 1555 only, there being no Register kept in that Parish at any time preceding.--By that Register I perceiv'd that I was the youngest Son of the youngest Son for 5 Generations back. My Grandfather Thomas, who was born in 1598, lived at Ecton till he grew too old to follow Business longer, when he went to live with his Son John, a Dyer at Banbury in Oxfordshire, with whom my Father serv'd an Apprenticeship. There my Grandfather died and lies buried. We saw his Gravestone in 1758. His eldest Son Thomas liv'd in the House at Ecton, and left it with the Land to his only Child, a Daughter, who, with her Husband, one Fisher of Wellingborough sold it to Mr. Isted, now Lord of the Manor there. My Grandfather had 4 Sons that grew up, viz Thomas, John, Benjamin and Josiah. I will give you what Account I can of them at this distance from my Papers, and if these are not lost in my Absence, you will among them find many more Particulars. Thomas was bred a Smith under his Father, but being ingenious, and encourag'd in Learning (as all his Brothers likewise were) by an Esquire Palmer then the principal Gentleman in that Parish, he qualify'd himself for the Business of Scrivener, became a considerable Man in the County Affairs, was a chief Mover of all publick Spirited Undertakings for the County or Town of Northampton and his own village, of which many instances were told us; and he was at Ecton much taken Notice of and patroniz'd by the then Lord Halifax. He died in 1702, Jan. 6, old Stile, just 4 Years to a Day before I was born. The Account we receiv'd of his Life and Character from some old People at Ecton, I remember struck you as something extraordinary, from its Similarity to what you knew of mine. Had he died on the same Day, you said one might have suppos'd a Transmigration.--John was bred a Dyer, I believe of Woollens. Benjamin, was bred a Silk Dyer, serving an Apprenticeship at London. He was an ingenious Man, I remember him well, for when I was a Boy he came over to my Father in Boston, and lived in the House with us some Years. He lived to a great Age. His Grandson Samuel Franklin now lives in Boston. He left behind him two Quarto Volumes, MS of his own Poetry, consisting of little occasional Pieces address'd to his Friends and Relations, of which the following sent to me, is a Specimen. [Although Franklin wrote in the margin "Here insert it," the poetry is not given.] He had form'd a Shorthand of his own, which he taught me, but, never practising it I have now forgot it. I was nam'd after this Uncle, there being a particular Affection between him and my Father. He was very pious, a great Attender of Sermons of the best Preachers, which he took down in his Shorthand and had with him many Volumes of them. He was also much of a Politician, too much perhaps for his Station. There fell lately into my Hands in London a Collection he had made of all the principal Pamphlets relating to Publick Affairs from 1641 to 1717. Many of the Volumes are wanting, as appears by the Numbering, but there still remains 8 Vols. Folio, and 24 in 4.^to and 8.^vo.--A Dealer in old Books met with them, and knowing me by my sometimes buying of him, he brought them to me. It seems my Uncle must have left them here when he went to America, which was above 50 years since. There are many of his Notes in the Margins.-- This obscure Family of ours was early in the Reformation, and continu'd Protestants thro' the Reign of Queen Mary, when they were sometimes in Danger of Trouble on Account of their Zeal against Popery. They had got an English Bible, and to conceal and secure it, it was fastened open with Tapes under and within the Frame of a Joint Stool. When my Great Great Grandfather read it [it] to his Family, he turn'd up the joint Stool upon his Knees, turning over the Leaves then under the Tapes. One of the Children stood at the Door to give Notice if he saw the Apparitor coming, who was an Officer of the Spiritual Court. In that Case the Stool was turn'd down again upon its feet, when the Bible remain'd conceal'd under it as before. This Anecdote I had from my Uncle Benjamin.--The Family continu'd all of the Church of England till about the End of Charles the 2^ds Reign, when some of the Ministers that had been outed for Nonconformity, holding Conventicles in Northamptonshire, Benjamin and Josiah adher'd to them, and so continu'd all their Lives. The rest of the Family remain'd with the Episcopal Church. Josiah, my father, married young, and carried his Wife with three Children into New England, about 1682. The Conventicles having been forbidden by Law, and frequently disturbed, induced some considerable Men of his Acquaintance to remove to that Country, and he was prevail'd with to accompany them thither, where they expected to enjoy their Mode of Religion with Freedom.--By the same Wife he had 4 Children more born there, and by a second wife ten more, in all 17, of which I remember 13 sitting at one time at his Table, who all grew up to be Men and Women, and married. I was the youngest Son, and the youngest Child but two, and was born in Boston, N. England. My mother, the 2^d wife was Abiah Folger, a daughter of Peter Folger, one of the first Settlers of New England, of whom honourable mention is made by Cotton Mather, in his Church History of that Country, (entitled Magnalia Christi Americana) as _a godly learned Englishman_, if I remember the Words rightly. I have heard that he wrote sundry small occasional Pieces, but only one of them was printed which I saw now many years since. It was written in 1675, in the home-spun Verse of that Time and People, and address'd to those then concern'd in the Government there. It was in favour of Liberty of Conscience, and in behalf of the Baptists, Quakers, and other Sectaries, that had been under Persecution; ascribing the Indian Wars and other Distresses, that had befallen the Country to that Persecution, as so many Judgments of God, to punish so heinous an Offense; and exhorting a Repeal of those uncharitable Laws. The whole appear'd to me as written with a good deal of Decent Plainness and manly Freedom. The six last concluding Lines I remember, tho' I have forgotten the two first of the Stanza, but the Purport of them was that his Censures proceeded from Good will, and therefore he would be known as the Author, "Because to be a Libeller, (says he) I hate it with my Heart. From[A] Sherburne Town where now I dwell, My Name I do put here, Without Offense, your real Friend, It is Peter Folgier." [A] In MS Franklin notes, "In the Island of Nantucket." My elder Brothers were all put Apprentices to different Trades. I was put to the Grammar School at Eight Years of Age, my Father intending to devote me as the Tithe of his Sons to the Service of the Church. My early Readiness in learning to read (which must have been very early, as I do not remember when I could not read) and the Opinion of all his Friends that I should certainly make a good Scholar, encourag'd him in this Purpose of his. My Uncle Benjamin too approv'd of it, and propos'd to give me all his Shorthand Volumes of Sermons I suppose as a Stock to set up with, if I would learn his Character. I continu'd however at the Grammar School not quite one Year, tho' in that time I had risen gradually from the Middle of the Class of that Year to be the Head of it, and farther was remov'd into the next Class above it, in order to go with that into the third at the End of the Year. But my Father in the mean time, from a View of the Expence of a College Education which, having so large a Family, he could not well afford, and the mean Living many so educated were afterwards able to obtain, Reasons that he gave to his Friends in my Hearing, altered his first Intention, took me from the Grammar School, and sent me to a School for Writing and Arithmetic kept by a then famous Man, Mr. Geo. Brownell, very successful in his Profession generally, and that by mild encouraging Methods. Under him I acquired fair Writing pretty soon, but I fail'd in the Arithmetic, and made no Progress in it.--At Ten Years old, I was taken home to assist my Father in his Business, which was that of a Tallow Chandler and Sope Boiler. A Business he was not bred to, but had assumed on his Arrival in New England and on finding his Dying Trade would not maintain his Family, being in little Request. Accordingly I was employed in cutting Wick for the Candles, filling the Dipping Mold, and the Molds for cast Candles, attending the Shop, going of Errands, etc.--I dislik'd the Trade and had a strong Inclination for the Sea; but my Father declar'd against it; however, living near the Water, I was much in and about it, learnt early to swim well, and to manage Boats, and when in a Boat or Canoe with other Boys I was commonly allow'd to govern, especially in any case of Difficulty; and upon other Occasions I was generally a Leader among the Boys, and sometimes led them into Scrapes, of w^ch I will mention one Instance, as it shows an early projecting public Spirit, tho' not then justly conducted. There was a salt Marsh that bounded part of the Mill Pond, on the Edge of which at Highwater, we us'd to stand to fish for Min[n]ows. By much Trampling, we had made it a mere Quagmire. My Proposal was to build a Wharff there fit for us to stand upon, and I show'd my Comrades a large Heap of Stones which were intended for a new House near the Marsh, and which would very well suit our Purpose. Accordingly in the Evening when the Workmen were gone, I assembled a Number of my Playfellows; and working with them diligently like so many Emmets, sometimes two or three to a Stone, we brought them all away and built our little Wharff.--The next Morning the Workmen were surpriz'd at Missing the Stones; which were found in our Wharff; Enquiry was made after the Removers; we were discovered and complain'd of; several of us were corrected by our Fathers; and tho' I pleaded the Usefulness of the Work, mine convinc'd me that nothing was useful which was not honest. I think you may like to know something of his Person and Character. He had an excellent Constitution of Body, was of middle Stature, but well set and very strong. He was ingenious, could draw prettily, was skill'd a little in Music and had a clear pleasing Voice, so that when he play'd Psalm Tunes on his Violin and sung withal as he sometimes did in an Evening after the Business of the Day was over, it was extreamly agreable to hear. He had a mechanical Genius too, and on occasion was very handy in the Use of other Tradesmen's Tools. But his great Excellence lay in a sound Understanding, and solid Judgment in prudential Matters, both in private and publick Affairs. In the latter indeed he was never employed, the numerous Family he had to educate and the straitness of his Circumstances, keeping him close to his Trade, but I remember well his being frequently visited by leading People, who consulted him for his Opinion in Affairs of the Town or of the Church he belong'd to and show'd a good deal of Respect for his Judgment and advice. He was also much consulted by private Persons about their affairs when any Difficulty occurr'd, and frequently chosen an Arbitrator between contending Parties.--At his Table he lik'd to have as often as he could, some sensible Friend or Neighbour to converse with, and always took care to start some ingenious or useful Topic for Discourse, which might tend to improve the Minds of his Children. By this means he turn'd our Attention to what was good, just, and prudent in the Conduct of Life; and little or no Notice was ever taken of what related to the Victuals on the Table, whether it was well or ill drest, in or out of season, of good or bad flavour, preferable or inferior to this or that other thing of the kind; so that I was bro't up in such a perfect Inattention to those Matters as to be quite Indifferent what kind of Food was set before me, and so unobservant of it, that to this Day, if I am ask'd I can scarce tell a few Hours after Dinner, what I din'd upon. This has been a Convenience to me in travelling, where my Companions have been sometimes very unhappy for want of a suitable Gratification of their more delicate[,] because better instructed[,] tastes and appetites. My Mother had likewise an excellent Constitution. She suckled all her 10 Children. I never knew either my Father or Mother to have any Sickness but that of which they dy'd he at 89, and she at 85 years of age. They lie buried together at Boston, where I some years since placed a Marble Stone over their Grave with this Inscription: JOSIAH FRANKLIN And ABIAH his Wife Lie here interred. They lived lovingly together in Wedlock Fifty-five Years. Without an Estate or any gainful Employment, By constant labour and Industry, With God's blessing, They maintained a large Family Comfortably; And brought up thirteen Children, And seven Grandchildren Reputably. From this Instance, Reader, Be encouraged to Diligence in thy Calling, And Distrust not Providence. He was a pious and prudent Man, She a discreet and virtuous Woman. Their youngest Son, In filial Regard to their Memory, Places this Stone. J. F. born 1655--Died 1744--Ætat 89. A. F. born 1667--Died 1752----85. By my rambling Digressions I perceive myself to be grown old. I us'd to write more methodically.--But one does not dress for private Company as for a publick Ball. 'Tis perhaps only Negligence.-- To return. I continu'd thus employ'd in my Father's Business for two Years, that is till I was 12 Years old; and my Brother John, who was bred to that Business having left my Father, married and set up for himself at Rhodeisland, there was all Appearance that I was destin'd to supply his Place and be a Tallow Chandler. But my Dislike to the Trade continuing, my Father was under Apprehensions that if he did not find one for me more agreable, I should break away and get to Sea, as his Son Josiah had done to his great Vexation. He therefore sometimes took me to walk with him, and see Joiners, Bricklayers, Turners, Braziers, etc. at their Work, that he might observe my Inclination, and endeavour to fix it on some Trade or other on Land. It has ever since been a Pleasure to me to see good Workmen handle their Tools; and it has been useful to me, having learnt so much by it, as to be able to do little Jobs myself in my House, when a Workman could not readily be got; and to construct little Machines for my Experiments while the Intention of making the Experiment was fresh and warm in my Mind. My Father at last fix'd upon the Cutler's Trade, and my Uncle Benjamin's Son Samuel who was bred to that Business in London[,] being about that time establish'd in Boston, I was sent to be with him some time on liking. But his Expectations of a Fee with me displeasing my Father, I was taken home again.-- From a Child I was fond of Reading, and all the little Money that came into my Hands was ever laid out in Books. Pleas'd with the Pilgrim's Progress, my first Collection was of John Bunyan's Works, in separate little Volumes. I afterwards sold them to enable me to buy R. Burton's Historical Collections; they were small Chapmen's Books and cheap, 40 or 50 in all.--My Father's little Library consisted chiefly of Books in polemic Divinity, most of which I read, and have since often regretted, that at a time when I had such a Thirst for Knowledge, more proper Books had not fallen in my Way, since it was now resolv'd I should not be a Clergyman. Plutarch's Lives there was, in which I read abundantly, and I still think that time spent to great ["Great" seems to have been deleted.] Advantage. There was also a Book of Defoe's, called an Essay on Projects, and another of Dr. Mather's, called Essays to do Good which perhaps gave me a Turn of thinking that had an influence on some of the principal future Events of my Life. This Bookish inclination at length determin'd my Father to make me a Printer, tho' he had already one Son (James) of that Profession. In 1717 my Brother James return'd from England with a Press and Letters to set up his Business in Boston. I lik'd it much better than that of my Father, but still had a Hankering for the Sea.--To prevent the apprehended Effect of such an Inclination, my Father was impatient to have me bound to my Brother. I stood out some time, but at last was persuaded and signed the Indentures, when I was yet but 12 Years old.--I was to serve as an Apprentice till I was 21 Years of Age, only I was to be allow'd Journeyman's Wages during the last Year. In a little time I made great Proficiency in the Business, and became a useful Hand to my Brother. I now had Access to better Books. An Acquaintance with the Apprentices of Booksellers, enabled me sometimes to borrow a small one, which I was careful to return soon and clean. Often I sat up in my Room reading the greatest Part of the Night, when the Book was borrow'd in the Evening and to be return'd early in the Morning[,] lest it should be miss'd or wanted. And after some time an ingenious Tradesman Mr. Matthew Adams who had a pretty Collection of Books, and who frequented our Printing House, took Notice of me, invited me to his Library, and very kindly lent me such Books as I chose to read. I now took a Fancy to Poetry, and made some little Pieces. My Brother, thinking it might turn to account encourag'd me, and put me on composing two occasional Ballads. One was called The _Lighthouse Tragedy_, and contained an Acc^t of the drowning of Capt. Worthilake with his Two Daughters; the other was a Sailor Song on the Taking of _Teach_ or Blackbeard the Pirate. They were wretched Stuff, in the Grub-street Ballad Stile, and when they were printed he sent me about the Town to sell them. The first sold wonderfully, the Event being recent, having made a great Noise. This flatter'd my Vanity. But my Father discourag'd me, by ridiculing my Performances, and telling me Verse-makers were generally Beggars; so I escap'd being a Poet, most probably a very bad one. But as Prose Writing has been of great Use to me in the Course of my Life, and was a principal Means of my Advancement, I shall tell you how in such a Situation I acquir'd what little Ability I have in that Way. There was another Bookish Lad in the Town, John Collins by Name, with whom I was intimately acquainted. We sometimes disputed, and very fond we were of Argument, and very desirous of confuting one another. Which disputacious Turn, by the way, is apt to become a very bad Habit, making People often extreamly disagreeable in Company, by the Contradiction that is necessary to bring it into Practice, and thence, besides souring and spoiling the Conversation, is productive of Disgusts and perhaps Enmities where you may have occasion for Friendship. I had caught it by reading my Father's Books of Dispute about Religion. Persons of good Sense, I have since observ'd, seldom fall into it, except Lawyers, University Men, and Men of all Sorts that have been bred at Edinborough. A Question was once somehow or other started between Collins and me, of the Propriety of educating the Female Sex in Learning, and their Abilities for Study. He was of Opinion that it was improper, and that they were naturally unequal to it. I took the contrary Side, perhaps a little for Dispute['s] sake. He was naturally more eloquent, had a ready Plenty of Words, and sometimes as I thought bore me down more by his Fluency than by the Strength of his Reasons. As we parted without settling the Point, and were not to see one another again for some time, I sat down to put my Arguments in Writing, which I copied fair and sent to him. He answer'd and I reply'd. Three of [or] four Letters of a Side had pass'd, when my Father happen'd to find my Papers, and read them. Without ent'ring into the Discussion, he took occasion to talk to me about the Manner of my Writing, observ'd that tho' I had the Advantage of my Antagonist in correct Spelling and pointing (which I ow'd to the Printing House) I fell far short in elegance of Expression, in Method and in Perspicuity, of which he convinc'd me by several Instances. I saw the Justice of his Remarks, and thence grew more attentive to the _Manner_ in writing, and determin'd to endeavour at Improvement.-- About this time I met with an odd Volume of the Spectator. It was the Third. I had never before seen any of them. I bought it, read it over and over, and was much delighted with it. I thought the Writing excellent, and wish'd if possible to imitate it. With that View, I took some of the Papers, and making short Hints of the Sentiment in each Sentence, laid them by a few Days, and then without looking at the Book, try'd to compleat the Papers again, by expressing each hinted Sentiment at length, and as fully as it had been express'd before, in any suitable Words, that should come to hand. Then I compar'd my Spectator with the Original, discover'd some of my Faults and corrected them. But I found I wanted a Stock of Words or a Readiness in recollecting and using them, which I thought I should have acquir'd before that time, if I had gone on making Verses, since the continual Occasion for Words of the same Import but of different Length, to suit the Measure, or of different Sound for the Rhyme, would have laid me under a constant Necessity of searching for Variety, and also have tended to fix that Variety in my Mind, and make me Master of it. Therefore I took some of the Tales and turn'd them into Verse: And after a time, when I had pretty well forgotten the Prose, turn'd them back again. I also sometimes jumbled my Collections of Hints into Confusion, and after some Weeks, endeavour'd to reduce them into the best Order, before I began to form the full Sentences, and compleat the Paper. This was to teach me Method in the Arrangement of Thoughts. By comparing my work afterwards with the original, I discover'd many faults and amended them; but I sometimes had the Pleasure of Fancying that in certain Particulars of small Import, I had been lucky enough to improve the Method or the Language and this encourag'd me to think I might possibly in time come to be a tolerable English Writer, of which I was extreamly ambitious. My Time for these Exercises and for Reading, was at Night, after Work or before it began in the Morning; or on Sundays, when I contrived to be in the Printing House alone, evading as much as I could the common Attendance on publick Worship, which my Father used to exact of me when I was under his Care: And which indeed I still thought a Duty; tho' I could not, as it seemed to me, afford the Time to practise it. When about 16 Years of Age, I happen'd to meet with a Book, written by one Tryon, recommending a Vegetable Diet. I determined to go into it. My Brother being yet unmarried, did not keep House, but boarded himself and his Apprentices in another Family. My refusing to eat Flesh occasioned an Inconveniency, and I was frequently chid for my singularity. I made myself acquainted with Tryon's Manner of preparing some of his Dishes, such as Boiling Potatoes or Rice, making Hasty Pudding, and a few others, and then propos'd to my Brother, that if he would give me Weekly half the Money he paid for my Board I would board myself. He instantly agreed to it, and I presently found that I could save half what he paid me. This was an additional Fund for buying Books. But I had another Advantage in it. My Brother and the rest going from the Printing House to their Meals, I remain'd there alone, and dispatching presently my light Repast, (which often was no more than a Bisket or a Slice of Bread, a Handful of Raisins or a Tart from the Pastry Cook's, and a Glass of Water) had the rest of the Time till their Return, for Study, in which I made the greater Progress from that greater Clearness of Head and quicker Apprehension which usually attend Temperance in Eating and Drinking. And now it was that being on some Occasion made asham'd of my Ignorance in Figures, which I had twice failed in Learning when at School, I took Cocker's Book of Arithmetick, and went thro' the whole by myself with great Ease. I also read Seller's and Sturmy's Books of Navigation, and became acquainted with the little Geometry they contain, but never proceeded far in that Science.--And I read about this Time Locke on Human Understanding, and the Art of Thinking by Mess^rs du Port Royal. While I was intent on improving my Language, I met with an English Grammar (I think it was Greenwood's) at the End of which there were two little Sketches of the Arts of Rhetoric and Logic, the latter finishing with a Specimen of a Dispute in the Socratic Method. And soon after I procur'd Xenophon's Memorable Things of Socrates, wherein there are many Instances of the same Method. I was charm'd with it, adopted it, dropt my abrupt Contradiction, and positive Argumentation, and put on the humble Enquirer and Doubter. And being then, from reading Shaftesbury and Collins, become a real Doubter in many Points of our religious Doctrine, I found this Method safest for myself and very embarrassing to those against whom I us'd it, therefore I took a Delight in it, practis'd it continually and grew very artful and expert in drawing People even of superior Knowledge into Concessions the Consequences of which they did not foresee, entangling them in Difficulties out of which they could not extricate themselves, and so obtaining Victories that neither myself nor my Cause always deserved.--I continu'd this Method some few years, but gradually left it, retaining only the Habit of expressing myself in Terms of modest Diffidence, never using when I advance any thing that may possibly be disputed, the Words, _Certainly_, _undoubtedly_; or any others that give the Air of Positiveness to an Opinion; but rather say, I conceive, or I apprehend a Thing to be so or so, It appears to me, or I should think it so or so for such and such Reasons, or I imagine it to be so, or it is so if I am not mistaken. This Habit I believe has been of great Advantage to me, when I have had occasion to inculcate my Opinions and persuade Men into Measures that I have been from time to time engag'd in promoting.--And as the chief Ends of Conversation are to _inform_, or to be _informed_, to _please_ or to _persuade_, I wish wellmeaning sensible Men would not lessen their Power of doing Good by a Positive assuming Manner that seldom fails to disgust, tends to create Opposition, and to defeat every one of those Purposes for which Speech was given us, to wit, giving or receiving Information, or Pleasure: For if you would _inform_, a positive dogmatical Manner in advancing your Sentiments, may provoke Contradiction and prevent a candid Attention. If you wish Information and Improvement from the Knowledge of others and yet at the same time express yourself as firmly fix'd in your present Opinions, modest sensible Men, who do not love Disputation, will probably leave you undisturbed in the Possession of your Error; and by such a Manner you can seldom hope to recommend yourself in _pleasing_ your Hearers, or to persuade those whose Concurrence you desire.--Pope says, judiciously, _Men should be taught as if you taught them not, And things unknown propos'd as things forgot,--_ farther recommending it to us, _To speak tho' sure, with seeming Diffidence._ And he might have coupled with this Line that which he has coupled with another, I think less properly, _For want of Modesty is want of Sense._ If you ask why _less properly_, I must repeat the lines; "Immodest Words admit of _no_ Defence; _For_ Want of Modesty is Want of Sense." Now is not _Want of Sense_ (where a Man is so unfortunate as to want it) some Apology for his _Want of Modesty?_ and would not the Lines stand more justly thus? Immodest Words admit _but this_ Defence, That Want of Modesty is Want of Sense. This however I should submit to better Judgments.-- My Brother had in 1720 or 21, begun to print a Newspaper. It was the second that appear'd in America, and was called _The New England Courant_.[2] The only one before it, was _the Boston News Letter_. I remember his being dissuaded by some of his Friends from the Undertaking, as not likely to succeed, one Newspaper being in their Judgment enough for America.--At this time 1771 there are not less than five and twenty.--He went on however with the Undertaking, and after having work'd in composing the Types and printing off the Sheets, I was employ'd to carry the Papers thro' the Streets to the Customers.--He had some ingenious Men among his Friends who amus'd themselves by writing little Pieces for this Paper, which gain'd it Credit, and made it more in Demand; and these Gentlemen often visited us.--Hearing their Conversations, and their Accounts of the Approbation their Papers were receiv'd with, I was excited to try my Hand among them. But being still a Boy, and suspecting that my Brother would object to printing any Thing of mine in his Paper if he knew it to be mine, I contriv'd to disguise my Hand, and writing an anonymous Paper I put it in at Night under the Door of the Printing House. It was found in the Morning and communicated to his Writing Friends when they call'd in as usual. They read it, commented on it in my Hearing, and I had the exquisite Pleasure, of finding it met with their Approbation, and that in their different Guesses at the Author none were named but Men of some Character among us for Learning and Ingenuity.--I suppose now that I was rather lucky in my Judges: And that perhaps they were not really so very good ones as I then esteem'd them. Encourag'd however by this, I wrote and convey'd in the same Way to the Press several more Papers, which were equally approv'd, and I kept my Secret till my small Fund of Sense for such Performances was pretty well exhausted, and then I discovered it; when I began to be considered a little more by my Brother's Acquaintance, and in a manner that did not quite please him, as he thought, probably with reason, that it tended to make me too vain. And perhaps this might be one Occasion of the Differences that we began to have about this Time. Tho' a Brother, he considered himself as my Master, and me as his Apprentice; and accordingly expected the same Services from me as he would from another; while I thought he demean'd me too much in some he requir'd of me, who from a Brother expected more Indulgence. Our Disputes were often brought before our Father, and I fancy I was either generally in the right, or else a better Pleader, because the Judgment was generally in my favour: But my Brother was passionate and had often beaten me, which I took extreamly amiss; and thinking my Apprenticeship very tedious, I was continually wishing for some Opportunity of shortening it, which at length offered in a manner unexpected.[B] [B] I fancy his harsh and tyrannical Treatment of me, might be a means of impressing me with that Aversion to arbitrary Power that has stuck to me thro' my whole life [_Franklin's note._] One of the Pieces in our Newspaper, on some political Point which I have now forgotten, gave Offence to the Assembly. He was taken up, censur'd and imprison'd for a Month by the Speaker's Warrant, I suppose because he would not discover his Author. I too was taken up and examin'd before the Council; but tho' I did not give them any Satisfaction, they contented themselves with admonishing me, and dismiss'd me; considering me perhaps as an Apprentice who was bound to keep his Master's Secrets. During my Brother's Confinement, which I resented a good deal, notwithstanding our private Differences, I had the Management of the Paper, and I made bold to give our Rulers some Rubs in it, which my Brother took very kindly, while others began to consider me in an unfavourable Light, as a young Genius that had a Turn for Libelling and Satyr. My Brother's Discharge was accompany'd with an Order of the House, (a very odd one) _that James Franklin should no longer print the Paper called the New England Courant_. There was a Consultation held in our Printing House among his Friends what he should do in this Case. Some propos'd to evade the Order by changing the Name of the Paper; but my Brother seeing Inconveniences in that, it was finally concluded on as a better Way, to let it be printed for the future under the Name of _Benjamin Franklin_. And to avoid the Censure of the Assembly that might fall on him, as still printing it by his Apprentice, the Contrivance was, that my old Indenture should be return'd to me with a full Discharge on the Back of it, to be shown on Occasion; but to secure to him the Benefit of my Service I was to sign new Indentures for the Remainder of the Term, w^ch were to be kept private. A very flimsy Scheme it was, but however it was immediately executed, and the Paper went on accordingly under my Name for several Months. At length a fresh Difference arising between my Brother and me, I took upon me to assert my Freedom, presuming that he would not venture to produce the new Indentures. It was not fair in me to take this Advantage, and this I therefore reckon one of the first Errata of my life: But the Unfairness of it weighed little with me, when under the Impressions of Resentment, for the Blows his Passion too often urg'd him to bestow upon me. Tho' he was otherwise not an ill-natur'd Man: Perhaps I was too saucy and provoking. When he found I would leave him, he took care to prevent my getting Employment in any other Printing-House of the Town, by going round and speaking to every Master, who accordingly refus'd to give me Work. I then thought of going to New York as the nearest Place where there was a Printer: and I was the rather inclin'd to leave Boston, when I reflected that I had already made myself a little obnoxious to the governing Party; and from the arbitrary Proceedings of the Assembly in my Brother's Case it was likely I might if I stay'd soon bring myself into Scrapes; and farther that my indiscrete Disputations about Religion began to make me pointed at with Horror by good People, as an Infidel or Atheist. I determin'd on the Point: but my Father now siding with my Brother, I was sensible that if I attempted to go openly, Means would be used to prevent me. My Friend Collins therefore undertook to manage a little for me. He agreed with the Captain of a New York Sloop for my Passage, under the Notion of my being a young Acquaintance of his that had got a naughty Girl with Child, whose Friends would compel me to marry her, and therefore I could not appear or come away publickly. So I sold some of my Books to raise a little Money, Was taken on board privately, and as we had a fair Wind[,] in three Days I found myself in New York near 300 Miles from home, a Boy of but 17, without the least Recommendation to or Knowledge of any Person in the Place, and with very little Money in my Pocket. My Inclinations for the Sea, were by this time worne out, or I might now have gratify'd them. But having a Trade, and supposing myself a pretty good Workman, I offer'd my Service to the Printer in the Place, old Mr W^m Bradford, who had been the first Printer in Pensilvania, but remov'd from thence upon the Quarrel of Geo. Keith.--He could give me no Employment, having little to do, and Help enough already: But, says he, my Son at Philadelphia has lately lost his principal Hand, Aquila Rose, by Death. If you go thither I believe he may employ you.--Philadelphia was 100 Miles farther. I set out, however, in a Boat for Amboy, leaving my Chest and Things to follow me round by Sea. In crossing the Bay we met with a Squall that tore our rotten Sails to pieces, prevented our getting into the Kill, and drove us upon Long Island. In our Way a drunken Dutchman, who was a Passenger too, fell overboard; when he was sinking I reach'd thro' the Water to his shock Pate and drew him up so that we got him in again. His ducking sober'd him a little, and he went to sleep, taking first out of his Pocket a Book which he desir'd I would dry for him. It prov'd to be my old favourite Author Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress in Dutch, finely printed on good Paper with copper Cuts, a Dress better than I had ever seen it wear in its own Language. I have since found that it has been translated into most of the Languages of Europe, and suppose it has been more generally read than any other Book except perhaps the Bible. Honest John was the first that I know of who mix'd Narration and Dialogue, a Method of Writing very engaging to the Reader, who in the most interesting Parts finds himself, as it were brought into the Company, and present at the Discourse. Defoe in his Cruso, his Moll Flanders, Religious Courtship, Family Instructor, and other Pieces, has imitated it with Success. And Richardson has done the same in his Pamela, etc.-- When we drew near the Island we found it was at a Place where there could be no Landing, there being a great Surff on the stony Beach. So we dropt Anchor and swung round towards the Shore. Some People came down to the Water Edge and hallow'd to us, as we did to them. But the Wind was so high and the Surff so loud, that we could not hear so as to understand each other. There were Canoes on the Shore, and we made Signs and hallow'd that they should fetch us, but they either did not understand us, or thought it impracticable. So they went away, and Night coming on, we had no Remedy but to wait till the Wind should abate, and in the mean time the Boatman and I concluded to sleep if we could, and so crouded into the Scuttle with the Dutchman who was still wet, and the Spray beating over the Head of our Boat, leak'd thro' to us, so that we were soon almost as wet as he. In this Manner we lay all Night with very little Rest. But the Wind abating the next Day, we made a Shift to reach Amboy before Night, having been 30 Hours on the Water without Victuals, or any Drink but a Bottle of filthy Rum: The Water we sail'd on being salt.-- In the Evening I found myself very feverish, and went in to Bed. But having read somewhere that cold Water drank plentifully was good for a Fever, I follow'd the Prescription, sweat plentifully most of the Night, my Fever left me, and in the Morning crossing the Ferry, I proceeded on my Journey, on foot, having 50 Miles to Burlington, where I was told I should find Boats that would carry me the rest of the Way to Philadelphia. It rain'd very hard all the Day, I was thoroughly soak'd, and by Noon a good deal tir'd, so I stopt at a poor Inn, where I staid all Night, beginning now to wish I had never left home. I cut so miserable a Figure too, that I found by the Questions ask'd me I was suspected to be some runaway Servant, and in danger of being taken up on that Suspicion. However I proceeded the next Day, and got in the Evening to an Inn within 8 or 10 Miles of Burlington, kept by one Dr Brown.-- He ent[e]red into Conversation with me while I took some Refreshment, and finding I had read a little, became very sociable and friendly. Our Acquaintance continu'd as long as he liv'd. He had been, I imagine, an itinerant Doctor, for there was no Town in England, or Country in Europe, of which he could not give a very particular Account. He had some Letters, and was ingenious, but much of an Unbeliever, and wickedly undertook, some Years after to travesty the Bible in doggrel Verse as Cotton had done Virgil. By this means he set many of the Facts in a very ridiculous Light, and might have hurt weak minds if his Work had been publish'd:--but it never was.--At his House I lay that Night, and the next Morning reach'd Burlington.--But had the Mortification to find that the regular Boats were gone, a little before my coming, and no other expected to go till Tuesday, this being Saturday. Wherefore I returned to an old Woman in the Town of whom I had bought Gingerbread to eat on the Water, and ask'd her Advice; she invited me to lodge at her House till a Passage by Water should offer: and being tired with my foot Travelling, I accepted the Invitation. She understanding I was a Printer, would have had me stay at that Town and follow my Business, being ignorant of the Stock necessary to begin with. She was very hospitable, gave me a Dinner of Ox Cheek with great Goodwill, accepting only of a Pot of Ale in return. And I thought myself fix'd till Tuesday should come. However walking in the Evening by the Side of the River, a Boat came by, which I found was going towards Philadelphia, with several People in her. They took me in, and as there was no wind, we row'd all the Way; and about Midnight not having yet seen the City, some of the Company were confident we must have pass'd it, and would row no farther, the others knew not where we were, so we put towards the Shore, got into a Creek, landed near an old Fence[,] with the Rails of which we made a Fire, the Night being cold, in October, and there we remain'd till Daylight. Then one of the Company knew the Place to be Cooper's Creek a little above Philadelphia, which we saw as soon as we got out of the Creek, and arriv'd there about 8 or 9 o'Clock, on the Sunday morning, and landed at the Market street Wharff.-- I have been the more particular in this Description of my Journey, and shall be so of my first Entry into that City, that you may in your Mind compare such unlikely Beginnings with the Figure I have since made there. I was in my Working Dress, my best Cloaths being to come round by Sea. I was dirty from my Journey; my Pockets were stuff'd out with Shirts and Stockings; I knew no Soul, nor where to look for Lodging. I was fatigued with Travelling, Rowing and Want of Rest. I was very hungry, and my whole Stock of Cash consisted of a Dutch Dollar and about a Shilling in Copper. The latter I gave the People of the Boat for my Passage, who at first refus'd it on Acc^t of my Rowing; but I insisted on their taking it, a Man being sometimes more generous when he has but a little Money than when he has plenty, perhaps thro' Fear of being thought to have but little. Then I walk'd up the Street, gazing about, till near the Market House I met a Boy with Bread. I had made many a Meal on Bread, and inquiring where he got it, I went immediately to the Baker's he directed me to in Second Street; and ask'd for Bisket, intending such as we had in Boston, but they it seems were not made in Philadelphia, then I ask'd for a threepenny Loaf, and was told they had none such: so not considering or knowing the Difference of Money and the greater Cheapness nor the Names of his Bread, I bad[e] him give me threepenny worth of any sort. He gave me accordingly three great Puffy Rolls. I was surpriz'd at the Quantity, but took it, and having no room in my Pockets, walk'd off, with a Roll under each Arm, and eating the other. Thus I went up Market Street as far as fourth Street, passing by the Door of Mr. Read, my future Wife's Father, when she standing at the Door saw me, and thought I made as I certainly did a most awkward ridiculous Appearance. Then I turn'd and went down Chestnut Street and part of Walnut Street, eating my Roll all the Way, and coming round found myself again at Market Street Wharff, near the Boat I came in, to which I went for a Draught of the River Water, and being fill'd with one of my Rolls, gave the other two to a Woman and her Child that came down the River in the Boat with us and were waiting to go farther. Thus refresh'd I walk'd again, up the Street, which by this time had many clean dress'd People in it who were all walking the same Way; I join'd them, and thereby was led into the great Meeting House of the Quakers near the Market. I sat down among them, and after looking round awhile and hearing nothing said; being very drowsy thro' Labour and want of Rest the preceding Night, I fell fast asleep, and continu'd so till the Meeting broke up, when one was kind enough to rouse me. This was therefore the first House I was in or slept in, in Philadelphia.-- Walking again down towards the River, and looking in the Faces of People, I met a young Quaker Man whose Countenance I lik'd, and accosting him requested he would tell me where a Stranger could get Lodging. We were then near the Sign of the Three Mariners. Here, says he, is one Place that entertains Strangers, but it is not a reputable House; if thee wilt walk with me, I'll show thee a better. He brought me to the Crooked Billet in Water Street. Here I got a Dinner. And while I was eating it, several sly Questions were ask'd me, as it seem'd to be suspected from my youth and Appearance, that I might be some Runaway. After Dinner my Sleepiness return'd: and being shown to a Bed, I lay down without undressing, and slept till Six in the Evening; was call'd to Supper; went to Bed again very early and slept soundly till next Morning. Then I made myself as tidy as I could, and went to Andrew Bradford the Printer's. I found in the Shop the old Man his Father, whom I had seen at New York, and who travelling on horseback had got to Philadelphia before me. He introduc'd me to his Son, who receiv'd me civilly, gave me a Breakfast, but told me he did not at present want a Hand, being lately supply'd with one. But there was another Printer in town lately set up, one Keimer, who perhaps might employ me; if not, I should be welcome to lodge at his House, and he would give me a little Work to do now and then till fuller Business should offer. The old Gentleman said, he would go with me to the new Printer: And when we found him, Neighbor, says Bradford, I have brought to see you a young Man of your Business, perhaps you may want such a One. He ask'd me a few Questions, put a Composing Stick in my Hand to see how I work'd, and then said he would employ me soon, tho' he had just then nothing for me to do. And taking old Bradford whom he had never seen before, to be one of the Towns People that had a Good Will for him, enter'd into a Conversation on his present Undertaking and Prospects; while Bradford not discovering that he was the other Printer's Father, on Keimer's saying he expected soon to get the greatest Part of the Business into his own Hands, drew him on by artful Questions and starting little Doubts, to explain all his Views, what Interest he rely'd on, and in what manner he intended to proceed.--I who stood by and heard all, saw immediately that one of them was a crafty old Sophister, and the other a mere Novice. Bradford left me with Keimer, who was greatly surpriz'd when I told him who the old Man was. Keimer's Printing House I found, consisted of an old shatter'd Press, and one small worn-out Fount of English, which he was then using himself, composing in it an Elegy on Aquila Rose before-mentioned, an ingenious young Man of excellent Character much respected in the Town, Clerk of the Assembly, and a pretty Poet. Keimer made Verses, too, but very indifferently. He could not be said to write them, for his Manner was to compose them in the Types directly out of his Head; so there being no Copy, but one Pair of Cases, and the Elegy likely to require all the Letter[s], no one could help him.--I endeavour'd to put his Press (which he had not yet us'd, and of which he understood nothing) into Order fit to be work'd with; and promising to come and print off his Elegy as soon as he should have got it ready, I return'd to Bradford's who gave me a little Job to do for the present, [and] there I lodged and dieted. A few Days after[,] Keimer sent for me to print off the Elegy. And now he had got another Pair of Cases, and a Pamphlet to reprint, on which he set me to work.-- These two Printers I found poorly Qualified for their Business. Bradford had not been bred to it, and was very illiterate; and Keimer tho' something of a Scholar, was a mere Compositor, knowing nothing of Presswork. He had been one of the French Prophets and could act their enthusiastic Agitations. At this time he did not profess any particular Religion, but something of all on occasion; was very ignorant of the World, and had, as I afterward found, a good deal of the Knave in his Composition. He did not like my Lodging at Bradford's while I work'd with him. He had a House indeed, but without Furniture, so he could not lodge me: But he got me a Lodging at Mr. Read's beforementioned, who was the Owner of his House. And my Chest and Clothes being come by this time, I made rather a more respectable Appearance in the Eyes of Miss Read than I had done when she first happen'd to see me eating my Roll in the Street.-- I began now to have some Acquaintance among the young People of the Town, that were Lovers of Reading with whom I spent my Evenings very pleasantly and gaining Money by my Industry and Frugality, I lived very agreably, forgetting Boston as much as I could, and not desiring that any there should know where I resided, except my Friend Collins who was in my Secret, and kept it when I wrote to him. At length an Incident happened that sent me back again much sooner than I had intended.-- I had a Brother-in-law, Robert Holmes, Master of a Sloop, that traded between Boston and Delaware. He being at New Castle 40 Miles below Philadelphia, heard there of me, and wrote me a Letter, mentioning the Concern of my Friends in Boston at my abrupt Departure, assuring me of their Good will to me, and that every thing would be accommodated to my Mind if I would return, to which he exhorted me very earnestly. I wrote an Answer to his Letter, thank'd him for his Advice, but stated my Reasons for quitting Boston fully, and in such a Light as to convince him I was not so wrong as he had apprehended. Sir William Keith[3] Governor of the Province, was then at New Castle, and Capt. Holmes happening to be in Company with him when my Letter came to hand, spoke to him of me, and show'd him the Letter. The Governor read it, and seem'd surpriz'd when he was told my Age. He said I appear'd a young Man of promising Parts, and therefore should be encouraged: The Printers at Philadelphia were wretched ones, and if I would set up there, he made no doubt I should succeed; for his Part, he would procure me the publick Business, and do me every other Service in his Power. This my Brother-in-law afterwards told me in Boston. But I knew as yet nothing of it; when one Day Keimer and I being at Work together near the Window, we saw the Governor and another Gentleman (which prov'd to be Col. French, of New Castle) finely dress'd, come directly across the Street to our House, and heard them at the Door. Keimer ran down immediately, thinking it a Visit to him. But the Governor enquir'd for me, came up, and with a Condescension and Politeness I had been quite unus'd to, made me many Compliments, desired to be acquainted with me, blam'd me kindly for not having made myself known to him when I first came to the Place, and would have me away with him to the Tavern where he was going with Col. French to taste as he said some excellent Madeira. I was not a little surpriz'd, and Keimer star'd like a Pig poison'd. I went however with the Governor and Col. French, to a Tavern [at] the Corner of Third Street, and over the Madeira he propos'd my Setting up my Business, laid before me the Probabilities of Success, and both he and Col. French, assur'd me I should have their Interest and Influence in procuring the Publick Business of both Governments. On my doubting whether my Father would assist me in it, Sir William said he would give me a Letter to him, in which he would state the Advantages, and he did not doubt of prevailing with him. So it was concluded I should return to Boston in the first Vessel with the Governor's Letter recommending me to my Father. In the mean time the Intention was to be kept secret, and I went on working with Keimer as usual, the Governor sending for me now and then to dine with him, a very great Honour I thought it, and conversing with me in the most affable, familiar, and friendly manner imaginable. About the End of April 1724 a little Vessel offer'd for Boston. I took leave of Keimer as going to see my Friends. The Governor gave me an ample Letter, saying many flattering things of me to my Father, and strongly recommending the Project of my setting up at Philadelphia, as a Thing that must make my Fortune. We struck on a Shoal in going down the Bay and sprung a Leak, we had a blustering time at Sea, and were oblig'd to pump almost continually, at which I took my Turn. We arriv'd safe however at Boston in about a Fortnight.--I had been absent Seven Months and my Friends had heard nothing of me; for my Br. Holmes was not yet return'd; and had not written about me. My unexpected Appearance surpriz'd the Family; all were however very glad to see me and made me Welcome, except my Brother. I went to see him at his Printing-House: I was better dress'd than ever while in his Service, having a genteel new Suit from Head to foot, a Watch, and my Pockets lin'd with near Five Pounds Sterling in Silver. He receiv'd me not very frankly, look'd me all over, and turn'd to his Work again. The JourneyMen were inquisitive where I had been, what sort of a Country it was, and how I lik'd it? I prais'd it much, and the happy Life I led in it; expressing strongly my Intention of returning to it; and one of them asking what kind of Money we had there, I produc'd a handful of Silver and spread it before them, which was a kind of Raree Show they had not been us'd to, Paper being the Money of Boston. Then I took an Opportunity of letting them see my Watch: and lastly, (my Brother still grum and sullen) I gave them a Piece of Eight to drink, and took my Leave.--This Visit of mine offended him extreamly. For when my Mother some time after spoke to him of a Reconciliation, and of her Wishes to see us on good Terms together, and that we might live for the future as Brothers, he said, I had insulted him in such a Manner before his People that he could never forget or forgive it. In this however he was mistaken.-- My Father received the Governor's Letter with some apparent Surprize; but said little of it to me for some Days; when Capt. Holmes returning, he show'd it to him, ask'd if he knew Keith, and what kind of a Man he was: Adding his Opinion that he must be of small Discretion, to think of setting a Boy up in Business who wanted yet 3 Years of being at Man's Estate. Holmes said what he could in fav^r of the Project; but my Father was clear in the Impropriety of it; and at last gave a flat Denial to it. Then he wrote a civil Letter to Sir William thanking him for the Patronage he had so kindly offered me, but declining to assist me as yet in Setting up, I being in his Opinion too young to be trusted with the Management of a Business so important, and for which the Preparation must be so expensive.-- My Friend and Companion Collins, who was a Clerk at the Post-Office, pleas'd with the Account I gave him of my new Country, determin'd to go thither also: And while I waited for my Fathers Determination, he set out before me by Land to Rhodeisland, leaving his Books which were a pretty Collection of Mathematicks and Natural Philosophy, to come with mine and me to New York where he propos'd to wait for me. My Father, tho' he did not approve Sir William's Proposition was yet pleas'd that I had been able to obtain so advantageous a Character from a Person of such Note where I had resided, and that I had been so industrious and careful as to equip myself so handsomely in so short a time: therefore seeing no Prospect of an Accommodation between my Brother and me, he gave his Consent to my Returning again to Philadelphia, advis'd me to behave respectfully to the People there, endeavour to obtain the general Esteem, and avoid lampooning and libelling to which he thought I had too much Inclination; telling me, that by steady Industry and a prudent Parsimony, I might save enough by the time I was One and Twenty to set me up, and that if I came near the Matter he would help me out with the rest. This was all I could obtain, except some small Gifts as Tokens of his and my Mother's Love, when I embark'd again for New-York, now with their Approbation and their Blessing.-- The Sloop putting in at Newport, Rhodeisland, I visited my Brother John, who had been married and settled there some Years. He received me very affectionately, for he always lov'd me. A Friend of his, one Vernon, having some Money due to him in Pensilvania, about 35 Pounds Currency, desired I would receive it for him, and keep it till I had his Directions what to remit it in. Accordingly he gave me an Order.--This afterwards occasion'd me a good deal of Uneasiness. At Newport we took in a Number of Passengers for New York: Among which were two young Women, Companions, and a grave, sensible Matron-like Quaker-Woman with her Attendants.--I had shown an obliging readiness to do her some little Services which impress'd her I suppose with a degree of Good-will towards me.--Therefore when she saw a daily growing Familiarity between me and the two Young Women, which they appear'd to encourage, she took me aside and said, Young Man, I am concern'd for thee, as thou has no Friend with thee, and seems not to know much of the World, or of the Snares Youth is expos'd to; depend upon it those are very bad Women, I can see it in all their Actions, and if thee art not upon thy Guard, they will draw thee into some Danger: they are Strangers to thee, and I advise thee in a friendly Concern for thy Welfare, to have no Acquaintance with them. As I seem'd at first not to think so ill of them as she did, she mention'd some Things she had observ'd and heard that had escap'd my Notice; but now convinc'd me she was right. I thank'd her for her kind Advice, and promis'd to follow it.--When we arriv'd at New York, they told me where they liv'd, and invited me to come and see them: but I avoided it. And it was well I did: For the next Day, the Captain miss'd a Silver Spoon and some other Things that had been taken out of his Cabbin, and knowing that these were a Couple of Strumpets, he got a Warrant to search their Lodgings, found the stolen Goods, and had the Thieves punish'd. So tho' we had escap'd a sunken Rock which we scrap'd upon in the Passage, I thought this Escape of rather more Importance to me. At New York I found my Friend Collins, who had arriv'd there some Time before me. We had been intimate from Children, and had read the same Books together: But he had the Advantage of more time for reading, and Studying and a wonderful Genius for Mathematical Learning in which he far outstript me. While I liv'd in Boston most of my Hours of Leisure for Conversation were spent with him, and he continu'd a sober as well as an industrious Lad; was much respected for his Learning by several of the Clergy and other Gentlemen, and seem'd to promise making a good Figure in Life: but during my Absence he had acquir'd a Habit of Sotting with Brandy; and I found by his own Account and what I heard from others, that he had been drunk every day since his Arrival at New York, and behav'd very oddly. He had gam'd too and lost his Money, so that I was oblig'd to discharge his Lodgings, and defray his Expenses to and at Philadelphia: Which prov'd extreamly inconvenient to me. The then Governor of N[ew] York, Burnet, Son of Bishop Burnet hearing from the Captain that a young Man, one of his Passengers, had a great many Books, desired he would bring me to see him. I waited upon him accordingly, and should have taken Collins with me but that he was not sober. The Gov^r treated me with great Civility, show'd me his Library, which was a very large one, and we had a good deal of Conversation about Books and Authors. This was the second Governor who had done me the Honour to take Notice of me, which to a poor Boy like me was very pleasing.--We proceeded to Philadelphia. I received on the Way Vernon's Money, without which we could hardly have finish'd our Journey. Collins wish'd to be employ'd in some Counting House; but whether they discover'd his Dramming by his Breath, or by his Behaviour, tho' he had some Recommendations, he met with no Success in any Application, and continu'd Lodging and Boarding at the same House with me and at my Expense. Knowing I had that Money of Vernon's he was continually borrowing of me, still promising Repayment as soon as he should be in Business. At length he had got so much of it, that I was distress'd to think what I should do, in case of being call'd on to remit it. His Drinking continu'd, about which we sometimes quarrel'd, for when a little intoxicated he was very fractious. Once in a Boat on the Delaware with some other young Men, he refused to row in his Turn: I will be row'd home, says he. We will not row you, says I. You must or stay all Night on the Water, says he, just as you please. The others said, Let us row; what signifies it? But my Mind being soured with his other Conduct, I continu'd to refuse. So he swore he would make me row, or throw me overboard; and coming along stepping on the Thwarts towards me, when he came up and struck at me I clapt my Hand under his Crutch, and rising pitch'd him head-foremost into the River. I knew he was a good Swimmer, and so was under little Concern about him; but before he could get round to lay hold of the Boat, we had with a few Strokes pull'd her out of his Reach. And ever when he drew near the Boat, we ask'd if he would row, striking a few Strokes to slide her away from him.--He was ready to die with Vexation, and obstinately would not promise to row; however seeing him at last beginning to tire, we lifted him in; and brought him home dripping wet in the Evening. We hardly exchang'd a civil Word afterwards; and a West India Captain who had a Commission to procure a Tutor for the Sons of a Gentleman at Barbadoes, happening to meet with him, agreed to carry him thither. He left me then, promising to remit me the first Money he should receive in order to discharge the Debt. But I never heard of him after. The Breaking into this Money of Vernon's was one of the first great Errata of my Life[.] And this Affair show'd that my Father was not much out in his Judgment when he suppos'd me too Young to manage Business of Importance. But Sir William, on reading his Letter, said he was too prudent. There was great Difference in Persons, and Discretion did not always accompany Years, nor was Youth always without it. And since he will not set you up, says he, I will do it myself. Give me an Inventory of the Things necessary to be had from England, and I will send for them. You shall repay me when you are able; I am resolv'd to have a good Printer here, and I am sure you must succeed. This was spoken with such an Appearance of Cordiality, that I had not the least doubt of his meaning what he said. I had hitherto kept the Proposition of my Setting up[,] a Secret in Philadelphia, and I still kept it. Had it been known that I depended on the Governor, probably some Friend that knew him better would have advis'd me not to rely on him, as I afterwards heard it as his known Character to be liberal of Promises which he never meant to keep.--Yet unsolicited as he was by me, how could I think his generous Offers insincere? I believ'd him one of the best Men in the World.-- I presented him an Inventory of a little Print[8] House, amounting by my Computation to about 100£ Sterling. He lik'd it, but ask'd me if my being on the Spot in England to chuse the Types and see that every thing was good of the kind, might not be of some Advantage. Then, says he, when there, you may make Acquaintances and establish Correspondencies in the Bookselling and Stationary Way. I agreed that this might be advantageous. Then, says he, get yourself ready to go with Annis; which was the annual Ship, and the only one at that Time usually passing between London and Philadelphia. But it would be some Months before Annis sail'd, so I continu'd working with Keimer, fretting about the Money Collins had got from me; and in daily Apprehensions of being call'd upon by Vernon, which however did not happen for some Years after.-- I believe I have omitted mentioning that in my first Voyage from Boston, being becalm'd off Block Island, our People set about catching Cod and haul'd up a great many. Hitherto I had stuck to my Resolution of not eating animal Food; and on this Occasion, I consider'd with my Master Tryon, the taking every Fish as a kind of unprovoked Murder, since none of them had or ever could do us any Injury that might justify the Slaughter. All this seem'd very reasonable.--But I had formerly been a great Lover of Fish, and when this came hot out of the Frying Pan, it smelt admirably well. I balanc'd some time between Principle and Inclination: till I recollected, that when the Fish were opened, I saw smaller Fish taken out of their Stomachs: Then thought I, if you eat one another, I don't see why we mayn't eat you. So I din'd upon Cod very heartily and continu'd to eat with other People, returning only now and then occasionally to a vegetable Diet. So convenient a thing it is to be a _reasonable Creature_, since it enables one to find or make a Reason for every thing one has a mind to do. Keimer and I liv'd on a pretty good familiar Footing and agreed tolerably well: for he suspected nothing of my Setting up. He retain'd a great deal of his old Enthusiasms, and lov'd Argumentation. We therefore had many Disputations. I used to work him so with my Socratic Method, and had trepann'd him so often by Questions apparently so distant from any Point we had in hand, and yet by degrees led to the Point, and brought him into Difficulties and Contradictions that at last he grew ridiculously cautious, and would hardly answer me the most common Question, without asking first, _What do you intend to infer from that?_ However it gave him so high an Opinion of my Abilities in the Confuting Way, that he seriously propos'd my being his Colleague in a Project he had of setting up a new Sect. He was to preach the Doctrines, and I was to confound all Opponents. When he came to explain with me upon the Doctrines, I found several Conundrums which I objected to, unless I might have my Way a little too, and introduce some of mine. Keimer wore his Beard at full Length, because somewhere in the Mosaic Law it is said, _thou shalt not mar the Corners of thy beard_. He likewise kept the seventh day Sabbath; and these two Points were Essentials with him. I dislik'd both, but agreed to admit them upon Condition of his adopting the Doctrine of using no animal Food. I doubt, says he, my Constitution will not bear that. I assur'd him it would, and that he would be the better for it. He was usually a great Glutton, and I promis'd myself some Diversion in half-starving him. He agreed to try the Practice if I would keep him Company. I did so and we held it for three Months. We had our Victuals dress'd and brought to us regularly by a Woman in the Neighbourhood, who had from me a List of 40 Dishes to be prepar'd for us at different times, in all which there was neither Fish Flesh nor Fowl, and the whim suited me the better at this time from the Cheapness of it, not costing us above 18^d Sterling each, per Week. I have since kept several Lents most strictly, leaving the common Diet for that, and that for the common, abruptly, without the least Inconvenience: So that I think there is little in the Advice of making those Changes by easy Gradations. I went on pleasantly, but Poor Keimer suffer'd grievously, tir'd of the Project, long'd for the Flesh Pots of Egypt, and order'd a roast Pig. He invited me and two Women Friends to dine with him, but it being brought too soon upon the table, he could not resist the Temptation, and ate it all up before we came.-- I had made some Courtship during this time to Miss Read. I had a great Respect and Affection for her, and had some Reason to believe she had the same for me: but as I was about to take a long Voyage, and we were both very young, only a little above 18, it was thought most prudent by her Mother to prevent our going too far at present, as a Marriage if it was to take place would be more convenient after my Return, when I should be as I expected set up in my Business. Perhaps too she thought my Expectations not so well founded as I imagined them to be.-- My chief Acquaintances at this time were, Charles Osborne, Joseph Watson, and James Ralph; all Lovers of Reading. The two first were Clerks to an eminent Scrivener or Conveyancer in the Town, Charles Brogden; the other was Clerk to a Merchant. Watson was a pious sensible young Man, of great Integrity.--The others rather more lax in their Principles of Religion, particularly Ralph, who as well as Collins had been unsettled by me, for which they both made me suffer.--Osborne was sensible, candid, frank, sincere and affectionate to his Friends; but in literary Matters too fond of Criticising. Ralph, was ingenious, genteel in his Manners, and extreamly eloquent; I think I never knew a prettier Talker. Both of them great Admirers of Poetry, and began to try their Hands in little Pieces. Many pleasant Walks we four had together on Sundays into the Woods near Schuylkill, where we read to one another and conferr'd on what we read. Ralph was inclin'd to pursue the Study of Poetry, not doubting but he might become eminent in it and make his Fortune by it, alledging that the best Poets must when they first began to write, make as many Faults as he did.--Osborne dissuaded him, assur'd him he had no Genius for Poetry, and advis'd him to think of nothing beyond the Business he was bred to; that in the mercantile way tho' he had no Stock, he might by his Diligence and Punctuality recommend himself to Employment as a Factor, and in time acquire wherewith to trade on his own Account. I approv'd the amusing one's self with Poetry now and then, so far as to improve one's Language, but no farther. On this it was propos'd that we should each of us at our next Meeting produce a Piece of our own Composing, in order to improve by our mutual Observations, Criticisms and Corrections. As Language and Expression was what we had in View, we excluded all Considerations of Invention, by agreeing that the Task should be a Version of the 18^th Psalm, which describes the Descent of a Deity. When the Time of our Meeting drew nigh, Ralph call'd on me first, and let me know his Piece was ready. I told him I had been busy, and having little Inclination had done nothing. He then show'd me his Piece for my Opinion; and I much approv'd it, as it appear'd to me to have great Merit. Now, says he, Osborne never will allow the least Merit in any thing of mine, but makes 1000 Criticisms out of mere Envy. He is not so jealous of you. I wish therefore you would take this Piece, and produce it as yours. I will pretend not to have had time, and so produce nothing: We shall then see what he will say to it. It was agreed, and I immediately transcrib'd it that it might appear in my own hand. We met. Watson's Performance was read: there were some Beauties in it: but many Defects. Osborne's was read: It was much better. Ralph did it Justice, remark'd some Faults, but applauded the Beauties. He himself had nothing to produce. I was backward, seem'd desirous of being excused, had not had sufficient Time to correct, etc. but no Excuse could be admitted, produce I must. It was read and repeated; Watson and Osborne gave up the Contest; and join'd in applauding it immoderately. Ralph only made some Criticisms and propos'd some Amendments, but I defended my Text. Osborne was against Ralph, and told him he was no better a Critic than Poet; so he dropt the Argument. As they two went home together, Osborne express'd himself still more strongly in favour of what he thought my Production, having restrain'd himself before as he said, lest I should think it Flattery. But who would have imagin'd, says he, that Franklin had been capable of such a Performance; such Painting, such Force! such Fire! he has even improv'd the Original! In his common Conversation, he seems to have no Choice of Words; he hesitates and blunders; and yet, good God, how he writes!--When we next met, Ralph discover'd the Trick we had plaid him, and Osborne was a little laught at. This Transaction fix'd Ralph in his Resolution of becoming a Poet. I did all I could to dissuade him from it, but he continued scribbling Verses, till _Pope_ cur'd him. He became however a pretty good Prose Writer. More of him hereafter. But as I may not have occasion again to mention the other two, I shall just remark here, that Watson died in my Arms a few Years after, much lamented, being the best of our Set. Osborne went to the West Indies, where he became an eminent Lawyer and made Money, but died young. He and I had made a serious Agreement, that the one who happen'd first to die, should if possible make a friendly Visit to the other, and acquaint him how he found things in that Separate State. But he never fulfill'd his Promise. The Governor, seeming to like my Company, had me frequently to his House; and his Setting me up was always mention'd as a fix'd thing. I was to take with me Letters recommendatory to a Number of his Friends, besides the Letter of Credit to furnish me with the necessary Money for purchasing the Press and Types, Paper, etc. For these Letters I was appointed to call at different times, when they were to be ready, but a future time was still named.--Thus we went on till the Ship whose Departure too had been several times postponed was on the Point of sailing. Then when I call'd to take my Leave and receive the Letters, his Secretary, Dr. Bard, came out to me and said the Governor was extreamly busy, in writing, but would be down at Newcastle before the Ship, and there the Letters would be delivered to me. Ralph, tho' married and having one Child, had determined to accompany me in this Voyage. It was thought he intended to establish a Correspondence, and obtain Goods to sell on Commission. But I found afterwards, that thro' some Discontent with his Wife's Relations, he purposed to leave her on their Hands, and never return again.--Having taken leave of my Friends, and interchang'd some Promises with Miss Read, I left Philadelphia in the Ship, which anchor'd at Newcastle. The Governor was there. But when I went to his Lodging, the Secretary came to me from him with the civillest Message in the World, that he could not then see me being engag'd in Business of the utmost Importance, but should send the Letters to me on board, wish'd me heartily a good Voyage and a speedy Return, etc. I return'd on board, a little puzzled, but still not doubting.-- Mr. Andrew Hamilton, a famous Lawyer of Philadelphia, had taken Passage in the same Ship for himself and Son: and with Mr. Denham a Quaker Merchant, and Messrs. Onion and Russell[,] Masters of an Iron Work in Maryland, had engag'd the Great Cabin; so that Ralph and I were forc'd to take up with a Birth in the Steerage: And none on board knowing us, were considered as ordinary Persons.--But Mr. Hamilton and his Son (it was James, since Governor) return'd from New Castle to Philadelphia, the Father being recall'd by a great Fee to plead for a seized Ship.--And just before we sail'd Col. French coming on board, and showing me great Respect, I was more taken Notice of, and with my Friend Ralph invited by the other Gentlemen to come into the Cabin, there being now Room. Accordingly we remov'd thither. Understanding that Col. French had brought on board the Governor's Dispatches, I ask'd the Captain for those Letters that were to be under my Care. He said all were put into the Bag together; and he could not then come at them; but before we landed in England, I should have an Opportunity of picking them out. So I was satisfy'd for the present, and we proceeded on our Voyage. We had a sociable Company in the Cabin, and lived uncommonly well, having the Addition of all Mr. Hamilton's Stores, who had laid in plentifully. In this Passage Mr. Denham contracted a Friendship for me that continued during his Life. The Voyage was otherwise not a pleasant one, as we had a great deal of bad Weather. When we came into the Channel, the Captain kept his Word with me, and gave me an Opportunity of examining the Bag for the Governor's Letters. I found none upon which my Name was put, as under my Care; I pick'd out 6 or 7 that by the Hand writing I thought might be the promis'd Letters, especially as one of them was directed to Basket the King's printer, and another to some Stationer. We arriv'd in London the 24^th of December, 1724.--I waited upon the Stationer who came first in my Way, delivering the Letter as from Gov. Keith. I don't know such a Person, says he: but opening the Letter, O, this is from Riddlesden; I have lately found him to be a compleat Rascal, and I will have nothing to do with him, nor receive any Letters from him. So putting the Letter into my Hand, he turn'd on his Heel and left me to serve some Customer. I was surprized to find these were not the Governor's Letters. And after recollecting and comparing Circumstances, I began to doubt his Sincerity.--I found my Friend Denham, and opened the whole Affair to him. He let me into Keith's Character, told me there was not the least Probability that he had written any Letters for me, that no one who knew him had the smallest Dependence on him, and he laught at the Notion of the Governor's giving me a Letter of Credit, having as he said no Credit to give.--On my expressing some Concern about what I should do: He advis'd me to endeavour getting some Employment in the Way of my Business. Among the Printers here, says he, you will improve yourself; and when you return to America, you will set up to greater Advantage.-- We both of us happen'd to know, as well as the Stationer, that Riddlesden the Attorney, was a very Knave. He had half ruin'd Miss Read's Father by acquiring his note he bound for him. By his Letter it appear'd, there was a secret Scheme on foot to the Prejudice of Hamilton, (suppos'd to be then coming over with us,) and that Keith was concern'd in it with Riddlesden. Denham, who was a Friend of Hamilton's, thought he ought to be acquainted with it. So when he arriv'd in England, which was soon after, partly from Resentment and Ill-Will to Keith and Riddlesden, and partly from Good Will to him: I waited on him, and gave him the Letter. He thank'd me cordially, the Information being of Importance to him. And from that time he became my Friend, greatly to my Advantage afterwards on many Occasions. But what shall we think of a Governor's playing such pitiful Tricks, and imposing so grossly on a poor ignorant Boy! It was a Habit he had acquired. He wish'd to please every body; and, having little to give, he gave Expectations. He was otherwise an ingenious sensible Man, a pretty good Writer, and a good Governor for the People, tho' not for his Constituents the Proprietaries, whose Instructions he sometimes disregarded.--Several of our best Laws were of his Planning, and pass'd during his Administration.-- Ralph and I were inseparable Companions. We took Lodgings together in Little Britain at 3/6 p[er] Week, as much as we could then afford. He found some Relations, but they were poor and unable to assist him. He now let me know his Intentions of remaining in London, and that he never meant to return to Philad^a--He had brought no Money with him, the whole he could muster having been expended in paying his Passage. I had 15 Pistoles: So he borrowed occasionally of me, to subsist while he was looking out for Business.--He first endeavoured to get into the Playhouse, believing himself qualify'd for an Actor; but Wilkes to whom he apply'd, advis'd him candidly not to think of that Employment, as it was impossible he should succeed in it.--Then he propos'd to Roberts, a Publisher in Paternoster Row, to write for him a Weekly Paper like the Spectator, on certain Conditions, which Roberts did not approve. Then he endeavour'd to get Employm^t as a Hackney Writer to copy for the Stationers and Lawyers about the Temple: but could find no Vacancy.-- I immediately got into Work at Palmer's then a famous Printing House in Bartholomew Close; and here I continu'd near a Year. I was pretty diligent; but spent with Ralph a good deal of my Earnings in going to Plays and other Places of Amusement. We had together consum'd all my Pistoles, and now just rubb'd on from hand to mouth. He seem'd quite to forget his Wife and Child, and I by degrees my Engagements w^th Miss Read, to whom I never wrote more than one Letter, and that was to let her know I was not likely soon to return. This was another of the great Errata of my Life, which I should wish to correct if I were to live it over again.--In fact, by our Expences, I was constantly kept unable to pay my Passage. At Palmer's I was employ'd in composing for the second Edition of Woollaston's [_sic_] Religion of Nature. Some of his Reasonings not appearing to me well-founded, I wrote a little metaphysical Piece, in which I made Remarks on them. It was entitled, _A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and pain_. I inscrib'd it to my Friend Ralph.--I printed a small Number. It occasion'd my being more consider'd by Mr. Palmer, as a young Man of some Ingenuity, tho' he seriously Expostulated with me upon the Principles of my Pamphlet which to him appear'd abominable. My printing this Pamphlet was another Erratum. In our House there lodg'd a young Woman; a Millener, who I think had a Shop in the Cloisters. She had been genteelly bred, was sensible and lively, and of most pleasing Conversation. Ralph read Plays to her in the Evenings, they grew intimate, she took another Lodging, and he follow'd her. They liv'd together some time, but he being still out of Business, and her Income not sufficient to maintain them with her Child, he took a Resolution of going from London, to try for a Country School, which bethought himself well qualify'd to undertake, as he wrote an excellent Hand, and was a Master of Arithmetic and Accounts.--This however he deem'd a Business below him, and confident of future better Fortune when he should be unwilling to have it known that he once was so meanly employ'd, he chang'd his Name, and did me the Honour to assume mine.--For I soon after had a Letter from him, acquainting me, that he was settled in a small Village in Berkshire, I think it was, where he taught reading and writing to 10 or a dozen Boys at 6 pence each p[er] Week, recommending Mrs. T. to my Care, and desiring me to write to him directing for Mr. Franklin Schoolmaster at such a Place. He continu'd to write frequently, sending me large Specimens of an Epic Poem, which he was then composing, and desiring my Remarks and Corrections.--These I gave him from time to time, but endeavour'd rather to discourage his Proceeding. One of Young's Satires was then just publish'd. I copy'd and sent him a great Part of it, which set in a strong Light the Folly of pursuing the Muses with any Hope of Advancement by them. All was in vain. Sheets of the Poem continu'd to come by every Post. In the mean time Mrs. T. having on his Account lost her Friends and Business, was often in Distresses, and us'd to send for me, and borrow what I could spare to help her out of them. I grew fond of her Company, and being at this time under no Religious Restraints, and presuming on my Importance to her, I attempted Familiarities, (another Erratum) which she repuls'd with a proper Resentment, and acquainted him with my Behaviour. This made a Breach between us, and when he return'd again to London, he let me know he thought I had cancell'd all the Obligations he had been under to me.--So I found I was never to expect his Repaying me what I lent to him or advanc'd for him. This was however not then of much Consequence, as he was totally unable: And in the Loss of his Friendship I found myself reliev'd from a Burthen. I now began to think of getting a little Money beforehand; and expecting better Work, I left Palmer's to work at Watts's near Lincoln's Inn Fields, a still greater Printing House. Here I continu'd all the rest of my Stay in London. While I lodg'd in Little Britain I made an Acquaintance with one Wilcox a Bookseller, whose Shop was at the next Door. He had an immense Collection of second-hand Books. Circulating Libraries were not then in Use; but we agreed that on certain reasonable Terms which I have now forgotten, I might take, read and return any of his Books. This I esteem'd a great Advantage, and I made as much use of it as I could.-- My Pamphlet by some means falling into the Hands of one Lyons, a Surgeon, Author of a Book intitled _The Infallibility of Human Judgment_, it occasioned an Acquaintance between us; he took great Notice of me, call'd on me often, to converse on those Subjects, carried me to the Horns a pale Alehouse in ----Lane, Cheapside, and introduc'd me to Dr. Mandevil[l]e, Author of the Fable of the Bees who had a Club there, of which he was the Soul, being a most facetious entertaining Companion. Lyons too introduced me to Dr. Pemberton, at Batson's Coffee House, who promis'd to give me an Opportunity some time or other of seeing Sir Isaac Newton, of which I was extreamly desirous; but this never happened. I had brought over a few Curiosities among which the principal was a Purse made of the Asbestos, which purifies by Fire. Sir Hans Sloane heard of it, came to see me, and invited me to his House in Bloomsbury Square; where he show'd me all his Curiosities, and persuaded me to let him add that to the Number, for which he paid me handsomely.[4]-- At my first Admission into this Printing House, I took to working at Press, imagining I felt a Want of the Bodily Exercise I had been us'd to in America, where Presswork is mix'd with Composing, I drank only Water, the other Workmen, near 50 in Number, were great Guzzlers of Beer. On occasion I carried up and down Stairs a large Form of Types in each hand, when others carried but one in both Hands. They wonder'd to see from this and several Instances that the water-American as they call'd me was _stronger_ than themselves who drank _strong_ beer. We had an Alehouse Boy who attended always in the House to supply the Workmen. My Companion at the Press, drank every day a Pint before Breakfast, a Pint at Breakfast with his Bread and Cheese; a Pint between Breakfast and Dinner; a Pint at Dinner; a Pint in the Afternoon about Six o'Clock, and another when he had done his Day's-Work. I thought it a detestable Custom.--But it was necessary, he suppos'd, to drink _strong_ Beer that he might be _strong_ to labour. I endeavour'd to convince him that the Bodily Strength afforded by Beer could only be in proportion to the Grain or Flour of the Barley dissolved in the Water of which it was made; that there was more Flour in a Penny-worth of Bread, and therefore if he would eat that with a Pint of Water, it would give him more Strength than a Quart of Beer.--He drank on however, and had 4 or 5 Shillings to pay out of his Wages every Saturday Night for that muddling Liquor; an Expence I was free from.--And thus these poor Devils keep themselves always under. Watts after some Weeks desiring to have me in the Composing-Room, I left the Pressmen. A new _Bienvenu_ or Sum for Drink; being 5/, was demanded of me by the Compositors. I thought it an Imposition, as I had paid below. The Master thought so too, and forbad[e] my Paying it. I stood out two or three Weeks, was accordingly considered as an Excommunicate, and had so many little Pieces of private Mischief done me, by mixing my Sorts, transposing my Pages, breaking my Matter, etc. etc. and if I were ever so little out of the Room, and all ascrib'd to the Chapel Ghost, which they said ever haunted those not regularly admitted, that notwithstanding the Master's Protection, I found myself oblig'd to comply and pay the Money; convinc'd of the Folly of being on ill Terms with those one is to live with continually. I was now on a fair Footing with them, and soon acquir'd considerable Influence. I propos'd some reasonable Alterations in their Chapel[C] Laws, and carried them against all Opposition. From my Example a great Part of them, left their muddling Breakfast of Beer and Bread and Cheese, finding they could with me be supply'd from a neighbouring House with a large Porringer of hot Water-gruel, sprinkled with Pepper, crumb'd with Bread, and a Bit of Butter in it, for the Price of a Pint of Beer, viz., three halfpence. This was a more comfortable as well as cheaper Breakfast, and kept their Heads clearer.--Those who continu'd sotting with Beer all day, were often, by not paying, out of Credit at the Alehouse, and us'd to make Interest with me to get Beer, _their Light_, as they phras'd it, _being out_. I watch'd the Pay table on Saturday Night, and collected what I stood engag'd for them, having to pay some times near Thirty Shillings a Week on their Accounts.--This, and my being esteem'd a pretty good Riggite, that is a jocular verbal Satyrist, supported my Consequence in the Society.--My constant Attendance, (I never making a St. Monday), recommended me to the Master; and my uncommon Quickness at Composing, occasion'd my being put upon all Work of Dispatch which was generally better paid. So I went on now very agreably.-- [C] A Printing House is always called a Chappel [_sic_], by the Workmen. [_Franklin's note._] My Lodging in Little Britain being too remote, I found another in Duke-street opposite to the Romish Chapel. It was two pair of Stairs backwards at an Italian Warehouse. A Widow Lady kept the House; she had a Daughter and a Maid Servant, and a Journey-man who attended the Warehouse, but lodg'd abroad. After sending to enquire my Character at the House where I last lodg'd, she agreed to take me in at the same Rate 3/6 p[er] Week, cheaper as she said from the Protection she expected in having a Man lodge in the House. She was a Widow, an elderly Woman, had been bred a Protestant, being a Clergyman's Daughter, but was converted to the Catholic Religion by her Husband, whose Memory she much revered[;] had lived much among People of Distinction, and knew a 1000 Anecdotes of them as far back as the Times of Charles the Second. She was lame in her Knees with the Gout, and therefore seldom stirr'd out of her Room, so sometimes wanted Company; and hers was so highly amusing [Franklin first wrote "agreable"; both it and "amusing" are deleted in the MS.] to me; that I was sure to spend an Evening with her whenever she desired it. Our Supper was only half an Anchovy each, on a very little Strip of Bread and Butter, and half a Pint of Ale between us. But the Entertainment was in her Conversation. My always keeping good Hours, and giving little Trouble in the Family, made her unwilling to part with me; so that when I talk'd of a Lodging I had heard of, nearer my Business, for 2/ a Week, which, intent as I now was on saving Money, made some Difference; she bid me not think of it, for she would abate me two Shillings a Week for the future, so I remain'd with her at 1/6 as long as I staid in London.-- In a Garret of her House there lived a Maiden Lady of 70 in the most retired Manner, of whom my Landlady gave me this Account, that she was a Roman Catholic, had been sent abroad when young and lodg'd in a Nunnery with an Intent of becoming a Nun: but the Country not agreeing with her, she return'd to England, where there being no Nunnery, she had vow'd to lead the Life of a Nun as near as might be done in those Circumstances: Accordingly she had given all her Estate to charitable Uses, reserving only Twelve Pounds a Year to live on, and out of this Sum she still gave a great deal in Charity, living herself on Watergruel only, and using no Fire but to boil it.--She had lived many Years in that Garret, being permitted to remain there gratis by successive Catholic Tenants of the House below, as they deem'd it a Blessing to have her there. A Priest visited her, to confess her every Day. I have ask'd her, says my Landlady, how she, as she liv'd, could possibly find so much Employment for a Confessor? O, says she, it is impossible to avoid _vain Thoughts_. I was permitted once to visit her: She was chearful and polite, and convers'd pleasantly. The Room was clean, but had no other Furniture than a Matras, a Table with a Crucifix and Book, a Stool, which she gave me to sit on, and a Picture over the Chimney of St. _Veronica_, displaying her Handkerchief with the miraculous Figure of Christ's bleeding Face on it, which she explain'd to me with great Seriousness. She look'd pale, but was never sick, and I give it as another Instance on how small an Income Life and Health may be supported. At Watts's Printinghouse I contracted an Acquaintance with an ingenious young Man, one Wygate, who having wealthy Relations, had been better educated than most Printers, was a tolerable Latinist, spoke French, and lov'd Reading. I taught him and a Friend of his, to swim, at twice going into the River, and they soon became good Swimmers. They introduc'd me to some Gentlemen from the Country who went to Chelsea by Water to see the College and Don Saltero's Curiosities.[5] In our Return, at the Request of the Company, whose Curiosity Wygate had excited, I stript and leapt into the River, and swam from near Chelsea to Blackfryars, performing on the Way many Feats of Activity both upon and under Water, that surpriz'd and pleas'd those to whom they were Novelties.--I had from a Child been ever delighted with this Exercise, had studied and practis'd all Thevenot's Motions and Positions, added some of my own, aiming at the graceful and easy, as well as the Useful. All these I took this Occasion of exhibiting to the Company, and was much flatter'd by their Admiration.--And Wygate, who was desirous of becoming a Master, grew more and more attach'd to me, on that account, as well as from the Similarity of our Studies. He at length propos'd to me travelling all over Europe together, supporting ourselves everywhere by working at our Business. I was once inclin'd to it. But mentioning it to my good Friend Mr. Denham, with whom I often spent an Hour, when I had Leisure. He dissuaded me from it, advising me to think only of returning to Pensilvania, which he was now about to do. I must record one Trait of this good Man's Character. He had formerly been in Business at Bristol, but fail'd in Debt to a Number of People, compounded and went to America. There, by a close Application to Business as a Merchant, he acquir'd a plentiful Fortune in a few Years. Returning to England in the Ship with me, He invited his old Creditors to an Entertainment, at which he thank'd them for the easy Composition they had favour'd him with, and when they expected nothing but the Treat, every Man at the first Remove, found under his Plate an Order on a Banker for the full Amount of the unpaid Remainder with Interest. He now told me he was about to return to Philadelphia, and should carry over a great Quantity of Goods in order to open a Store there: He propos'd to take me over as his Clerk, to keep his Books (in which he would instruct me) copy his Letters, and attend the Store. He added, that as soon as I should be acquainted with mercantile Business he would promote me by sending me with a Cargo of Flour and Bread etc to the West Indies, and procure me Commissions from others; which would be profitable, and if I manag'd well, would establish me handsomely. The Thing pleas'd me, for I was grown tired of London, remember'd with Pleasure the happy Months I had spent in Pennsylvania, and wish'd again to see it. Therefore I immediately agreed, on the Terms of Fifty Pounds a Year, Pensylvania Money less indeed than my then present Gettings as a Compositor, but affording a better Prospect.-- I now took leave of Printing; as I thought for ever, and was daily employ'd in my new Business; going about with Mr. Denham among the Tradesmen, to purchase various Articles, and seeing them pack'd up, doing Errands, calling upon Workmen to dispatch, etc. and when all was on board, I had a few Days Leisure. On one of these Days I was to my Surprise sent for by a great Man I knew only by Name, a Sir William Wyndham and I waited upon him. He had heard by some means or other of my Swimming from Chelsey to Blackfryars, and of my teaching Wygate and another young Man to swim in a few Hours. He had two Sons about to set out on their Travels; he wish'd to have them first taught Swimming; and propos'd to gratify me handsomely if I would teach them.--They were not yet come to Town and my Stay was uncertain, so I could not undertake it. But from this Incident I thought it likely, that if I were to remain in England and open a Swimming School, I might get a good deal of Money. And it struck me so strongly, that had the Overture been sooner made me, probably I should not so soon have returned to America.--After many Years, you and I had something of more Importance to do with one of these Sons of Sir William Wyndham, become Earl of Egremont, which I shall mention in its Place.--[This promise Franklin did not fulfill.] Thus I spent about 18 Months in London. Most Part of the Time, I work'd hard at my Business, and spent but little upon myself except in seeing Plays, and in Books.--My Friend Ralph had kept me poor. He owed me about 27 Pounds; which I was now never likely to receive; a great Sum out of my small Earnings. I lov'd him notwithstanding, for he had many amiable Qualities.--Tho' I had by no means improv'd my Fortune. But I had pick'd up some very ingenious Acquaintance whose Conversation was of great Advantage to me, and I had read considerably. We sail'd from Gravesend on the 23^d of July 1726. For the Incidents of the Voyage, I refer you to my Journal, where you will find them all minutely related. Perhaps the most important Part of that Journal is the _Plan_ [This Plan is not found in the _Journal_ printed in _Writings_, II, 53-86.] to be found in it which I formed at Sea, for regulating my future Conduct in Life. It is the more remarkable, as being formed when I was so young, and yet being pretty faithfully adhered to quite thro' to old Age.--We landed in Philadelphia on the 11th of October, where I found sundry Alterations. Keith was no longer Governor, being superceded by Major Gordon: I met him walking the Streets as a common Citizen. He seem'd a little asham'd at seeing me, but pass'd without saying any thing. I should have been as much asham'd at seeing Miss Read, had not her Fr^ds, despairing with Reason of my Return, after the Receipt of my Letter, persuaded her to marry another, one Rogers, a Potter, which was done in my Absence. With him however she was never happy, and soon parted from him, refusing to cohabit with him, or bear his Name[,] it being now said that he had another Wife. He was a worthless Fellow tho' an excellent Workman[,] which was the Temptation to her Friends. He got into Debt, ran away in 1727 or 28. and went to the West Indies, and died there. Keimer had got a better House, a Shop well supply'd with Stationary[,] plenty of new Types, a number of Hands tho' none good, and seem'd to have a great deal of Business. Mr. Denham took a Store in Water Street, where we open'd our Goods. I attended the Business diligently, studied Accounts, and grew in a little Time expert at selling. We lodg'd and boarded together, he counsell'd me as a Father, having a sincere Regard for me: I respected and lov'd him: and we might have gone on together very happily: But in the Beginning of Feb^y 172-6/7 when I had just pass'd my 21^st Year, we both were taken ill. My Distemper was a Pleurisy, which very nearly carried me off:--I suffered a good deal, gave up the Point in my own mind, and was rather disappointed when I found my Self recovering; regretting in some degree that I must now some time or other have all that disagreeable Work to do over again.--I forget what his Distemper was. It held him a long time, and at length carried him off. He left me a small Legacy in a nuncupative Will, as a Token of his Kindness for me, and he left me once more to the wide World. For the Store was taken into the Care of his Executors, and my Employment under him ended:--My Brother-in-law Holmes, being now at Philadelphia, advised my Return to my Business. And Keimer tempted me with an Offer of large Wages by the Year to come and take the Management of his Printing-House, that he might better attend his Stationer's Shop.--I had heard a bad Character of him in London, from his Wife and her Friends, and was not fond of having any more to do with him. I try'd for farther Employment as a Merchant's Clerk; but not readily meeting with any, I clos'd again with Keimer.-- I found in _his_ House these Hands; Hugh Meredith a Welsh-Pensilvanian, 30 Years of Age, bred to Country Work: honest, sensible, had a great deal of solid Observation, was something of a Reader, but given to drink: Stephen Potts, a young Country Man of full Age, bred to the Same:--of uncommon natural Parts, and great Wit and Humour, but a little idle. These he had agreed with at extream low Wages, p[er] Week, to be rais'd a Shilling every 3 Months, as they would deserve by improving in their Business, and the Expectation of these high Wages to come on hereafter was what he had drawn them in with. Meredith was to work at Press, Potts at Bookbinding, which he by Agreement, was to teach them, tho' he knew neither one nor t'other. John ---- a wild Irishman brought up to no Business, whose Service for 4 Years Keimer had purchas'd from the Captain of a Ship. He too was to be made a Pressman. George Webb, an Oxford Scholar, whose Time for 4 Years he had likewise bought, intending him for a Compositor: of whom more presently. And David Harry, a Country Boy, whom he had taken Apprentice. I soon perceiv'd that the Intention of engaging me at Wages so much higher than he had been us'd to give, was to have these raw cheap Hands form'd thro' me, and as soon as I had instructed them, then, they being all articled to him, he should be able to do without me.--I went on however, very chearfully; put his Printing House in Order, which had been in great Confusion, and brought his Hands by degrees to mind their Business and to do it better. It was an odd Thing to find an Oxford Scholar in the Situation of a bought Servant. He was not more than 18 Years of Age, and gave me this Account of himself; that he was born in Gloucester, educated at a Grammar School there, had been distinguish'd among the Scholars for some apparent Superiority in performing his Part when they exhibited Plays; belong'd to the Witty Club there, and had written some Pieces in Prose and Verse which were printed in the Gloucester Newspapers.--Thence he was sent to Oxford; where he continu'd about a Year, but not well-satisfy'd, wishing of all things to see London and become a Player. At length receiving his Quarterly Allowance of 15 Guineas, instead of discharging his Debts, he walk'd out of Town, hid his Gown in a Furz Bush, and footed it to London, where having no Friend to advise him, he fell into bad Company, soon spent his Guineas, found no means of being introduc'd among the Players, grew necessitous, pawn'd his Cloaths and wanted Bread. Walking the Street very hungry, and not knowing what to do with himself, a Crimp's Bill was put into his Hand, offering immediate Entertainment and Encouragement to such as would bind themselves to serve in America. He went directly, sign'd the Indentures, was put into the Ship and came over; never writing a Line to acquaint his Friends what was become of him. He was lively, witty, good-natur'd, and a pleasant Companion, but idle, thoughtless and imprudent to the last Degree. John the Irishman soon ran away. With the rest I began to live very agreably; for they all respected me, the more as they found Keimer incapable of instructing them, and that from me they learnt something daily. We never work'd on a Saturday, that being Keimer's Sabbath. So I had two Days for Reading.--My Acquaintance with ingenious People in the Town, increased. Keimer himself treated me with great Civility, and apparent Regard; and nothing now made me uneasy but my Debt to Vernon, which I was yet unable to pay being hitherto but a poor Oeconomist. He however kindly made no Demand of it. Our Printing-House often wanted Sorts, and there was no Letter Founder in America. I had seen Types cast at James's in London, but without much Attention to the Manner: However I now contriv'd a Mould, made use of the Letters we had, as Puncheons, struck the Matrices in Lead, and thus supply'd in a pretty tolerable way all Deficiencies. I also engrav'd several Things on occasion. I made the Ink, I was Warehouse-man and every thing, in short quite a Factotum.-- But however serviceable I might be, I found that my Services became every Day of less Importance, as the other Hands improv'd in the Business. And when Keimer paid my second Quarter's Wages, he let me know that he felt them too heavy, and thought I should make an Abatement. He grew by degrees less civil, put on more of the Master, frequently found Fault, was captious and seem'd ready for an Out-breaking. I went on nevertheless with a good deal of Patience, thinking that his incumber'd Circumstances were partly the Cause. At length a Trifle snapt our Connexion. For a great Noise happening near the Courthouse, I put my Head out of the Window to see what was the Matter. Keimer being in the Street look'd up and saw me, call'd out to me in a loud voice and angry Tone to mind my Business, adding some reproachful Words, that nettled me the more for their Publicity, all the Neighbours who were looking out on the same Occasion being Witnesses how I was treated. He came up immediately into the Printing-House, continu'd the Quarrel, high Words pass'd on both Sides, he gave me the Quarter's Warning we had stipulated, expressing a Wish that he had not been oblig'd to so long a Warning: I told him his Wish was unnecessary for I would leave him that Instant; and so taking my Hat walk'd out of Doors; desiring Meredith whom I saw below to take care of some Things I left, and bring them to my Lodging.-- Meredith came accordingly in the Evening, when we talk'd my Affair over. He had conceiv'd a great Regard for me, and was very unwilling that I should leave the House while he remain'd in it. He dissuaded me from returning to my native Country which I began to think of. He reminded me that Keimer was in debt for all he possess'd, that his Creditors began to be uneasy, that he kept his Shop miserably, sold often without Profit for ready Money, and often trusted without keeping Accounts. That he must therefore fail; which would make a Vacancy I might profit of.--I objected my Want of Money. He then let me know, that his Father had a high Opinion of me, and from some Discourse that had pass'd between them, he was sure would advance Money to set us up, if I would enter into Partner Ship with him. My Time, says he, will be out with Keimer in the Spring. By that time we may have our Press and Types in from London: I am sensible I am no Workman. If you like it, Your Skill in the Business shall be set against the Stock I furnish; and we will share the Profits equally.--The Proposal was agreable, and I consented. His Father was in Town, and approv'd of it, the more as he saw I had great Influence with his Son, had prevail'd on him to abstain long from Dramdrinking, and he hop'd might break him of that wretched Habit entirely, when we came to be so closely connected. I gave an Inventory to the Father, who carry'd it to a Merchant; the Things were sent for; the Secret was to be kept till they should arrive, and in the mean time I was to get work if I could at the other Printing House. But I found no Vacancy there, and so remain'd idle a few Days, when Keimer, on a Prospect of being employ'd to print some Paper-Money, in New Jersey, which would require Cuts and various Types that I only could supply, and apprehending Bradford might engage me and get the Jobb from him, sent me a very civil Message, that old Friends should not part for a few Words the Effect of sudden Passion, and wishing me to return. Meredith persuaded me to comply, as it would give more Opportunity for his Improvement under my daily Instructions.--So I return'd, and we went on more smoothly than for some time before. The New Jersey Jobb was obtained. I contriv'd a Copper-Plate Press for it, the first that had been seen in the Country. I cut several Ornaments and Checks for the Bills. We went together to Burlington, where I executed the Whole to Satisfaction, and he received so large a Sum for the Work, as to be enabled thereby to keep his Head much longer above Water. At Burlington I made an Acquaintance with many principal People of the Province. Several of them had been appointed by the Assembly a Committee to attend the Press, and take Care that no more Bills were printed than the Law directed. They were therefore by Turns constantly with us, and generally he who attended brought with him a Friend or two for Company. My Mind having been much more improv'd by Reading than Keimer's, I suppose it was for that Reason my Conversation seem'd to be more valu'd. They had me to their Houses, introduc'd me to their Friends and show'd me much Civility, while he, tho' the Master, was a little neglected. In truth he was an odd Fish, ignorant of common Life, fond of rudely opposing receiv'd Opinions, slovenly to extream dirtiness, enthusiastic in some Points of Religion, and a little Knavish withal. We continu'd there near 3 Months, and by that time I could reckon among my acquired Friends, Judge Allen, Samuel Bustill, the Secretary of the Province, Isaac Pearson, Joseph Cooper and several of the Smiths, Members of Assembly, and Isaac Decow the Surveyor General. The latter was a shrewd sagacious old Man, who told me that he began for himself when young by wheeling Clay for the Brickmakers, learnt to write after he was of Age, carry'd the Chain for Surveyors, who taught him Surveying, and he had now by his Industry acquir'd a good Estate; and says he, I foresee, that you will soon work this Man out of his Business and make a Fortune in it at Philadelphia. He had not then the least Intimation of my Intention to set up there or any where. These Friends were afterwards of great use to me, as I occasionally was to some of them. They all continued their Regard for me as long as they lived.-- Before I enter upon my public Appearance in Business it may be well to let you know the then State of my Mind, with regard to my Principles and Morals, that you may see how far those influenc'd the future Events of my Life. My Parent's [_sic_] had early given me religious Impressions, and brought me through my Childhood piously in the Dissenting Way. But I was scarce 15 when, after doubting by turns of several Points as I found them disputed in the different Books I read, I began to doubt of Revelation it self. Some Books against Deism fell into my Hands; they were said to be the Substance of Sermons preached at Boyle's Lectures. It happened that they wrought an Effect on me quite contrary to what was intended by them: For the Arguments of the Deists which were quoted to be refuted, appeared to me much Stronger than the Refutations. In short I soon became a thorough Deist. My Arguments perverted some others, particularly Collins and Ralph: but each of them having afterwards wrong'd me greatly without the least Compunction and recollecting Keith's Conduct towards me, (who was another Freethinker) and my own towards Vernon and Miss Read, which at Times gave me great Trouble, I began to suspect that this Doctrine tho' it might be true, was not very useful.--My London Pamphlet, which had for its Motto these Lines of Dryden _Whatever is, is right. Tho' purblind Man Sees but a Part of the Chain, the nearest Link, His Eyes not carrying to the equal Beam, That poises all, above._ And from the Attributes of God, his infinite Wisdom, Goodness and Power concluded that nothing could possibly be wrong in the World, and that Vice and Virtue were empty Distinctions, no such Things existing: appear'd now not so clever a Performance as I once thought it; and I doubted whether some Error had not insinuated itself unperceiv'd, into my Argument, so as to infect all that follow'd, as is common in metaphysical Reasonings.--I grew convinc'd that _Truth_, _Sincerity_ and _Integrity_ in Dealings between Man and Man, were of the utmost Importance to the Felicity of Life, and I form'd written Resolutions, (w^ch still remain in my Journal Book) to practice them everwhile I lived. Revelation had indeed no weight with me as such; but I entertain'd an Opinion, that tho' certain Actions might not be bad _because_ they were forbidden by it, or good _because_ it commanded them; yet probably those Actions might be forbidden _because_ they were bad for us, or commanded _because_ they were beneficial to us, in their own Natures, all the Circumstances of things considered. And this Persuasion, with the kind hand of Providence, or some guardian Angel, or accidental favourable Circumstances and Situations, or all together, preserved me (thro' this dangerous Time of Youth and the hazardous Situations I was sometimes in among Strangers, remote from the Eye and Advice of my Father) without any _wilful_ gross Immorality or Injustice that might have been expected from my Want of Religion. I say _wilful_, because the Instances I have mentioned, had something of _Necessity_ in them, from my Youth, Inexperience, and the Knavery of others. I had therefore a tolerable Character to begin the World with, I valued it properly, and determin'd to preserve it.-- We had not been long return'd to Philadelphia, before the New Types arriv'd from London. We settled with Keimer, and left him by his Consent before he heard of it.--We found a House to hire near the Market, and took it. To lessen the Rent, (which was then but 24£ a Year tho' I have since known it let for 70) We took in Tho' Godfrey a Glazier and his Family, who were to pay a considerable Part of it to us, and we to board with them. We had scarce opened our Letters and put our Press in Order, before George House, an Acquaintance of mine, brought a Countryman to us, whom he had met in the Street enquiring for a Printer. All our Cash was now expended in the Variety of Particulars we had been obliged to procure and this Countryman's Five Shillings being our first Fruits, and coming so seasonably, gave me more Pleasure than any Crown I have since earned; and from the Gratitude I felt towards House, has made me often more ready, than perhaps I should otherwise have been to assist young Beginners. There are Croakers in every Country always boding its Ruin. Such a one then lived in Philadelphia, a Person of Note, an elderly Man, with a wise Look, and very grave Manner of speaking. His Name was Samuel Mickle. This Gentleman, a Stranger to me, stopt one Day at my Door, and asked me if I was the young Man who had lately opened a new Printing House: Being answered in the Affirmative, he said he was sorry for me, because it was an expensive Undertaking and the Expence would be lost; for Philadelphia was a sinking Place, the People already half Bankrupts or near being so; all Appearances to the contrary, such as hew Buildings and the Rise of Rents being to his certain Knowledge fallacious; for they were in fact among the Things that would soon ruin us.--And he gave me such a Detail of Misfortunes, now existing or that were soon to exist, that he left me half melancholy. Had I known him before I engaged in this Business, probably I never should have done it.--This Man continued to live in this decaying Place; and to declaim in the same Strain, refusing for many Years to buy a House there, because all was going to Destruction, and at last I had the Pleasure of seeing him give five times as much for one as he might have bought it for, when he first began his Croaking. I should have mentioned before, that in the Autumn of the proceeding Year I had formed most of my ingenious Acquaintance into a Club of mutual Improvement, which we called the Junto. We met on Friday Evenings. The Rules I drew up required that every Member in his Turn should produce one or more Queries on any Point of Morals, Politics or Natural Philosophy, to be discussed by the Company, and once in three Months produce and read an Essay of his own Writing on any Subject he pleased. Our Debates were to be under the Direction of a President and to be conducted in the sincere Spirit of Enquiry after Truth, without Fondness for Dispute, or Desire of Victory; and to prevent Warmth all Expressions of Positiveness in Opinions or direct Contradiction, were after some time made contraband and prohibited under small pecuniary Penalties.--The first Members were Joseph Breintnal,[6] a Copyer of Deeds for the Scriveners; a good-natur'd friendly middle-ag'd Man, a great Lover of Poetry, reading all he could meet with, and writing some that was tolerable; very ingenious in many little Nicknackeries, and of sensible Conversation. Thomas Godfrey,[7] a self-taught Mathematician, great in his Way, and afterwards Inventor of what is now call'd Hadley's Quadrant. But he knew little out of his way, and was not a pleasing Companion, as like most Great Mathematicians I have met with, he expected universal Precision in every thing said, or was forever denying or distinguishing upon Trifles, to the Disturbance of all Conversation. He soon left us. Nicholas Scull, a Surveyor, afterwards Surveyor-General, who lov'd Books, and sometimes made a few Verses. William Parsons,[8] bred a Shoemaker, but loving Reading, had acquir'd a considerable Share of Mathematics, which he first studied with a View to Astrology that he afterwards laught at. He also became Surveyor General. William Maugridge, a Joiner, a most exquisite Mechanic and a solid sensible Man. Hugh Meredith, Stephen Potts, and George Webb, I have Characteris'd before. Robert Grace, a young Gentleman of some Fortune, generous, lively and witty, a Lover of Punning and of his Friends. And William Coleman, then a Merchant's Clerk, about my Age, who had the coolest clearest Head, the best Heart, and the exactest Morals, of almost any Man I ever met with. He became afterwards a Merchant of great Note, and one of our Provincial Judges. Our Friendship continued without Interruption to his death upwards of 40 Years. And the club continu'd almost as long[,] and was the best School of Philosophy, and Politics that then existed in the Province; for our Queries which were read the Week preceding their Discussion, put us on reading with Attention upon the several Subjects, that we might speak more to the purpose: and here too we acquired better Habits of Conversation, every thing being studied in our Rules which might prevent our disgusting each other. From hence the long Continuance of the Club, which I shall have frequent Occasion to speak farther of hereafter; But my giving this Account of it here, is to show something of the Interest I had, every one of these exerting themselves in recommending Business to us.--Brientnal particularly procur'd us from the Quakers, the Printing 40 Sheets of their History [William Sewel's], the rest being to be done by Keimer: and upon this we work'd exceeding hard, for the Price was low. It was a Folio, Pro Patria Size, in Pica with Long Primer Notes. I compos'd of it a Sheet a Day, and Meredith work'd it off at Press. It was often 11 at Night and sometimes later, before I had finish'd my Distribution for the next days Work: For the little Jobbs sent in by our other Friends now and then put us back. But so determin'd I was to continue doing a Sheet a Day of the Folio, that one Night when having impos'd my Forms, I thought my Days Work over, one of them by accident was broken and two Pages reduc'd to pie, I immediately distributed and compos'd it over again before I went to bed. And this Industry visible to our Neighbours began to give us Character and Credit; particularly I was told, that mention being made of the new Printing Office at the Merchants every-night Club, the general Opinion was that it must fail, there being already two Printers in the Place, Keimer and Bradford; but Dr. Baird (whom you and I saw many Years after at his native Place, St. Andrews in Scotland) gave a contrary Opinion; for the Industry of that Franklin, says he, is superior to any thing I ever saw of the kind: I see him still at work when I go home from Club; and he is at Work again before his Neighbours are out of bed. This struck the rest, and we soon after had Offers from one of them to Supply us with Stationary. But as yet we did not chuse to engage in Shop Business. I mention this Industry the more particularly and the more freely, tho' it seems to be talking in my own Praise, that those of my Posterity who shall read it, may know the Use of that Virtue, when they see its Effects in my Favour throughout this Relation.-- George Webb, who had found a Friend that lent him wherewith to purchase his Time of Keimer, now came to offer himself as a Journeyman to us. We could not then imploy him, but I foolishly let him know, as a Secret, that I soon intended to begin a Newspaper, and might then have Work for him. My Hopes of Success as I told him were founded on this, that the then only Newspaper [the _American Weekly Mercury_], printed by Bradford was a paltry thing, wretchedly manag'd, no way entertaining; and yet was profitable to him.--I therefore thought a good Paper could scarcely fail of good Encouragem^t. I requested Webb not to mention it, but he told it to Keimer, who immediately, to be beforehand with me, published Proposals for Printing one himself, on which Webb was to be employ'd.--I resented this, and to counteract them, as I could not yet begin our Paper, I wrote several Pieces of Entertainment for Bradford's Paper, under the Title of the Busy Body which Brientnal continu'd some Months. By this means the Attention of the Publick was fix'd on that Paper, and Keimer's Proposals which we burlesqu'd and ridicul'd, were disregarded. He began his Paper[9] however, and after carrying it on three Quarters of a Year, with at most only 90 Subscribers, he offer'd it to me for a Trifle, and I having been ready some time to go on with it, took it in hand directly, and it prov'd in a few years extreamly profitable to me. I perceive that I am apt to speak in the singular Number, though our Partnership still continu'd. The Reason may be, that in fact the whole Management of the Business lay upon me. Meredith was no Compositor, a poor Pressman, and seldom sober. My Friends lamented my Connection with him, but I was to make the best of it. Our first Papers made a quite different Appearance from any before in the Province, a better Type and better printed [In MS is found: "Insert these Remarks, in a Note."]: but some spirited Remarks of my Writing on the Dispute then going on between Gov^r Burnet and the Massachusetts Assembly, struck the principal People, occasion'd the Paper and the Manager of it to be much talk'd of, and in a few Weeks brought them all to be our Subscribers. Their Example was follow'd by many, and our Number went on growing continually.--This was one of the first good Effects of my having learnt a little to scribble. Another was, that the leading Men, seeing a News Paper now in the hands of one who could also handle a Pen, thought it convenient to oblige and encourage me. Bradford still printed the Votes and Laws and other Publick Business. He had printed an Address of the House to the Governor in a coarse blundering manner; We reprinted it elegantly and correctly, and sent one to every Member. They were sensible of the Difference, it strengthen'd the Hands of our Friends in the House, and they voted us their Printers for the Year ensuing. Among my Friends in the House I must not forget Mr. Hamilton before mentioned, who was then returned from England and had a Seat in it. He interested himself for me strongly in that Instance, as he did in many others afterwards, continuing his Patronage till his Death.[D] M^r Vernon about this time put me in mind of the Debt I ow'd him: but did not press me. I wrote him an ingenuous Letter of Acknowledgments, crav'd his Forbearance a little longer which he allow'd me, and as soon as I was able I paid the Principal with Interest and many Thanks.--So that Erratum was in some degree corrected.-- [D] I got his Son once 500 £. [_Franklin's note._] But now another Difficulty came upon me, which I had never the least Reason to expect. Mr. Meredith's Father, who was to have paid for our Printing House according to the Expectations given me, was able to advance only one Hundred Pounds, Currency, which had been paid, and a Hundred more was due to the Merchant; who grew impatient and su'd us all. We gave Bail, but saw that if the Money could not be rais'd in time, the Suit must come to a Judgment and Execution, and our hopeful Prospects must with us be ruined, as the Press and Letters must be sold for Payment, perhaps at half Price.--In this Distress two true Friends whose Kindness I have never forgotten nor ever shall forget while I can remember any thing, came to me separately[,] unknown to each other, and without any Application from me, offering each of them to advance me all the Money that should be necessary to enable me to take the whole Business upon myself if that should be practicable, but they did not like my continuing the Partnership with Meredith, who as they said was often seen drunk in the Streets, and playing at low Games in Alehouses, much to our Discredit. These two Friends were _William Coleman_ and _Robert Grace_. I told them I could not propose a Separation while any Prospect remain'd of the Merediths fulfilling their Part of our Agreement. Because I thought myself under great Obligations to them for what they had done and would do if they could. But if they finally fail'd in their Performance, and our Partnership must be dissolv'd, I should then think myself at Liberty to accept the Assistance of my Friends. Thus the matter rested for some time. When I said to my Partner, perhaps your Father is dissatisfied at the Part you have undertaken in this Affair of ours, and is unwilling to advance for you and me what he would for you alone: If that is the Case, tell me, and I will resign the whole to you and go about my Business. No[,] says he, my Father has really been disappointed and is really unable; and I am unwilling to distress him farther. I see this is a Business I am not fit for. I was bred a Farmer, and it was a Folly in me to come to Town and put my Self at 30 Years of Age an Apprentice to learn a new Trade. Many of our Welsh People are going to settle in North Carolina where Land is cheap: I am inclin'd to go with them, and following my old Employment. You may find Friends to assist you. If you will take the Debts of the Company upon you, return to my Father the hundred Pound he has advanc'd, pay my little personal Debts, and give me Thirty Pounds and a new Saddle, I will relinquish the Partnership and leave the whole in your Hands. I agreed to this Proposal. It was drawn up in Writing, sign'd and seal'd immediately. I gave him what he demanded and he went soon after to Carolina; from whence he sent me next Year two long Letters, containing the best Account that had been given of that Country, the Climate, Soil, Husbandry, etc. for in those Matters he was very judicious. I printed them in the Papers, and they gave grate Satisfaction to the Publick. As soon as he was gone, I recurr'd to my two Friends; and because I would not give an unkind Preference to either, I took half what each had offered and I wanted, of one, and half of the other; paid off the Company Debts, and went on with the Business in my own Name, advertising that the Partnership was dissolved. I think this was in or about the Year 1729 [July 14, 1730].-- About this Time there was a Cry among the People for more Paper-Money, only 15,000£ being extant in the Province and that soon to be sunk. The wealthy Inhabitants oppos'd any Addition, being against all Paper Currency, from an Apprehension that it would depreciate as it had done in New England to the Prejudice of all Creditors.--We had discuss'd this Point in our Junto, where I was on the Side of an Addition, being persuaded that the first small Sum struck in 1723 had done much good, by increasing the Trade[,] Employment, and Number of Inhabitants in the Province, since I now saw all the old Houses inhabited, and many new ones building, where as I remember'd well, that when I first walk'd about the Streets of Philadelphia, eating my Roll, I saw most of the Houses in Walnut Street between Second and Front Streets with Bills on their Doors, to be let; and many likewise in Chesnut Street, and other Streets; which made me then think the Inhabitants of the City were deserting it, one after another.--Our Debates possess'd me so fully of the Subject, that I wrote and printed an anonymous Pamphlet on it, entituled, _The Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency_. It was well receiv'd by the common People in general; but the Rich Men dislik'd it; for it increas'd and strengthen'd the Clamour for more Money; and they happening to have no Writers among them that were able to answer it, their Opposition slacken'd, and the Point was carried by a Majority in the House. My Friends there, who conceiv'd I had been of some Service, thought fit to reward me, by employing me in printing the Money, a very profitable Jobb, and a great Help to me.--This was another Advantage gain'd by my being able to write[.] The Utility of this Currency became by Time and Experience so evident, as never afterwards to be much disputed, so that it grew soon to 55,000£ and in 1739 to 80,000£ since which it arose during War to upwards of 350,000£. Trade, Building and Inhabitants all the while increasing. Tho' I now think there are Limits beyond which the Quantity may be hurtful.-- I soon after obtain'd, thro' my Friend Hamilton, the Printing of the New Castle Paper Money, another profitable Jobb, as I then thought it; small Things appearing great to those in small Circumstances. And these to me were really great Advantages, as they were great Encouragements. He procured me also the Printing of the Laws and Votes of that Government which continu'd in my Hands as long as I follow'd the Business.-- I now open'd a little Stationer's Shop. I had in it Blanks of all Sorts[,] the correctest that ever appear'd among us, being assisted in that by my Friend Brientnal; I had also Paper, Parchment, Chapmen's Books, etc. One Whitema[r]sh[,] a Compositor I had known in London, an excellent Workman now came to me and work'd with me constantly and diligently, and I took an Apprentice the Son of Aquila Rose. I began now gradually to pay off the Debt I was under for the Printing-House. In order to secure my Credit and Character as a Tradesman, I took care not only to be in _Reality_ Industrious and frugal, but to avoid all _Appearances_ of the Contrary. I drest plainly; I was seen at no Places of idle Diversion; I never went out a fishing or Shooting; a Book, indeed, sometimes debauch'd me from my Work; but that was seldom, snug, and gave no Scandal: and to show that I was not above my Business, I sometimes brought home the Paper I purchas'd at the Stores, thro' the Streets on a Wheelbarrow. Thus being esteem'd an industrious thriving young Man, and paying duly for what I bought, the Merchants who imported Stationary solicited my Custom, others propos'd supplying me with Books, I went on swimmingly.--In the mean time Keimer's Credit and Business declining daily, he was at last forc'd to sell his Printing-house to satisfy his Creditors. He went to Barbadoes, there lived some Years, in very poor Circumstances. His Apprentice David Harry, whom I had instructed while I work'd with him, set up in his place at Philadelphia, having bought his Materials. I was at first apprehensive of a powerful Rival in Harry, as his Friends were very able, and had a good deal of Interest. I therefore propos'd a Partnership to him; which he, fortunately for me, rejected with Scorn. He was very proud, dress'd like a Gentleman, liv'd expensively, took much Diversion and Pleasure abroad, ran in debt, and neglected his Business, upon which all Business left him; and finding nothing to do, he follow'd Keimer to Barbadoes; taking the Printing-house with him[.] There this Apprentice employ'd his former Master as a Journeyman. They quarrel'd often, Harry went continually behindhand, and at length was forc'd to sell his Types, and return to his Country work in Pensilvania. The Person that bought them, employ'd Keimer to use them, but in a few years he died. There remain'd now no Competitor with me at Philadelphia, but the old one, Bradford, who was rich and easy, did a little Printing now and then by straggling Hands, but was not very anxious about it. However, as he kept the Post Office, it was imagined he had better Opportunities of obtaining News, his Paper was thought a better Distributer of Advertisements than mine, and therefore had many more, which was a profitable thing to him and a Disadvantage to me. For tho' I did indeed receive and send Papers by Post, yet the publick Opinion was otherwise; for what I did send was by Bribing the Riders who took them privately: Bradford being unkind enough to forbid it: which occasion'd some Resentment on my Part; and I thought so meanly of him for it, that when I afterwards came into his Situation, I took care never to imitate it. I had hitherto continu'd to board with Godfrey who lived in Part of my House with his Wife and Children, and had one Side of the Shop for his Glazier's Business, tho' he work'd little, being always absorb'd in his Mathematics.--Mrs. Godfrey projected a Match for me with a Relation's Daughter, took Opportunities of bringing us often together, till a serious Courtship on my Part ensu'd, the Girl being in herself very deserving. The old Folks encourag'd me by continual Invitations to Supper, and by leaving us together, till at length it was time to explain. Mrs. Godfrey manag'd our little Treaty. I let her know that I expected as much Money with their Daughter as would pay off my Remaining Debt for the Printinghouse, which I believe was not then above a Hundred Pounds. She brought me Word they had no such Sum to spare. I said they might mortgage their House in the Loan Office.--The Answer to this after some Days was, that they did not approve the Match; that on Enquiry of Bradford they had been inform'd the Printing Business was not a profitable one, the Types would soon be worn out and more wanted, that S. Keimer and D. Harry had fail'd one after the other, and I should probably soon follow them; and therefore I was forbidden the House, and the Daughter shut up.--Whether this was a real Change of Sentiment, or only Artifice, on a Supposition of our being too far engag'd in Affection to retract, and therefore that we should steal a Marriage, which would leave them at Liberty to give or with[h]old what they pleas'd, I know not: But I suspected the latter, resented it, and went no more. Mrs. Godfrey brought me afterwards some more favourable Accounts of their Disposition, and would have drawn me on again: But I declared absolutely my Resolution to have nothing more to do with that Family. This was resented by the Godfreys, we differ'd, and they removed, leaving me the whole House, and I resolved to take no more Inmates. But this Affair having turn'd my Thoughts to Marriage, I look'd round me, and made Overtures of Acquaintance in other Places; but soon found that the Business of a Printer being generally thought a poor one, I was not to expect Money with a Wife unless with such a one, as I should not otherwise think agreable.--In the mean time, that hard-to-be-govern'd Passion of Youth, had hurried me frequently into Intrigues with low Women that fell in my Way, which were attended with some Expence and great Inconvenience, besides a continual Risque to my Health by a Distemper which of all Things I dreaded, tho' by great good Luck I escaped it.-- A friendly Correspondence as Neighbours and old Acquaintances, had continued between me and Mrs. Read's Family, who all had a Regard for me from the time of my first Lodging in their House. I was often invited there and consulted in their Affairs, wherein I sometimes was of service.--I pity'd poor Miss Read's unfortunate Situation, who was generally dejected, seldom chearful, and avoided Company. I consider'd my Giddiness and Inconstancy when in London as in a great degree the Cause of her Unhappiness; tho' the Mother was good enough to think the Fault more her own than mine, as she had prevented our Marrying before I went thither, and persuaded the other Match in my Absence. Our mutual Affection was revived, but there were now great Objections to our Union. That Match was indeed look'd upon as invalid, a preceding Wife being said to be livin[g] in England; but this could not easily be prov'd, because of the Distance[.] And tho' there was a Report of his Death, it was not certain. The[n] tho' it should be true, he had left many Debts which his Successor might be call'd [on] to pay. We venture['d] however, over all these Difficulties, and I [took] her to Wife Sept. 1. 1730.[10] None of the Inconveniencies happen[ed] that we had apprehended, she prov'd a good and faithful Helpmate, assisted me much by attending the Shop, we throve together, and have ever mutually endeavour'd to make each other happy. Thus I corrected that great _Erratum_ as wel[l] as I could. About [th]is Time our Club meeting, not at a Tavern, but in a little Room of Mr. Grace's set apart for that Purpose; a Proposition was made by me that since our Books were often referr'd to in our Disquisitions upon the Queries, it might be convenient to us to have them all together where we met, that upon Occasion they might be consulted; and by thus clubbing our Books to a common Library, we should, while we lik'd to keep them together, have each of us the Advantage of using the Books of all the other Members, which would be nearly as beneficial as if each owned the whole. It was lik'd and agreed to, and we fill'd one End of the Room with such Books as we could best spare. The Number was not so great as we expected; and tho' they had been of great Use, yet some Inconveniencies occurring for want of due Care of them, the Collection after about a Year was separated, and each took his Books home again. And now I sent on foot my first Project of a public Nature, [th]at for a Subscription Library. [I] drew up the Proposals, got them put into Form by our great Scrivener Brockden, and by the help of my Friends in the Junto, procur'd Fifty Subscribers of 40/ each to begin with and 10/ a Year for 50 Years, the Term our Company was to continue. We afterwards obtain'd a Charter, the Company being increas'd to 100. This was the Mother of all the N American Subscription Libraries now so numerous, is become a great thing itself, and continually increasing.--These Libraries have improv'd the general Conversation of the Americans, made the common Tradesmen and Farmers as intelligent as most Gentlemen from other Countries, and perhaps have contributed in some degree to the Stand so generally made throughout the Colonies in Defence of their Privileges.--[11] * * * * * This library afforded me the means of improvement by constant study, for which I set apart an hour or two each day, and thus repair'd in some degree the loss of the learned education my father once intended for me. Reading was the only amusement I allow'd myself. I spent no time in taverns, games, or frolicks of any kind; and my industry in my business continu'd as indefatigable as it was necessary. I was indebted for my printing-house; I had a young family coming on to be educated, and I had to contend with for business two printers, who were established in the place before me. My circumstances, however, grew daily easier. My original habits of frugality continuing, and my father having, among his instructions to me when a boy, frequently repeated a proverb of Solomon, "Seest thou a man diligent in his calling, he shall stand before kings, he shall not stand before mean men," I from thence considered industry as a means of obtaining wealth and distinction, which encourag'd me, tho' I did not think that I should ever literally _stand before kings_, which, however, has since happened; for I have stood before _five_, and even had the honour of sitting down with one, the King of Denmark, to dinner. We have an English proverb that says, "_He that would thrive, must ask his wife_." It was lucky for me that I had one as much dispos'd to industry and frugality as myself. She assisted me chearfully in my business, folding and stitching pamphlets, tending shop, purchasing old linen rags for the paper-makers, etc., etc. We kept no idle servants, our table was plain and simple, our furniture of the cheapest. For instance, my breakfast was a long time bread and milk (no tea), and I ate it out of a twopenny earthen porringer, with a pewter spoon. But mark how luxury will enter families, and make a progress, in spite of principle: being call'd one morning to breakfast, I found it in a China bowl, with a spoon of silver! They had been bought for me without my knowledge by my wife, and had cost her the enormous sum of three-and-twenty shillings, for which she had no other excuse or apology to make, but that she thought _her_ husband deserv'd a silver spoon and China bowl as well as any of his neighbors. This was the first appearance of plate and China in our house, which afterward, in a course of years, as our wealth increas'd, augmented gradually to several hundred pounds in value. I had been religiously educated as a Presbyterian; and tho' some of the dogmas of that persuasion, such as _the eternal decrees of God_, _election_, _reprobation, etc._, appeared to me unintelligible, others doubtful, and I early absented myself from the public assemblies of the sect, Sunday being my studying day, I never was without some religious principles. I never doubted, for instance, the existence of the Deity; that he made the world, and govern'd it by his Providence; that the most acceptable service of God was the doing good to man; that our souls are immortal; and that all crime will be punished, and virtue rewarded, either here or hereafter. These I esteem'd the essentials of every religion; and, being to be found in all the religions we had in our country, I respected them all, tho' with different degrees of respect, as I found them more or less mix'd with other articles, which, without any tendency to inspire, promote, or confirm morality, serv'd principally to divide us, and make us unfriendly to one another. This respect to all, with an opinion that the worst had some good effects, induc'd me to avoid all discourse that might tend to lessen the good opinion another might have of his own religion; and as our province increas'd in people, and new places of worship were continually wanted, and generally erected by voluntary contribution, my mite for such purpose, whatever might be the sect, was never refused. Tho' I seldom attended any public worship, I had still an opinion of its propriety, and of its utility when rightly conducted, and I regularly paid my annual subscription for the support of the only Presbyterian minister or meeting we had in Philadelphia. He us'd to visit me sometimes as a friend, and admonish me to attend his administrations, and I was now and then prevail'd on to do so, once for five Sundays successively. Had he been in my opinion a good preacher, perhaps I might have continued, notwithstanding the occasion I had for the Sunday's leisure in my course of study; but his discourses were chiefly either polemic arguments, or explications of the peculiar doctrines of our sect, and were all to me very dry, uninteresting, and unedifying, since not a single moral principle was inculcated or enforc'd, their aim seeming to be rather to make us Presbyterians than good citizens. At length he took for his text that verse of the fourth chapter of Philippians, "_Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, honest, just, pure, lovely, or of good report, if there be any virtue, or any praise, think on these things_." And I imagin'd, in a sermon on such a text, we could not miss of having some morality. But he confin'd himself to five points only, as meant by the apostle, viz.: 1. Keeping holy the Sabbath day. 2. Being diligent in reading the holy Scriptures. 3. Attending duly the publick worship. 4. Partaking of the Sacrament. 5. Paying a due respect to God's ministers. These might be all good things; but, as they were not the kind of good things that I expected from that text, I despaired of ever meeting with them from any other, was disgusted, and attended his preaching no more. I had some years before compos'd a little Liturgy, or form of prayer, for my own private use (viz., in 1728), entitled _Articles of Belief and Acts of Religion_. I return'd to the use of this, and went no more to the public assemblies. My conduct might be blameable, but I leave it, without attempting further to excuse it; my present purpose being to relate facts, and not to make apologies for them. It was about this time I conceiv'd the bold and arduous project of arriving at moral perfection. I wish'd to live without committing any fault at any time; I would conquer all that either natural inclination, custom, or company might lead me into. As I knew, or thought I knew, what was right and wrong, I did not see why I might not always do the one and avoid the other. But I soon found I had undertaken a task of more difficulty than I had imagined. While my care was employ'd in guarding against one fault, I was often surprised by another; habit took the advantage of inattention; inclination was sometimes too strong for reason. I concluded, at length, that the mere speculative conviction that it was our interest to be completely virtuous, was not sufficient to prevent our slipping; and that the contrary habits must be broken, and good ones acquired and established, before we can have any dependence on a steady, uniform rectitude of conduct. For this purpose I therefore contrived the following method. In the various enumerations of the moral virtues I had met with in my reading, I found the catalogue more or less numerous, as different writers included more or fewer ideas under the same name. Temperance, for example, was by some confined to eating and drinking, while by others it was extended to mean the moderating every other pleasure, appetite, inclination, or passion, bodily or mental, even to our avarice and ambition. I propos'd to myself, for the sake of clearness, to use rather more names, with fewer ideas annex'd to each, than a few names with more ideas; and I included under thirteen names of virtues all that at that time occurr'd to me as necessary or desirable, and annexed to each a short precept, which fully express'd the extent I gave to its meaning. These names of virtues, with their precepts, were: 1. TEMPERANCE Eat not to dullness; drink not to elevation. 2. SILENCE Speak not but what may benefit others or yourself; avoid trifling conversation. 3. ORDER Let all your things have their places; let each part of your business have its time. 4. RESOLUTION Resolve to perform what you ought; perform without fail what you resolve. 5. FRUGALITY Make no expense but to do good to others or yourself; _i.e._, waste nothing. 6. INDUSTRY Lose no time; be always employ'd in something useful; cut off all unnecessary actions. 7. SINCERITY Use no hurtful deceit; think innocently and justly, and, if you speak, speak accordingly. 8. JUSTICE Wrong none by doing injuries, or omitting the benefits that are your duty. 9. MODERATION Avoid extreams; forbear resenting injuries so much as you think they deserve. 10. CLEANLINESS Tolerate no uncleanliness in body, cloaths, or habitation. 11. TRANQUILLITY Be not disturbed at trifles, or at accidents common or unavoidable. 12. CHASTITY Rarely use venery but for health or offspring, never to dulness, weakness, or the injury of your own or another's peace or reputation. 13. HUMILITY Imitate Jesus and Socrates. My intention being to acquire the _habitude_ of all these virtues, I judg'd it would be well not to distract my attention by attempting the whole at once, but to fix it on one of them at a time; and, when I should be master of that, then to proceed to another, and so on, till I should have gone thro' the thirteen; and, as the previous acquisition of some might facilitate the acquisition of certain others, I arrang'd them with that view, as they stand above. Temperance first, as it tends to procure that coolness and clearness of head, which is so necessary where constant vigilance was to be kept up, and guard maintained against the unremitting attraction of ancient habits, and the force of perpetual temptations. This being acquir'd and establish'd, Silence would be more easy; and my desire being to gain knowledge at the same time that I improv'd in virtue, and considering that in conversation it was obtain'd rather by the use of the ears than of the tongue, and therefore wishing to break a habit I was getting into of prattling, punning, and joking, which only made me acceptable to trifling company, I gave _Silence_ the second place. This and the next, _Order_, I expected would allow me more time for attending to my project and my studies. _Resolution_, once become habitual, would keep me firm in my endeavours to obtain all the subsequent virtues; _Frugality_ and Industry freeing me from my remaining debt, and producing affluence and independence, would make more easy the practice of Sincerity and Justice, etc., etc. Conceiving then, that, agreeably to the advice of Pythagoras in his _Golden Verses_, daily examination would be necessary, I contrived the following method for conducting that examination. I made a little book,[12] in which I allotted a page for each of the virtues. I rul'd each page with red ink, so as to have seven columns, one for each day of the week, marking each column with a letter for the day. I cross'd these columns with thirteen red lines, marking the beginning of each line with the first letter of one of the virtues, on which line, and in its proper column, I might mark, by a little black spot, every fault I found upon examination to have been committed respecting that virtue upon that day. _Form of the Pages_ +------------------------------+ | TEMPERANCE. | +------------------------------+ | EAT NOT TO DULNESS. | | DRINK NOT TO ELEVATION. | +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ | | S.| M.| T.| W.| T.| F.| S.| +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ |T.| | | | | | | | +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ |S.| * | * | | * | | * | | +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ |O.|* *| * | * | | * | * | * | +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ |R.| | | * | | | * | | +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ |F.| | * | | | * | | | +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ |I.| | | * | | | | | +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ |S.| | | | | | | | +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ |J.| | | | | | | | +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ |M.| | | | | | | | +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ |C.| | | | | | | | +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ |T.| | | | | | | | +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ |C.| | | | | | | | +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ |H.| | | | | | | | +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ I determined to give a week's strict attention to each of the virtues successively. Thus, in the first week, my great guard was to avoid every the least offence against _Temperance_, leaving the other virtues to their ordinary chance, only marking every evening the faults of the day. Thus, if in the first week I could keep my first line, marked T, clear of spots, I suppos'd the habit of that virtue so much strengthen'd, and its opposite weaken'd, that I might venture-extending my attention to include the next, and for the following week keep both lines clear of spots. Proceeding thus to the last, I could go thro' a course compleat in thirteen weeks, and four courses in a year. And like him who, having a garden to weed, does not attempt to eradicate all the bad herbs at once, which would exceed his reach and his strength, but works on one of the beds at a time, and, having accomplish'd the first, proceeds to a second, so I should have, I hoped, the encouraging pleasure of seeing on my pages the progress I made in virtue, by clearing successively my lines of their spots, till in the end, by a number of courses, I should be happy in viewing a clean book, after a thirteen weeks' daily examination. This my little book had for its motto these lines from Addison's _Cato_: Here will I hold. If there's a power above us (And that there is, all nature cries aloud Thro' all her works), He must delight in virtue; And that which he delights in must be happy. Another from Cicero, O vitæ Philosophia dux! O virtutum indagatrix expultrixque vitiorum! Unus dies, bene et ex præceptis tuis actus, peccanti immortalitati est anteponendus. Another from the Proverbs of Solomon, speaking of wisdom or virtue: Length of days is in her right hand, and in her left hand riches and honour. Her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace.--iii. 16, 17. And conceiving God to be the fountain of wisdom, I thought it right and necessary to solicit his assistance for obtaining it; to this end I formed the following little prayer, which was prefix'd to my tables of examination, for daily use. _O powerful Goodness! bountiful Father! merciful Guide! Increase in me that wisdom which discovers my truest interest. Strengthen my resolutions to perform what that wisdom dictates. Accept my kind offices to thy other children as the only return in my power for thy continual favours to me._ I used also sometimes a little prayer which I took from Thomson's _Poems_, viz.: Father of light and life, thou Good Supreme! O teach me what is good; teach me Thyself! Save me from folly, vanity, and vice, From every low pursuit; and fill my soul With knowledge, conscious peace, and virtue pure; Sacred, substantial, never-fading bliss! The precept of _Order_ requiring that _every part of my business should have its allotted time_, one page in my little book contain'd the following scheme of employment for the twenty-four hours of a natural day. THE MORNING. {5} Rise, wash, and address _Powerful _Question._ What good {6} Goodness!_ Contrive day's business, shall I do this day? { } and take the resolution of the { } day; prosecute the present study, {7} and breakfast. 8} 9} Work. 10} 11} NOON. {12} Read, or overlook my accounts, { 1} and dine. 2} 3} 4} Work. 5} EVENING. {6} Put things in their places. Supper. _Question._ What good {7} Music or diversion, or conversation. have I done to-day? {8} Examination of the day. {9} {10} {11} {12} NIGHT. { 1} Sleep. { 2} { 3} { 4} I enter'd upon the execution of this plan for self-examination, and continu'd it with occasional intermissions for some time. I was surpris'd to find myself so much fuller of faults than I had imagined; but I had the satisfaction of seeing them diminish. To avoid the trouble of renewing now and then my little book, which, by scraping out the marks on the paper of old faults to make room for new ones in a new course, became full of holes, I transferr'd my tables and precepts to the ivory leaves of a memorandum book, on which the lines were drawn with red ink, that made a durable stain, and on those lines I mark'd my faults with a black-lead pencil, which marks I could easily wipe out with a wet sponge. After a while I went thro' one course only in a year, and afterward only one in several years, till at length I omitted them entirely, being employ'd in voyages and business abroad, with a multiplicity of affairs that interfered; but I always carried my little book with me. My scheme of ORDER gave me the most trouble; and I found that, tho' it might be practicable where a man's business was such as to leave him the disposition of his time, that of a journeyman printer, for instance, it was not possible to be exactly observed by a master, who must mix with the world, and often receive people of business at their own hours. _Order_, too, with regard to places for things, papers, etc., I found extreamly difficult to acquire. I had not been early accustomed to it, and, having an exceeding good memory, I was not so sensible of the inconvenience attending want of method. This article, therefore, cost me so much painful attention, and my faults in it vexed me so much, and I made so little progress in amendment, and had such frequent relapses, that I was almost ready to give up the attempt, and content myself with a faulty character in that respect, like the man who, in buying an ax of a smith, my neighbour, desired to have the whole of its surface as bright as the edge. The smith consented to grind it bright for him if he would turn the wheel; he turn'd, while the smith press'd the broad face of the ax hard and heavily on the stone, which made the turning of it very fatiguing. The man came every now and then from the wheel to see how the work went on, and at length would take his ax as it was, without farther grinding. "No," said the smith, "turn on, turn on; we shall have it bright by-and-by; as yet, it is only speckled." "Yes," says the man, "_but I think I like a speckled ax best_." And I believe this may have been the case with many, who, having, for want of some such means as I employ'd, found the difficulty of obtaining good and breaking bad habits in other points of vice and virtue, have given up the struggle, and concluded that "_a speckled ax was best_"; for something, that pretended to be reason, was every now and then suggesting to me that such extream nicety as I exacted of myself might be a kind of foppery in morals, which, if it were known, would make me ridiculous; that a perfect character might be attended with the inconvenience of being envied and hated; and that a benevolent man should allow a few faults in himself, to keep his friends in countenance. In truth, I found myself incorrigible with respect to Order; and now I am grown old, and my memory bad, I feel very sensibly the want of it. But, on the whole, tho' I never arrived at the perfection I had been so ambitious of obtaining, but fell far short of it, yet I was, by the endeavour, a better and a happier man than I otherwise should have been if I had not attempted it; as those who aim at perfect writing by imitating the engraved copies, tho' they never reach the wish'd-for excellence of those copies, their hand is mended by the endeavour, and is tolerable while it continues fair and legible. It may be well my posterity should be informed that to this little artifice, with the blessing of God, their ancestor ow'd the constant felicity of his life, down to his 79th year in which this is written. What reverses may attend the remainder is in the hand of Providence; but, if they arrive, the reflection on past happiness enjoy'd ought to help his bearing them with more resignation. To Temperance he ascribes his long-continued health, and what is still left to him of a good constitution; to Industry and Frugality, the early easiness of his circumstances and acquisition of his fortune, with all that knowledge that enabled him to be a useful citizen, and obtained for him some degree of reputation among the learned; to Sincerity and Justice, the confidence of his country, and the honorable employs it conferred upon him; and to the joint influence of the whole mass of the virtues, even in the imperfect state he was able to acquire them, all that evenness of temper, and that cheerfulness in conversation, which makes his company still sought for, and agreeable even to his younger acquaintance. I hope, therefore, that some of my descendants may follow the example and reap the benefit. It will be remark'd that, tho' my scheme was not wholly without religion, there was in it no mark of any of the distinguishing tenets of any particular sect. I had purposely avoided them; for, being fully persuaded of the utility and excellency of my method, and that it might be serviceable to people in all religions, and intending some time or other to publish it, I would not have any thing in it that should prejudice any one, of any sect, against it. I purposed writing a little comment on each virtue, in which I would have shown the advantages of possessing it, and the mischiefs attending its opposite vice; and I should have called my book THE ART OF VIRTUE,[E] because it would have shown the means and manner of obtaining virtue, which would have distinguished it from the mere exhortation to be good, that does not instruct and indicate the means, but is like the apostle's man of verbal charity, who only, without showing to the naked and hungry how or where they might get clothes or victuals, exhorted them to be fed and clothed.--James ii. 15, 16. [E] Nothing so likely to make a man's fortune as virtue. [_Franklin's note._] But it so happened that my intention of writing and publishing this comment was never fulfilled. I did, indeed, from time to time, put down short hints of the sentiments, reasonings, etc., to be made use of in it, some of which I have still by me; but the necessary close attention to private business in the earlier part of my life, and public business since, have occasioned my postponing it; for, it being connected in my mind with _a great and extensive project_, that required the whole man to execute, and which an unforeseen succession of employs prevented my attending to, it has hitherto remain'd unfinish'd. In this piece it was my design to explain and enforce this doctrine, that vicious actions are not hurtful because they are forbidden, but forbidden because they are hurtful, the nature of man alone considered; that it was, therefore, every one's interest to be virtuous who wish'd to be happy even in this world; and I should, from this circumstance (there being always in the world a number of rich merchants, nobility, states, and princes, who have need of honest instruments for the management of their affairs, and such being so rare), have endeavoured to convince young persons that no qualities were so likely to make a poor man's fortune as those of probity and integrity. My list of virtues contain'd at first but twelve; but a Quaker friend having kindly informed me that I was generally thought proud; that my pride show'd itself frequently in conversation; that I was not content with being in the right when discussing any point, but was overbearing, and rather insolent, of which he convinc'd me by mentioning several instances; I determined endeavouring to cure myself, if I could, of this vice or folly among the rest, and I added _Humility_ to my list, giving an extensive meaning to the word. I cannot boast of much success in acquiring the _reality_ of this virtue, but I had a good deal with regard to the _appearance_ of it. I made it a rule to forbear all direct contradiction to the sentiments of others, and all positive assertion of my own. I even forbid myself, agreeably to the old laws of our Junto, the use of every word or expression in the language that imported a fix'd opinion, such as _certainly_, _undoubtedly_, etc., and I adopted, instead of them, _I conceive_, _I apprehend_, or _I imagine_ a thing to be so or so; or it _so appears to me at present_. When another asserted something that I thought an error, I deny'd myself the pleasure of contradicting him abruptly, and of showing immediately some absurdity in his proposition; and in answering I began by observing that in certain cases or circumstances his opinion would be right, but in the present case there _appear'd_ or _seem'd_ to me some difference, etc. I soon found the advantage of this change in my manner; the conversations I engag'd in went on more pleasantly. The modest way in which I propos'd my opinions procur'd them a readier reception and less contradiction; I had less mortification when I was found to be in the wrong, and I more easily prevail'd with others to give up their mistakes and join with me when I happened to be in the right. And this mode, which I at first put on with some violence to natural inclination, became at length so easy, and so habitual to me, that perhaps for these fifty years past no one has ever heard a dogmatical expression escape me. And to this habit (after my character of integrity) I think it principally owing that I had early so much weight with my fellow-citizens when I proposed new institutions, or alterations in the old, and so much influence in public councils when I became a member; for I was but a bad speaker, never eloquent, subject to much hesitation in my choice of words, hardly correct in language, and yet I generally carried my points. In reality, there is, perhaps, no one of our natural passions so hard to subdue as _pride_. Disguise it, struggle with it, beat it down, stifle it, mortify it as much as one pleases, it is still alive, and will every now and then peep out and show itself; you will see it, perhaps, often in this history; for, even if I could conceive that I had compleatly overcome it, I should probably be proud of my humility.[13]... Having mentioned _a great and extensive project_ which I had conceiv'd, it seems proper that some account should be here given of that project and its object. Its first rise in my mind appears in the following little paper, accidentally preserv'd, viz.: _Observations_ on my reading history, in Library, May 19th, 1731. "That the great affairs of the world, the wars, revolutions, etc., are carried on and affected by parties. "That the view of these parties is their present general interest, or what they take to be such. "That the different views of these different parties occasion all confusion. "That while a party is carrying on a general design, each man has his particular private interest in view. "That as soon as a party has gain'd its general point, each member becomes intent upon his particular interest; which, thwarting others, breaks that party into divisions, and occasions more confusion. "That few in public affairs act from a meer view of the good of their country, whatever they may pretend; and, tho' their actings bring real good to their country, yet men primarily considered that their own and their country's interest was united, and did not act from a principle of benevolence. "That fewer still, in public affairs, act with a view to the good of mankind. "There seems to me at present to be great occasion for raising a United Party for Virtue, by forming the virtuous and good men of all nations into a regular body, to be govern'd by suitable good and wise rules, which good and wise men may probably be more unanimous in their obedience to, than common people are to common laws. "I at present think that whoever attempts this aright, and is well qualified, can not fail of pleasing God, and of meeting with success. B. F." Revolving this project in my mind, as to be undertaken hereafter, when my circumstances should afford me the necessary leisure, I put down from time to time, on pieces of paper, such thoughts as occurr'd to me respecting it. Most of these are lost; but I find one purporting to be the substance of an intended creed, containing, as I thought, the essentials of every known religion, and being free of every thing that might shock the professors of any religion. It is express'd in these words, viz.: "That there is one God, who made all things. "That he governs the world by his providence. "That he ought to be worshiped by adoration, prayer, and thanksgiving. "But that the most acceptable service of God is doing good to man. "That the soul is immortal. "And that God will certainly reward virtue and punish vice, either here or hereafter." My ideas at that time were, that the sect should be begun and spread at first among young and single men only; that each person to be initiated should not only declare his assent to such creed, but should have exercised himself with the thirteen weeks' examination and practice of the virtues, as in the before-mention'd model; that the existence of such a society should be kept a secret, till it was become considerable, to prevent solicitations for the admission of improper persons, but that the members should each of them search among his acquaintance for ingenuous, well-disposed youths, to whom, with prudent caution, the scheme should be gradually communicated; that the members should engage to afford their advice, assistance, and support to each other in promoting one another's interests, business, and advancement in life; that, for distinction, we should be call'd _The Society of the Free and Easy_: free, as being, by the general practice and habit of the virtues, free from the dominion of vice; and particularly by the practice of industry and frugality, free from debt, which exposes a man to confinement, and a species of slavery to his creditors. This is as much as I can now recollect of the project, except that I communicated it in part to two young men, who adopted it with some enthusiasm; but my then narrow circumstances, and the necessity I was under of sticking close to my business, occasion'd my postponing the further prosecution of it at that time; and my multifarious occupations, public and private, induc'd me to continue postponing, so that it has been omitted till I have no longer strength or activity left sufficient for such an enterprise; tho' I am still of opinion that it was a practicable scheme, and might have been very useful, by forming a great number of good citizens; and I was not discourag'd by the seeming magnitude of the undertaking, as I have always thought that one man of tolerable abilities may work great changes, and accomplish great affairs among mankind, if he first forms a good plan, and, cutting off all amusements or other employments that would divert his attention, makes the execution of that same plan his sole study and business. In 1732 I first publish'd my Almanack, under the name of _Richard Saunders_; it was continu'd by me about twenty-five years, commonly call'd _Poor Richard's Almanack_. I endeavour'd to make it both entertaining and useful, and it accordingly came to be in such demand, that I reap'd considerable profit from it, vending annually near ten thousand.[14] And observing that it was generally read, scarce any neighborhood in the province being without it, I consider'd it as a proper vehicle for conveying instruction among the common people, who bought scarcely any other books; I therefore filled all the little spaces that occurr'd between the remarkable days in the calendar with proverbial sentences, chiefly such as inculcated industry and frugality, as the means of procuring wealth, and thereby securing virtue; it being more difficult for a man in want, to act always honestly, as, to use here one of those proverbs, _it is hard for an empty sack to stand upright_. These proverbs, which contained the wisdom of many ages and nations, I assembled and form'd into a connected discourse prefix'd to the Almanack of 1757, as the harangue of a wise old man to the people attending an auction. The bringing all these scatter'd counsels thus into a focus enabled them to make greater impression. The piece, being universally approved, was copied in all the newspapers of the Continent; reprinted in Britain on a broad side, to be stuck up in houses; two translations were made of it in French, and great numbers bought by the clergy and gentry, to distribute gratis among their poor parishioners and tenants. In Pennsylvania, as it discouraged useless expense in foreign superfluities, some thought it had its share of influence in producing that growing plenty of money which was observable for several years after its publication. I considered my newspaper, also, as another means of communicating instruction, and in that view frequently reprinted in it extracts from the Spectator, and other moral writers; and sometimes publish'd little pieces of my own, which had been first compos'd for reading in our Junto. Of these are a Socratic dialogue, tending to prove that, whatever might be his parts and abilities, a vicious man could not properly be called a man of sense; and a discourse on self-denial, showing that virtue was not secure till its practice became a habitude, and was free from the opposition of contrary inclinations. These may be found in the papers about the beginning of 1735.[15] In the conduct of my newspaper, I carefully excluded all libelling and personal abuse, which is of late years become so disgraceful to our country. Whenever I was solicited to insert any thing of that kind, and the writers pleaded, as they generally did, the liberty of the press, and that a newspaper was like a stage-coach, in which any one who would pay had a right to a place, my answer was, that I would print the piece separately if desired, and the author might have as many copies as he pleased to distribute himself, but that I would not take upon me to spread his detraction; and that, having contracted with my subscribers to furnish them with what might be either useful or entertaining, I could not fill their papers with private altercation, in which they had no concern, without doing them manifest injustice. Now, many of our printers make no scruple of gratifying the malice of individuals by false accusations of the fairest characters among ourselves, augmenting animosity even to the producing of duels; and are, moreover, so indiscreet as to print scurrilous reflections on the government of neighboring states, and even on the conduct of our best national allies, which may be attended with the most pernicious consequences. These things I mention as a caution to young printers, and that they may be encouraged not to pollute their presses and disgrace their profession by such infamous practices, but refuse steadily, as they may see by my example that such a course of conduct will not, on the whole, be injurious to their interests. * * * * * I had begun in 1733 to study languages; I soon made myself so much a master of the French as to be able to read the books with ease. I then undertook the Italian. An acquaintance, who was also learning it, us'd often to tempt me to play chess with him. Finding this took up too much of the time I had to spare for study, I at length refus'd to play any more, unless on this condition, that the victor in every game should have a right to impose a task, either in parts of the grammar to be got by heart, or in translations, etc., which tasks the vanquish'd was to perform upon honour, before our next meeting. As we play'd pretty equally, we thus beat one another into that language. I afterwards with a little painstaking, acquir'd as much of the Spanish as to read their books also. I have already mention'd that I had only one year's instruction in a Latin school, and that when very young, after which I neglected that language entirely. But, when I had attained an acquaintance with the French, Italian, and Spanish, I was surpriz'd to find, on looking over a Latin Testament, that I understood so much more of that language than I had imagined, which encouraged me to apply myself again to the study of it, and I met with more success, as those preceding languages had greatly smooth'd my way. From these circumstances, I have thought that there is some inconsistency in our common mode of teaching languages. We are told that it is proper to begin first with the Latin, and, having acquir'd that, it will be more easy to attain those modern languages which are deriv'd from it; and yet we do not begin with the Greek, in order more easily to acquire the Latin. It is true that, if you can clamber and get to the top of a staircase without using the steps, you will more easily gain them in descending; but certainly, if you begin with the lowest you will with more ease ascend to the top; and I would therefore offer it to the consideration of those who superintend the education of our youth, whether, since many of those who begin with the Latin quit the same after spending some years without having made any great proficiency, and what they have learnt becomes almost useless, so that their time has been lost, it would not have been better to have begun with the French, proceeding to the Italian, etc.; for, tho', after spending the same time, they should quit the study of languages and never arrive at the Latin, they would, however, have acquired another tongue or two, that, being in modern use, might be serviceable to them in common life. * * * * * Our club, the Junto, was found so useful, and afforded such satisfaction to the members, that several were desirous of introducing their friends, which could not well be done without exceeding what we had settled as a convenient number, viz., twelve. We had from the beginning made it a rule to keep our institution a secret, which was pretty well observ'd; the intention was to avoid applications of improper persons for admittance, some of whom, perhaps, we might find it difficult to refuse. I was one of those who were against any addition to our number, but, instead of it, made in writing a proposal, that every member separately should endeavour to form a subordinate club, with the same rules respecting queries, etc., and without informing them of the connection with the Junto. The advantages proposed were, the improvement of so many more young citizens by the use of our institutions; our better acquaintance with the general sentiments of the inhabitants on any occasion, as the Junto member might propose what queries we should desire, and was to report to the Junto what pass'd in his separate club; the promotion of our particular interests in business by more extensive recommendation, and the increase of our influence in public affairs, and our power of doing good by spreading thro' the several clubs the sentiments of the Junto. The project was approv'd, and every member undertook to form his club, but they did not all succeed. Five or six only were compleated, which were called by different names, as the Vine, the Union, the Band, etc. They were useful to themselves, and afforded us a good deal of amusement, information, and instruction, besides answering, in some considerable degree, our views of influencing the public opinion on particular occasions, of which I shall give some instances in course of time as they happened. * * * * * I began now to turn my thoughts a little to public affairs,[16] beginning, however, with small matters. The city watch was one of the first things that I conceiv'd to want regulation. It was managed by the constables of the respective wards in turn; the constable warned a number of housekeepers to attend him for the night. Those who chose never to attend, paid him six shillings a year to be excus'd, which was suppos'd to be for hiring substitutes, but was, in reality, much more than was necessary for that purpose, and made the constableship a place of profit; and the constable, for a little drink, often got such ragamuffins about him as a watch, that respectable housekeepers did not choose to mix with. Walking the rounds, too, was often neglected, and most of the nights spent in tippling. I thereupon wrote a paper to be read in Junto, representing these irregularities, but insisting more particularly on the inequality of this six-shilling tax of the constables, respecting the circumstances of those who paid it, since a poor widow housekeeper, all whose property to be guarded by the watch did not perhaps exceed the value of fifty pounds, paid as much as the wealthiest merchant, who had thousands of pounds' worth of goods in his stores. On the whole, I proposed as a more effectual watch, the hiring of proper men to serve constantly in that business; and as a more equitable way of supporting the charge, the levying a tax that should be proportion'd to the property. This idea, being approv'd by the Junto, was communicated to the other clubs, but as arising in each of them; and though the plan was not immediately carried into execution, yet, by preparing the minds of people for the change, it paved the way for the law obtained a few years after, when the members of our clubs were grown into more influence. About this time I wrote a paper (first to be read in Junto, but it was afterward publish'd) on the different accidents and carelessnesses by which houses were set on fire, with cautions against them, and means proposed of avoiding them. This was much spoken of as a useful piece, and gave rise to a project, which soon followed it, of forming a company for the more ready extinguishing of fires, and mutual assistance in removing and securing of goods when in danger. Associates in this scheme were presently found, amounting to thirty. Our articles of agreement oblig'd every member to keep always in good order, and fit for use, a certain number of leather buckets, with strong bags and baskets (for packing and transporting of goods), which were to be brought to every fire; and we agreed to meet once a month and spend a social evening together, in discoursing and communicating such ideas as occurred to us upon the subject of fires, as might be useful in our conduct on such occasions. The utility of this institution soon appeared, and many more desiring to be admitted than we thought convenient for one company, they were advised to form another, which was accordingly done; and this went on, one new company being formed after another, till they became so numerous as to include most of the inhabitants who were men of property; and now, at the time of my writing this, tho' upward of fifty years since its establishment, that which I first formed, called the Union Fire Company, still subsists and flourishes, tho' the first members are all deceas'd but myself and one, who is older by a year than I am. The small fines that have been paid by members for absence at the monthly meetings have been apply'd to the purchase of fire-engines, ladders, fire-hooks, and other useful implements for each company, so that I question whether there is a city in the world better provided with the means of putting a stop to beginning conflagrations; and, in fact, since these institutions, the city has never lost by fire more than one or two houses at a time, and the flames have often been extinguished before the house in which they began has been half consumed. In 1739 arrived among us from Ireland the Reverend Mr. Whitefield, who had made himself remarkable there as an itinerant preacher. He was at first permitted to preach in some of our churches; but the clergy, taking a dislike to him, soon refus'd him their pulpits, and he was oblig'd to preach in the fields. The multitudes of all sects and denominations that attended his sermons were enormous, and it was matter of speculation to me, who was one of the number, to observe the extraordinary influence of his oratory on his hearers, and how much they admir'd and respected him, notwithstanding his common abuse of them, by assuring them they were naturally _half beasts and half devils_. It was wonderful to see the change soon made in the manners of our inhabitants. From being thoughtless or indifferent about religion, it seem'd as if all the world were growing religious, so that one could not walk thro' the town in an evening without hearing psalms sung in different families of every street. * * * * * I happened soon after to attend one of his sermons, in the course of which I perceived he intended to finish with a collection, and I silently resolved he should get nothing from me. I had in my pocket a handful of copper money, three or four silver dollars, and five pistoles in gold. As he proceeded I began to soften, and concluded to give the coppers. Another stroke of his oratory made me asham'd of that, and determin'd me to give the silver; and he finish'd so admirably, that I empty'd my pocket wholly into the collector's dish, gold and all. At this sermon there was also one of our club, who, being of my sentiments respecting the building in Georgia and, suspecting a collection might be intended, had, by precaution, emptied his pockets before he came from home. Towards the conclusion of the discourse, however, he felt a strong desire to give, and apply'd to a neighbour, who stood near him, to borrow some money for the purpose. The application was unfortunately [made] to perhaps the only man in the company who had the firmness not to be affected by the preacher. His answer was, "_At any other time, Friend Hopkinson, I would lend to thee freely; but not now, for thee seems to be out of thy right senses_." * * * * * He [Rev. Whitefield] us'd, indeed, sometimes to pray for my conversion, but never had the satisfaction of believing that his prayers were heard. Ours was a mere civil friendship, sincere on both sides, and lasted to his death.[17] The following instance will show something of the terms on which we stood. Upon one of his arrivals from England at Boston, he wrote to me that he should come soon to Philadelphia, but knew not where he could lodge when there, as he understood his old friend and host, Mr. Benezet was removed to Germantown. My answer was, "You know my house, if you can make shift with its scanty accommodations, you will be most heartily welcome." He reply'd, that if I made that kind offer for Christ's sake, I should not miss of a reward. And I returned, "_Don't let me be mistaken, it was not for Christ's sake, but for your sake_." One of our common acquaintance jocosely remark'd, that, knowing it to be the custom of the saints, when they received any favour, to shift the burden of the obligation from off their own shoulders, and place it in heaven, I had contriv'd to fix it on earth. The last time I saw Mr. Whitefield was in London, when he consulted me about his Orphan House concern, and his purpose of appropriating it to the establishment of a college. He had a loud and clear voice, and articulated his words and sentences so perfectly, that he might be heard and understood at a great distance, especially as his auditories, however numerous, observ'd the most exact silence. He preach'd one evening from the top of the Court-house steps, which are in the middle of Market-street, and on the west side of Second-street, which crosses it at right angles. Both streets were fill'd with his hearers to a considerable distance. Being among the hindmost in Market-street, I had the curiosity to learn how far he could be heard, by retiring backwards down the street towards the river; and I found his voice distinct till I came near Front-street, when some noise in that street obscur'd it. Imagining then a semicircle, of which my distance should be the radius, and that it were fill'd with auditors, to each of whom I allow'd two square feet, I computed that he might well be heard by more than thirty thousand. This reconcil'd me to the newspaper accounts of his having preach'd to twenty-five thousand people in the fields, and to the antient histories of generals haranguing whole armies, of which I had some times doubted. * * * * * I had, on the whole, abundant reason to be satisfied with my being established in Pennsylvania. There were, however, two things that I regretted, there being no provision for defense, nor for a compleat education of youth; no militia, nor any college. I therefore, in 1743, drew up a proposal for establishing an academy; and at that time, thinking the Reverend Mr. Peters, who was out of employ, a fit person to superintend such an institution, I communicated the project to him; but he, having more profitable views in the service of the proprietaries, which succeeded, declin'd the undertaking; and, not knowing another at that time suitable for such a trust, I let the scheme lie a while dormant. I succeeded better the next year, 1744, in proposing and establishing a Philosophical Society. The paper I wrote for that purpose will be found among my writings, when collected. * * * * * Peace being concluded, and the association business therefore at an end, I turn'd my thoughts again to the affair of establishing an academy. The first step I took was to associate in the design a number of active friends, of whom the Junto furnished a good part; the next was to write and publish a pamphlet, entitled _Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pennsylvania_. This I distributed among the principal inhabitants gratis, and as soon as I could suppose their minds a little prepared by the perusal of it, I set on foot a subscription for opening and supporting an academy; it was to be paid in quotas yearly for five years; by so dividing it, I judg'd the subscription might be larger, and I believe it was so, amounting to no less, if I remember right, than five thousand pounds. In the introduction to these proposals, I stated their publication, not as an act of mine, but of some _publick-spirited gentlemen_, avoiding as much as I could, according to my usual rule, the presenting myself to the publick as the author of any scheme for their benefit. The subscribers, to carry the project into immediate execution, chose out of their number twenty-four trustees, and appointed Mr. Francis, then attorney-general, and myself to draw up constitutions for the government of the academy; which being done and signed, a house was hired, masters engag'd, and the schools opened, I think, in the same year, 1749. * * * * * In 1746, being at Boston, I met there with a Dr. Spence, who was lately arrived from Scotland, and show'd me some electric experiments. They were imperfectly perform'd, as he was not very expert; but, being on a subject quite new to me, they equally surpris'd and pleased me. Soon after my return to Philadelphia, our library company receiv'd from Mr. P. Collinson, Fellow of the Royal Society of London, a present of a glass tube, with some account of the use of it in making such experiments. I eagerly seized the opportunity of repeating what I had seen at Boston; and, by much practice, acquir'd great readiness in performing those, also, which we had an account of from England, adding a number of new ones. I say much practice, for my house was continually full, for some time, with people who came to see these new wonders. To divide a little this incumbrance among my friends, I caused a number of similar tubes to be blown at our glass-house, with which they furnish'd themselves, so that we had at length several performers. Among these, the principal was Mr. Kinnersley, an ingenious neighbor, who, being out of business, I encouraged to undertake showing the experiments for money, and drew up for him two lectures, in which the experiments were rang'd in such order, and accompanied with such explanations in such method, as that the foregoing should assist in comprehending the following. He procur'd an elegant apparatus for the purpose, in which all the little machines that I had roughly made for myself were nicely form'd by instrument-makers. His lectures were well attended, and gave great satisfaction; and after some time he went thro' the colonies, exhibiting them in every capital town, and pick'd up some money. In the West India Islands, indeed, it was with difficulty the experiments could be made, from the general moisture of the air. Oblig'd as we were to Mr. Collinson for his present of the tube, etc., I thought it right he should be inform'd of our success in using it, and wrote him several letters containing accounts of our experiments. He got them read in the Royal Society, where they were not at first thought worth so much notice as to be printed in their Transactions. One paper, which I wrote for Mr. Kinnersley, on the sameness of lightning with electricity, I sent to Dr. Mitchel, an acquaintance of mine, and one of the members also of that society, who wrote me word that it had been read, but was laughed at by the connoisseurs. The papers, however, being shown to Dr. Fothergill, he thought them of too much value to be stifled, and advis'd the printing of them. Mr. Collinson then gave them to _Cave_ for publication in his Gentleman's Magazine; but he chose to print them separately in a pamphlet, and Dr. Fothergill wrote the preface. Cave, it seems, judged rightly for his profit, for by the additions that arrived afterward they swell'd, to a quarto volume, which has had five editions, and cost him nothing for copy-money. It was, however, some time before those papers were much taken notice of in England. A copy of them happening to fall into the hands of the Count de Buffon, a philosopher deservedly of great reputation in France, and, indeed, all over Europe, he prevailed with M. Dalibard to translate them into French, and they were printed at Paris. The publication offended the Abbé Nollet, preceptor in Natural Philosophy to the royal family, and an able experimenter, who had form'd and publish'd a theory of electricity, which then had the general vogue. He could not at first believe that such a work came from America, and said it must have been fabricated by his enemies at Paris, to decry his system. Afterwards, having been assur'd that there really existed such a person as Franklin at Philadelphia, which he had doubted, he wrote and published a volume of Letters, chiefly address'd to me, defending his theory, and denying the verity of my experiments, and of the positions deduc'd from them. I once purpos'd answering the abbé, and actually began the answer; but, on consideration that my writings contain'd a description of experiments which any one might repeat and verify, and if not to be verifi'd, could not be defended; or of observations offer'd as conjectures, and not delivered dogmatically, therefore not laying me under any obligation to defend them; and reflecting that a dispute between two persons, writing in different languages, might be lengthened greatly by mistranslations, and thence misconceptions of one another's meaning, much of one of the abbé's letters being founded on an error in the translation, I concluded to let my papers shift for themselves, believing it was better to spend what time I could spare from public business in making new experiments, than in disputing about those already made. I therefore never answered M. Nollet, and the event gave me no cause to repent my silence; for my friend M. le Roy, of the Royal Academy of Sciences, took up my cause and refuted him; my book was translated into the Italian, German, and Latin languages; and the doctrine it contain'd was by degrees universally adopted by the philosophers of Europe, in preference to that of the abbé; so that he lived to see himself the last of his sect, except Monsieur B----, of Paris, his _élève_ and immediate disciple. What gave my book the more sudden and general celebrity, was the success of one of its proposed experiments, made by Messrs. Dalibard and De Lor at Marly, for drawing lightning from the clouds. This engag'd the public attention every where. M. de Lor, who had an apparatus for experimental philosophy, and lectur'd in that branch of science, undertook to repeat what he called the _Philadelphia Experiments_; and, after they were performed before the king and court, all the curious of Paris flocked to see them. I will not swell this narrative with an account of that capital experiment, nor of the infinite pleasure I receiv'd in the success of a similar one I made soon after with a kite at Philadelphia, as both are to be found in the histories of electricity. Dr. Wright, an English physician, when at Paris, wrote to a friend, who was of the Royal Society, an account of the high esteem my experiments were in among the learned abroad, and of their wonder that my writings had been so little noticed in England. The Society, on this, resum'd the consideration of the letters that had been read to them; and the celebrated Dr. Watson drew up a summary account of them, and of all I had afterwards sent to England on the subject, which he accompanied with some praise of the writer. This summary was then printed in their Transactions; and some members of the Society in London, particularly the very ingenious Mr. Canton, having verified the experiment of procuring lightning from the clouds by a pointed rod, and acquainting them with the success, they soon made me more than amends for the slight with which they had before treated me. Without my having made any application for that honour, they chose me a member, and voted that I should be excus'd the customary payments, which would have amounted to twenty-five guineas; and ever since have given me their Transactions gratis. They also presented me with the gold medal of Sir Godfrey Copley for the year 1753, the delivery of which was accompanied by a very handsome speech of the president, Lord Macclesfield, wherein I was highly honoured. * * * * * DOGOOD PAPERS, NO. I (From Monday March 26. to Monday April 2. 1722.) _To the Author of the_ New-England Courant. SIR, It may not be improper in the first Place to inform your Readers, that I intend once a Fortnight to present them, by the Help of this Paper, with a short Epistle, which I presume will add somewhat to their Entertainment. And since it is observed, that the Generality of People, now a days, are unwilling either to commend or dispraise what they read, until they are in some measure informed who or what the Author of it is, whether he be _poor_ or _rich_, _old_ or _young_, a _Scollar_ or a _Leather Apron Man_, &c. and give their Opinion of the Performance, according to the Knowledge which they have of the Author's Circumstances, it may not be amiss to begin with a short Account of my past Life and present Condition, that the Reader may not be at a Loss to judge whether or no my Lucubrations are worth his reading. At the time of my Birth, my Parents were on Ship-board in their Way from _London_ to _N. England_. My Entrance into this troublesome World was attended with the Death of my Father, a Misfortune, which tho' I was not then capable of knowing, I shall never be able to forget; for as he, poor Man, stood upon the Deck rejoycing at my Birth, a merciless Wave entred the Ship, and in one Moment carry'd him beyond Reprieve. Thus was the _first_ Day which I saw, the _last_ that was seen by my Father; and thus was my disconsolate Mother at once made both a _Parent_ and a _Widow_. When we arrived at _Boston_ (which was not long after) I was put to Nurse in a Country Place, at a small Distance from the Town, where I went to School, and past my Infancy and Childhood in Vanity and Idleness, until I was bound out Apprentice, that I might no longer be a Charge to my Indigent Mother, who was put to hard Shifts for a Living. My Master was a Country Minister, a pious good-natur'd young Man, & a Batchelor: He labour'd with all his Might to instil vertuous and godly Principles into my tender Soul, well knowing that it was the most suitable Time to make deep and lasting Impressions on the Mind, while it was yet untainted with Vice, free and unbiass'd. He endeavour'd that I might be instructed in all that Knowledge and Learning which is necessary for our Sex, and deny'd me no Accomplishment that could possibly be attained in a Country Place, such as all Sorts of Needle-Work, Writing, Arithmetick, &c. and observing that I took a more than ordinary Delight in reading ingenious Books, he gave me the free Use of his Library, which tho' it was but small, yet it was well chose, to inform the Understanding rightly and enable the Mind to frame great and noble Ideas. Before I had liv'd quite two Years with this Reverend Gentleman, my indulgent Mother departed this Life, leaving me as it were by my self, having no Relation on Earth within my Knowledge. I will not abuse your Patience with a tedious Recital of all the frivolous Accidents of my Life, that happened from this Time until I arrived to Years of Discretion, only inform you that I liv'd a chearful Country Life, spending my leisure Time either in some innocent Diversion with the neighbouring Females, or in some shady Retirement, with the best of Company, _Books_. Thus I past away the Time with a Mixture of Profit and Pleasure, having no Affliction but what was imaginary and created in my own Fancy; as nothing is more common with us Women, than to be grieving for nothing, when we have nothing else to grieve for. As I would not engross too much of your Paper at once, I will defer the Remainder of my Story until my next Letter; in the mean time desiring your Readers to exercise their Patience, and bear with my Humours now and then, because I shall trouble them but seldom. I am not insensible of the Impossibility of pleasing all, but I would not willingly displease any; and for those who will take Offence where none is intended, they are beneath the Notice of _Your Humble Servant_, SILINC DOGOOD. _As the Favour of Mrs. Dogood's Correspondence is acknowledged by the Publisher of this Paper, lest any of her Letters should miscarry, he desires they may for the future be deliver'd at his Printing-House, or at the Blue Ball in Union-Street, and no Questions shall be ask'd of the Bearer._ DOGOOD PAPERS, NO. IV (From Monday May 7. to Monday May 14. 1722.) _An sum etiam nunc vel Græcè loqui vel_ Latinè docendus? CICERO. _To the Author of the_ New-England Courant. SIR, Discoursing the other Day at Dinner with my Reverend Boarder, formerly mention'd, (whom for Distinction sake we will call by the Name of _Clericus_,) concerning the Education of Children, I ask'd his Advice about my young Son _William_, whether or no I had best bestow upon him Academical Learning, or (as our Phrase is) _bring him up at our College_: He perswaded me to do it by all Means, using many weighty Arguments with me, and answering all the Objections that I could form against it; telling me withal, that he did not doubt but that the Lad would take his Learning very well, and not idle away his Time as too many there now-a-days do. These words of _Clericus_ gave me a Curiosity to inquire a little more strictly into the present Circumstances of that famous Seminary of Learning; but the Information which he gave me, was neither pleasant, nor such as I expected. As soon as Dinner was over, I took a solitary Walk into my Orchard, still ruminating on _Clericus's_ Discourse with much Consideration, until I came to my usual Place of Retirement under the _Great Apple-Tree_; where having seated my self, and carelessly laid my Head on a verdant Bank, I fell by Degrees into a soft and undisturbed Slumber. My waking Thoughts remained with me in my Sleep, and before I awak'd again, I dreamt the following DREAM. I fancy'd I was travelling over pleasant and delightful Fields and Meadows, and thro' many small Country Towns and Villages; and as I pass'd along, all Places resounded with the Fame of the Temple of LEARNING: Every Peasant, who had wherewithal, was preparing to send one of his Children at least to this famous Place; and in this Case most of them consulted their own Purses instead of their Childrens Capacities: So that I observed, a great many, yea, the most part of those who were travelling thither, were little better than Dunces and Blockheads. Alas! Alas! At length I entred upon a spacious Plain, in the Midst of which was erected a large and stately Edifice: It was to this that a great Company of Youths from all Parts of the Country were going; so stepping in among the Crowd, I passed on with them, and presently arrived at the Gate. The Passage was Kept by two sturdy Porters named _Riches_ and _Poverty_, and the latter obstinately refused to give Entrance to any who had not first gain'd the Favour of the former; so that I observed, many who came even to the very Gate, were obliged to travel back again as ignorant as they came, for want of this necessary Qualification. However, as a Spectator I gain'd Admittance, and with the rest entred directly into the Temple. In the Middle of the great Hall stood a stately and magnificent Throne, which was ascended to by two high and difficult Steps. On the Top of it sat LEARNING in awful State; she was apparelled wholly in Black, and surrounded almost on every Side with innumerable Volumes in all Languages. She seem'd very busily employ'd in writing something on half a Sheet of Paper, and upon Enquiry, I understood she was preparing a Paper, call'd, _The New-England Courant_. On her Right Hand sat _English_, with a pleasant smiling Countenance, and handsomely attir'd; and on her left were seated several _Antique Figures_ with their Faces vail'd. I was considerably puzzl'd to guess who they were, until one informed me, (who stood beside me,) that those Figures on her left Hand were _Latin_, _Greek_, _Hebrew_, &c. and that they were very much reserv'd, and seldom or never unvail'd their Faces here, and then to few or none, tho' most of those who have in this Place acquir'd so much Learning as to distinguish them from _English_, pretended to an intimate Acquaintance with them. I then enquir'd of him, what could be the Reason why they continued vail'd, in this Place especially: He pointed to the Foot of the Throne, where I saw _Idleness_, attended with _Ignorance_, and these (he informed me) were they, who first vail'd them, and still kept them so. Now I observed, that the whole Tribe who entred into the Temple with me, began to climb the Throne; but the Work; proving troublesome and difficult to most of them, they withdrew their Hands from the Plow, and contented themselves to sit at the Foot, with Madam _Idleness_ and her Maid _Ignorance_, until those who were assisted by Diligence and a docible Temper, had well nigh got up the first Step: But the Time drawing nigh in which they could no way avoid ascending, they were fain to crave the Assistance of those who had got up before them, and who, for the Reward perhaps of a _Pint of Milk_, or a _Piece of Plumb-Cake_, lent the Lubbers a helping Hand, and sat them in the Eye of the World, upon a Level with themselves. The other Step being in the same Manner ascended, and the usual Ceremonies at an End, every Beetle-Scull seem'd well satisfy'd with his own Portion of Learning, tho' perhaps he was _e'en just_ as ignorant as ever. And now the Time of their Departure being come, they march'd out of Doors to make Room for another Company, who waited for Entrance: And I, having seen all that was to be seen, quitted the Hall likewise, and went to make my Observations on those who were just gone out before me. Some I perceiv'd took to Merchandizing, others to Travelling, some to one Thing, some to another, and some to Nothing; and many of them from henceforth, for want of Patrimony, liv'd as poor as church Mice, being unable to dig, and asham'd to beg, and to live by their Wits it was impossible. But the most Part of the Crowd went along a large beaten Path, which led to a Temple at the further End of the Plain, call'd, _The Temple of Theology_. The Business of those who were employ'd in this Temple being laborious and painful, I wonder'd exceedingly to see so many go towards it; but while I was pondering this Matter in my Mind, I spy'd _Pecunia_ behind a Curtain, beckoning to them with her Hand, which Sight immediately satisfy'd me for whose Sake it was, that a great Part of them (I will not say all) travel'd that Road. In this Temple I saw nothing worth mentioning, except the ambitious and fraudulent Contrivances of _Plagius_, who (notwithstanding he had been severely reprehended for such Practices before) was diligently transcribing some eloquent Paragraphs out of _Tillotson's_ Works, &c. to embellish his own. Now I bethought my self in my Sleep, that it was Time to be at Home, and as I fancy'd I was travelling back thither, I reflected in my Mind on the extream Folly of those Parents, who, blind to their Childrens Dulness, and insensible of the Solidity of their Skulls, because they think their Purses can afford it, will needs send them to the Temple of Learning, where, for want of a suitable Genius, they learn little more than how to carry themselves handsomely, and enter a Room genteely, (which might as well be acquir'd at a Dancing-School,) and from whence they return, after Abundance of Trouble and Charge, as great Blockheads as ever, only more proud and self-conceited. While I was in the midst of these unpleasant Reflections, _Clericus_ (who with a Book in his Hand was walking under the Trees) accidentally awak'd me; to him I related my Dream with all its Particulars, and he, without much Study, presently interpreted it, assuring me, _That it was a lively Representation of HARVARD COLLEGE, Etcetera._ _I remain, Sir, Your Humble Servant,_ SILENCE DOGOOD. DOGOOD PAPERS, NO. V (From Monday May 21. to Monday May 28. 1722.) _Mulier Muliere magis congruet._--TER. _To the Author of the_ New-England Courant. SIR, I shall here present your Readers with a Letter from one, who informs me that I have begun at the wrong End of my Business, and that I ought to begin at Home, and censure the Vices and Follies of my own Sex, before I venture to meddle with your's: Nevertheless, I am resolved to dedicate this Speculation to the Fair Tribe, and endeavour to show, that Mr. _Ephraim_ charges Women with being particularly guilty of Pride, Idleness, &c. wrongfully, inasmuch as the Men have not only as great a Share in those Vices as the Women, but are likewise in a great Measure the Cause of that which the Women are guilty of. I think it will be best to produce my Antagonist, before I encounter him. _To Mrs._ DOGOOD. _Madam_, My Design in troubling you with this Letter is, to desire you would begin with your own Sex first: Let the first Volley of your Resentments be directed against _Female_ Vice; let Female Idleness, Ignorance and Folly, (which are Vices more peculiar to your Sex than to our's,) be the Subject of your Satyrs, but more especially Female Pride, which I think is intollerable. Here is a large Field that wants Cultivation, and which I believe you are able (if willing) to improve with Advantage; and when you have once reformed the Women, you will find it a much easier Task to reform the Men, because Women are the prime Causes of a great many Male Enormities. This is all at present from _Your Friendly Wellwisher,_ Ephraim Censorious. After Thanks to my Correspondent for his Kindness in cutting out Work for me, I must assure him, that I find it a very difficult Matter to reprove Women separate from the Men; for what Vice is there in which the Men have not as great a Share as the Women? and in some have they not a far greater, as in Drunkenness, Swearing, &c.? And if they have, then it follows, that when a Vice is to be reproved, Men, who are most culpable, deserve the most Reprehension, and certainly therefore, ought to have it. But we will wave this point at present, and proceed to a particular Consideration of what my Correspondent calls _Female Vice_. As for Idleness, if I should _Quære_, Where are the greatest Number of its Votaries to be found, with us or the Men? it might I believe be easily and truly answer'd, _With the latter_. For, notwithstanding the Men are commonly complaining how hard they are forc'd to labour, only to maintain their Wives in Pomp and Idleness, yet if you go among the Women, you will learn, that _they have always more Work upon their Hands than they are able to do_, and that _a Woman's Work is never done_, &c. But however, Suppose we should grant for once, that we are generally more idle than the Men, (without making any Allowance for the _Weakness of the Sex_,) I desire to know whose Fault it is? Are not the Men to blame for their Folly in maintaining us in Idleness? Who is there that can be handsomely supported in Affluence, Ease and Pleasure by another, that will chuse rather to earn his Bread by the Sweat of his own Brows? And if a Man will be so fond and so foolish, as to labour hard himself for a Livelihood, and suffer his Wife in the mean Time to sit in Ease and Idleness, let him not blame her if she does so, for it is in a great Measure his own Fault. And now for the Ignorance and Folly which he reproaches us with, let us see (if we are Fools and Ignoramus's) whose is the Fault, the Men's or our's. An ingenious Writer, having this Subject in Hand, has the following Words, wherein he lays the Fault wholly on the Men, for not allowing Women the Advantages of Education. "I have (says he) often thought of it as one of the most barbarous Customs in the World, considering us as a civiliz'd and Christian Country, that we deny the Advantages of Learning to Women. We reproach the Sex every Day with Folly and Impertinence, while I am confident, had they the Advantages of Education equal to us, they would be guilty of less than our selves. One would wonder indeed how it should happen that Women are conversible at all, since they are only beholding to natural Parts for all their Knowledge. Their Youth is spent to teach them to stitch and sow, or make Baubles. They are taught to read indeed, and perhaps to write their Names, or so; and that is the Heigth of a Womans Education. And I would but ask any who slight the Sex for their Understanding, What is a Man (a Gentleman, I mean) good for that is taught no more? If Knowledge and Understanding had been useless Additions to the Sex, God Almighty would never have given them Capacities, for he made nothing Needless. What has the Woman done to forfeit the Priviledge of being taught? Does she plague us with her Pride and Impertinence? Why did we not let her learn, that she might have had more Wit? Shall we upraid Women with Folly, when 'tis only the Error of this inhumane Custom that hindred them being made wiser." So much for Female Ignorance and Folly; and now let us a little consider the Pride which my Correspondent thinks is _intolerable_. By this Expression of his, one would think he is some dejected Swain, tyranniz'd over by some cruel haughty Nymph, who (perhaps he thinks) has no more Reason to be proud than himself. _Alas-a-day!_ What shall we say in this Case! Why truly, if Women are proud, it is certainly owing to the Men still; for if they will be such _Simpletons_ as to humble themselves at their Feet, and fill their credulous Ears with extravagant Praises of their Wit, Beauty, and other Accomplishments (perhaps where there are none too,) and when Women are by this Means perswaded that they are Something more than humane, what Wonder is it, if they carry themselves haughtily, and live extravagantly. Notwithstanding, I believe there are more Instances of extravagant Pride to be found among Men than among Women, and this Fault is certainly more hainous in the former than in the latter. Upon the whole, I conclude, that it will be impossible to lash any Vice, of which the Men, are not equally guilty with the Women, and consequently deserve an equal (if not a greater), Share in the Censure. However, I exhort both to amend, where both are culpable, otherwise they may expect to be severely handled by Sir, _Your Humble Servant,_ SILENCE DOGOOD. N. B. _Mrs._ Dogood _has lately left her Seat in the Country, and come to Boston, where she intends to tarry for the Summer Season, in order to compleat her Observations of the present reigning Vices of the Town._ DOGOOD PAPERS, NO. VII (From Monday June 18. to Monday June 25. 1722.) _Give me the Muse, whose generous Force, Impatient of the Reins, Pursues an unattempted Course, Breaks all the Criticks Iron Chains._ WATTS. _To the Author of the_ New-England Courant. SIR, It has been the Complaint of many Ingenious Foreigners, who have travell'd amongst us, _That good Poetry is not to be expected in_ New-England. I am apt to Fancy, the Reason is, not because our Countrymen are altogether void of a Poetical Genius, nor yet because we have not those Advantages of Education which other Countries have, but purely because we do not afford that Praise and Encouragement which is merited, when any thing extraordinary of this Kind is produc'd among us: Upon which Consideration I have determined, when I meet with a Good Piece of _New-England_ Poetry, to give it a suitable Encomium, and thereby endeavour to discover to the World some of its Beautys, in order to encourage the Author to go on, and bless the World with more, and more Excellent Productions. There has lately appear'd among us a most Excellent Piece of Poetry, entituled, _An Elegy upon the much Lamented Death of Mrs._ Mehitebell Kitel, _Wife of Mr._ John Kitel _of_ Salem, _Etc._ It may justly be said in its Praise, without Flattery to the Author, that it is the most _Extraordinary_ Piece that was ever wrote in _New-England_. The Language is so soft and Easy, the Expression so moving and pathetick, but above all, the Verse and Numbers so Charming and Natural, that it is almost beyond Comparison. The Muse _disdains[F] Those Links and Chains, Measures and Rules of Vulgar Strains, And o'er the Laws of Harmony a Sovereign Queen she reigns._ [F] Watts. [_Franklin's note._] I find no English Author, Ancient or Modern, whose Elegies may be compar'd with this, in respect to the Elegance of Stile, or Smoothness of Rhime; and for the affecting Part, I will leave your Readers to judge, if ever they read any Lines, that would sooner make them _draw their Breath_ and Sigh, if not shed Tears, than these following. _Come let us mourn, for we have lost a Wife, a Daughter, and a Sister, Who has lately taken Flight, and greatly we have mist her._ In another place, Some little Time _before she yielded up her Breath, She said, I ne'er shall hear one Sermon more on Earth. She kist her Husband_ some little Time _before she expir'd, Then lean'd her Head the Pillow on, just out of Breath and tir'd._ But the Threefold Appellation in the first Line --_a Wife, a Daughter, and a Sister_, must not pass unobserved. That Line in the celebrated _Watts_, GUNSTON, _the Just, the Generous, and the Young,_ is nothing Comparable to it. The latter only mentions three Qualifications of _one_ Person who was deceased, which therefore could raise Grief and Compassion but for _One_. Whereas the former, (_our most excellent Poet_) gives his Reader a Sort of an Idea of the Death of _Three Persons_, viz. --_a Wife, a Daughter, and a Sister,_ which is _Three Times_ as great a Loss as the Death of _One_, and consequently must raise _Three Times_ as much Grief and Compassion in the Reader. I should be very much straitened for Room, if I should attempt to discover even half the Excellencies of this Elegy which are obvious to me. Yet I cannot omit one Observation, which is, that the Author has (to his Honour) invented a new Species of Poetry, which wants a Name, and was never before known. His muse scorns to be confin'd to the old Measures and Limits, or to observe the dull Rules of Criticks; _Nor_ Rapin _gives her Rules to fly, nor_ Purcell _Notes to Sing._ WATTS. Now 'tis Pity that such an Excellent Piece should not be dignify'd with a particular Name; and seeing it cannot justly be called, either _Epic_, _Sapphic_, _Lyric_, or _Pindaric_, nor any other Name yet invented, I presume it may, (in Honour and Remembrance of the Dead) be called the KITELIC. Thus much in the Praise of _Kitelic Poetry_. It is certain, that those Elegies which are of our own Growth, (and our Soil seldom produces any other sort of Poetry) are by far the greatest part, wretchedly Dull and Ridiculous. Now since it is imagin'd by many, that our Poets are honest, well-meaning Fellows, who do their best, and that if they had but some Instructions how to govern Fancy with Judgment, they would make indifferent good Elegies; I shall here subjoin a Receipt for that purpose, which was left me as a Legacy, (among other valuable Rarities) by my Reverend Husband. It is as follows, A RECEIPT _to make_ a New-England Funeral ELEGY. For the Title of your Elegy. _Of these you may have enough ready made to your Hands, but if you should chuse to make it your self, you must be sure not to omit the words_ Ætatis Suæ, _which will Beautify it exceedingly._ For the Subject of your Elegy. _Take one of your Neighbours who has lately departed this Life; it is no great matter at what Age the Party dy'd, but it will be best if he went away suddenly, being_ Kill'd, Drown'd, _or_ Frose to Death. _Having chose the Person, take all his Virtues, Excellencies, &c. and if he have not enough, you may borrow some to make up a sufficient Quantity: To these add his last Words, dying Expressions, &c. if they are to be had; mix all these together, and be sure you strain them well. Then season all with a Handful or two of Melancholly Expressions, such as_, Dreadful, Deadly, cruel cold Death, unhappy Fate, weeping Eyes, &c. _Have mixed all these Ingredients well, put them into the empty Scull of some_ young Harvard; (_but in Case you have ne'er a One at Hand, you may use your own_,) _there let them Ferment for the Space of a Fortnight, and by that Time they will be incorporated into a Body, which take out, and having prepared a sufficient Quantity of double Rhimes, such as_ Power, Flower; Quiver, Shiver; Grieve us, Leave us; tell you, excel you; Expeditions, Physicians; Fatigue him, Intrigue him; &c. _you must spread all upon Paper, and if you can procure a Scrap of Latin to put at the End, it will garnish it mightily, then having affixed your Name at the Bottom, with a_ Mœstus Composuit, _you will have an Excellent Elegy._ N. B. _This Receipt will serve when a Female is the Subject of your Elegy, provided you borrow a greater Quantity of Virtues, Excellencies, &c._ SIR, _Your Servant,_ SILENCE DOGOOD. _P.S._ I shall make no other Answer to _Hypercarpus's_ Criticism on my last Letter than this, _Mater me genuit, peperit mox filia matrem_. DOGOOD PAPERS, NO. XII (From Monday September 3. to Monday September 10. 1722.) _Quod est in corde sobrii, est in ore ebrii._ _To the Author of the_ New-England Courant. SIR, It is no unprofitable tho' unpleasant Pursuit, diligently to inspect and consider the Manners & Conversation of Men, who, insensible of the greatest Enjoyments of humane Life, abandon themselves to Vice from a false Notion of _Pleasure_ and _good Fellowship_. A true and natural Representation of any Enormity, is often the best Argument against it and Means of removing it, when the most severe Reprehensions alone, are found ineffectual. I would in this Letter improve the little Observation I have made on the Vice of _Drunkeness_, the better to reclaim the _good Fellows_ who usually pay the Devotions of the Evening to _Bacchus_. I doubt not but _moderate Drinking_ has been improv'd for the Diffusion of Knowledge among the ingenious Part of Mankind, who want the Talent of a ready Utterance, in order to discover the Conceptions of their Minds in an entertaining and intelligible Manner. 'Tis true, drinking does not _improve_ our Faculties, but it enables us to use them; and therefore I conclude, that much Study and Experience, and a little Liquor, are of absolute Necessity for some Tempers, in order to make them accomplish'd Orators. _Dic. Ponder_ discovers an excellent Judgment when he is inspir'd with a Glass or two of _Claret_, but he passes for a Fool among those of small Observation, who never saw him the better for Drink. And here it will not be improper to observe, That the moderate Use of Liquor, and a well plac'd and well regulated Anger, often produce this same Effect; and some who cannot ordinarily talk but in broken Sentences and false Grammar, do in the Heat of Passion express themselves with as much Eloquence as Warmth. Hence it is that my own Sex are generally the most eloquent, because the most passionate. "It has been said in the Praise of some Men," (says an ingenious Author,) "that they could talk whole Hours together upon any thing; but it must be owned to the Honour of the other Sex, that there are many among them who can talk whole Hours together upon Nothing. I have known a Woman branch out into a long extempore Dissertation on the Edging of a Petticoat, and chide her Servant for breaking a China Cup, in all the Figures of Rhetorick." But after all it must be consider'd, that no Pleasure can give Satisfaction or prove advantageous to a _reasonable Mind_, which is not attended with the _Restraints of Reason_. Enjoyment is not to be found by Excess in any sensual Gratification; but on the contrary, the immoderate Cravings of the Voluptuary, are always succeeded with Loathing and a palled Apetite. What Pleasure can the Drunkard have in the Reflection, that, while in his Cups, he retain'd only the Shape of a Man, and acted the Part of a Beast; or that from reasonable Discourse a few Minutes before, he descended to Impertinence and Nonsense? I cannot pretend to account for the different Effects of Liquor on Persons of different Dispositions, who are guilty of Excess in the Use of it. 'Tis strange to see Men of a regular Conversation become rakish and profane when intoxicated with Drink, and yet more surprizing to observe, that some who appear to be the most profligate Wretches when sober, become mighty religious in their Cups, and will then, and at no other Time address their Maker, but when they are destitute of Reason, and actually affronting him. Some shrink in the Wetting, and others swell to such an unusual Bulk in their Imaginations, that they can in an Instant understand all Arts and Sciences, by the liberal Education of a little vivyfying _Punch_, or a sufficient Quantity of other exhilerating Liquor. And as the Effects of Liquor are various, so are the Characters given to its Devourers. It argues some Shame in the Drunkards themselves, in that they have invented numberless Words and Phrases to cover their Folly, whose proper Significations are harmless, or have no Signification at all. They are seldom known to be _drunk_, tho they are very often _boozey_, _cogey_, _tipsey_, _fox'd_, _merry_, _mellow_, _fuddl'd_, _groatable_, _Confoundedly cut_, _See two Moons_, are _Among the Philistines_, _In a very good Humour_, _See the Sun_, or, _The Sun has shone upon them_; they _Clip the King's English_, are _Almost froze_, _Feavourish_, _In their Altitudes_, _Pretty well enter'd_, &c.[18] In short, every Day produces some new Word or Phrase which might be added to the Vocabulary of the _Tiplers_: But I have chose to mention these few, because if at any Time a Man of Sobriety and Temperance happens to _cut himself confoundedly_, or is _almoss froze_, or _feavourish_, or accidentally _sees the Sun_, &c. he may escape the Imputation of being _drunk_, when his Misfortune comes to be related. _I am_ SIR, _Your Humble Servant,_ SILENCE DOGOOD. EDITORIAL PREFACE TO THE NEW ENGLAND COURANT (_From Monday, February 4, to Monday, February 11, 1723_) The late Publisher of this Paper,[19] finding so many Inconveniences would arise by his carrying the Manuscripts and publick News to be supervis'd by the Secretary, as to render his carrying it on unprofitable, has intirely dropt the Undertaking. The present Publisher having receiv'd the following Piece, desires the Readers to accept of it as a Preface to what they may hereafter meet with in this Paper. Non ego mordaci distrinxi Carmine quenquam Nulla vonenato Litera onista Joco est. Long has the Press groaned in bringing forth an hateful, but numerous Brood of Party Pamphlets, malicious Scribbles, and Billinsgate Ribaldry. The Rancour and bitterness it has unhappily infused into Men's minds, and to what a Degree it has sowred and leaven'd the Tempers of Persons formerly esteemed some of the most sweet and affable, is too well known here, to need any further Proof or Representation of the Matter. No generous and impartial Person then can blame the present Undertaking, which is designed purely for the Diversion and Merriment of the Reader. Pieces of Pleasancy and Mirth have a secret Charm in them to allay the Heats and Tumours of our Spirits, and to make a Man forget his restless Resentments. They have a strange Power to tune the harsh Disorders of the Soul, and reduce us to a serene and placid State of Mind. The main Design of this Weekly Paper will be to entertain the Town with the most comical and diverting Incidents of Humane Life, which in so large a Place as _Boston_ will not fail of a universal Exemplification: Nor shall we be wanting to fill up these Papers with a grateful Interspersion of more serious Morals which may be drawn from the most ludicrous and odd Parts of Life. As for the Author, that is the next Question. But tho' we profess ourselves ready to oblige the ingenious and courteous Reader with most Sorts of Intelligence, yet here we beg a Reserve. Nor will it be of any Manner of Advantage either to them or to the Writers, that their names should be published; and therefore in this Matter we desire the Favour of you to suffer us to hold our Tongues: Which tho' at this Time of Day it may sound like a very uncommon Request, yet it proceeds from the very Hearts of your Humble Servants. By this Time the Reader perceives that more than one are engaged in the present Undertaking. Yet is there one Person, an Inhabitant of this Town of _Boston_, whom we honour as a Doctor in the Chair, or a perpetual Dictator. The Society had design'd to present the Publick with his Effigies, but that the Limner, to whom he was presented for a Draught of his Countenance, descryed (and this he is ready to offer upon Oath) Nineteen Features in his Face, more than ever he beheld in any Humane Visage before; which so raised the Price of his Picture, that our Master himself forbid the Extravagance of coming up to it. And then besides, the Limner objected a Schism in his face, which splits it from his Forehead in a strait Line down to his chin, in such sort, that Mr. Painter protests it is a double Face, and he'll have _Four Pounds_ for the Pourtraiture. However, tho' this double Face has spoilt us of a pretty Picture, yet we all rejoiced to see old _Janus_ in our Company. There is no Man in _Boston_ better qualified than old _Janus_ for a _Couranteer_, or if you please, an _Observator_, being a Man of such remarkable _Opticks_, as to look two ways at once. As for his Morals, he is a chearly Christian, as the Country Phrase expresses it. A Man of good Temper, courteous Deportment, sound Judgment; a mortal Hater of Nonsense, Foppery, Formality, and endless Ceremony. As for his club, they aim at no greater Happiness or Honour, than the Publick be made to know, that it is the utmost of their Ambition to attend upon and do all imaginable good Offices to good old _Janus_ the Couranteer, who is and always will be the Readers humble Servant. P.S. Gentle Readers, we design never to let a Paper pass without a Latin Motto if we can possibly pick one up, which carries a Charm in it to the Vulgar, and the learned admire the pleasure of Construing. We should have obliged the World with a Greek scrap or two, but the Printer has no Types, and therefore we intreat the candid Reader not to impute the defect to our Ignorance, for our Doctor can say all the _Greek_ Letters by heart. A DISSERTATION ON LIBERTY AND NECESSITY, PLEASURE AND PAIN To Mr. J. R. [London, 1725] SIR, I have here, according to your Request, given you my _present_ Thoughts of the _general State of Things_ in the Universe. Such as they are, you have them, and are welcome to 'em; and if they yield you any Pleasure or Satisfaction, I shall think my Trouble sufficiently compensated. I know my Scheme will be liable to many Objections from a less discerning Reader than your self; but it is not design'd for those who can't understand it. I need not give you any Caution to distinguish the hypothetical Parts of the Argument from the conclusive: You will easily perceive what I design for Demonstration, and what for Probability only. The whole I leave entirely to you, and shall value my self more or less on this account, in proportion to your Esteem and Approbation. * * * * * Sect. I. _Of_ Liberty _and_ Necessity I. _There is said to be a_ First Mover, _who is called_ GOD, _Maker of the Universe._ II. _He is said to be all-wise, all-good, all powerful._ These two Propositions being allow'd and asserted by People of almost every Sect and Opinion; I have here suppos'd them granted, and laid them down as the Foundation of my Argument; What follows then, being a Chain of Consequences truly drawn from them, will stand or fall as they are true or false. III. _If He is all-good, whatsoever He doth must be good._ IV. _If He is all-wise, whatsoever He doth must be wise._ The Truth of these Propositions, with relation to the two first, I think may be justly call'd evident; since, either that infinite Goodness will act what is ill, or infinite Wisdom what is, not wise, is too glaring a Contradiction not to be perceiv'd by any Man of common Sense, and deny'd as soon as understood. V. _If He is all-powerful, there can be nothing either existing or acting in the Universe_ against _or_ without _his Consent, and what He consents to must be good, because He is good, therefore_ Evil _doth not exist._ _Unde Malum?_ has been long a Question, and many of the Learned have perplex'd themselves and Readers to little Purpose in Answer to it. That there are both Things and Actions to which we give the Name of _Evil_, is not here deny'd, as _Pain_, _Sickness_, _Want_, _Theft_, _Murder_, &c. but that these and the like are not in reality _Evils_, _Ills_, or _Defects_ in the Order of the Universe, is demonstrated in the next Section, as well as by this and the following Proposition. Indeed, to suppose any Thing to exist or be done, _contrary_ to the Will of the Almighty, is to suppose him not almighty; or that Something (the Cause of _Evil_) is more mighty than the Almighty; an Inconsistence that I think no One will defend: And to deny any Thing or Action, which he consents to the existence of, to be good, is entirely to destroy his two Attributes of _Wisdom_ and _Goodness_. _There is nothing done in the Universe_, say the Philosophers, _but what God either does, or_ permits _to be done_. This, as He is Almighty, is certainly true: But what need of this Distinction between _doing_ and _permitting_? Why, first they take it for granted that many Things in the Universe exist in such a Manner as is not for the best, and that many Actions are done which ought not to be done, or would be better undone; these Things or Actions they cannot ascribe to God as His, because they have already attributed to Him infinite Wisdom and Goodness; Here then is the Use of the Word _Permit_; He _permits_ them to be done, _say they_. But we will reason thus: If God permits an Action to be done, it is because he wants either _Power_ or _Inclination_ to hinder it; in saying he wants _Power_, we deny Him to be _almighty_; and if we say He wants _Inclination_ or _Will_, it must be, either because He is not Good, or the Action is not _evil_, (for all Evil is contrary to the Essence of _Infinite Goodness_.) The former is inconsistent with his before-given Attribute of Goodness, therefore the latter must be true. It will be said, perhaps, that _God permits evil Actions to be done, for_ wise _Ends and Purposes_. But this Objection destroys itself; for whatever an infinitely good God hath wise Ends in suffering to _be_, must be good, is thereby made good, and cannot be otherwise. VI. _If a Creature is made by God, it must depend upon God, and receive all its Power from Him, with which Power the Creature can do nothing contrary to the Will of God, because God is Almighty; what is not contrary to His Will, must be agreeable to it; what is agreeable to it, must be good, because He is Good; therefore a Creature can do nothing but what is good._ This Proposition is much to the same Purpose with the former, but more particular; and its Conclusion is as just and evident. Tho' a Creature may do many Actions which by his Fellow Creatures will be nam'd _Evil_, and which will naturally and necessarily cause or bring upon the Doer, certain _Pains_ (which will likewise be call'd _Punishments_;) yet this Proposition proves, that he cannot act what will be in itself really Ill, or displeasing to God. And that the painful Consequences of his evil Actions (_so call'd_) are not, as indeed they ought not to be, _Punishments_ or Unhappinesses, will be shewn hereafter. Nevertheless, the late learned Author of _The Religion of Nature_, (which I send you herewith) has given us a Rule or Scheme, whereby to discover which of our Actions ought to be esteem'd and denominated _good_, and which _evil_; It is in short this, "Every Action which is done according to _Truth_, is good; and every Action contrary to Truth, is evil: To act according to Truth is to use and esteem every Thing as what it is, &c. Thus if _A_ steals a Horse from _B_, and rides away upon him, he uses him not as what he is in Truth, _viz._ the Property of another, but as his own, which is contrary to Truth, and therefore _evil_." But, as this Gentleman himself says, (Sect. I. Prop. VI.) "In order to judge rightly what any Thing is, it must be consider'd, not only what it is in one Respect, but also what it may be in any other Respect; and the whole Description of the Thing ought to be taken in: So in this Case it ought to be consider'd, that _A_ is naturally a _covetous_ Being, feeling an Uneasiness in the want of _B's_ Horse, which produces an Inclination for stealing him, stronger than his Fear of Punishment for so doing. This is _Truth_ likewise, and _A_ acts according to it when he steals the Horse. Besides, if it is prov'd to be a _Truth_, that _A_ has not Power over his own Actions, it will be indisputable that he acts according to Truth, and impossible he should do otherwise. I would not be understood by this to encourage or defend Theft; 'tis only for the sake of the Argument, and will certainly have no _ill Effect_. The Order and Course of Things will not be affected by Reasoning of this Kind; and 'tis as just and necessary, and as much according to Truth, for _B_ to dislike and punish the Theft of his Horse, as it is for _A_ to steal him. VII. _If the Creature is thus limited in his Actions, being able to do only such Things as God would have him to do, and not being able to refuse doing what God would have done; then he can have no such Thing as Liberty, Free-will or Power to do or refrain an Action._ By _Liberty_ is sometimes understood the Absence of Opposition; and in this Sense, indeed, all our Actions may be said to be the Effects of our Liberty: But it is a Liberty of the same Nature with the Fall of a heavy Body to the Ground; it has Liberty to fall, that is, it meets with nothing to hinder its Fall, but at the same Time it is necessitated to fall, and has no Power or Liberty to remain suspended. But let us take the Argument in another View, and suppose ourselves to be, in the common sense of the Word, _Free Agents_. As Man is a Part of this great Machine, the Universe, his regular Acting is requisite to the regular moving of the whole. Among the many Things which lie before him to be done, he may, as he is at Liberty and his Choice influenc'd by nothing, (for so it must be, or he is not at Liberty) chuse any one, and refuse the rest. Now there is every Moment something _best_ to be done, which is alone then _good_, and with respect to which, every Thing else is at that Time _evil_. In order to know which is best to be done, and which not, it is requisite that we should have at one View all the intricate Consequences of every Action with respect to the general Order and Scheme of the Universe, both present and future; but they are innumerable and incomprehensible by any Thing but Omniscience. As we cannot know these, we have but as one Chance to ten thousand, to hit on the right Action; we should then be perpetually blundering about in the Dark, and putting the Scheme in Disorder; for every wrong Action of a Part, is a Defect or Blemish in the Order of the Whole. Is it not necessary then, that our Actions should be over-rul'd and govern'd by an all-wise Providence?--How exact and regular is every Thing in the _natural_ World! How wisely in every Part contriv'd! We cannot here find the least Defect! Those who have study'd the mere animal and vegetable Creation, demonstrate that nothing can be more harmonious and beautiful! All the heavenly Bodies, the Stars and Planets, are regulated with the utmost Wisdom! And can we suppose less Care to be taken in the Order of the _moral_ than in the _natural_ System? It is as if an ingenious Artificer, having fram'd a curious Machine or Clock, and put its many intricate Wheels and Powers in such a Dependance on one another, that the whole might move in the most exact Order and Regularity, had nevertheless plac'd in it several other Wheels endu'd with an independent _Self-Motion_, but ignorant of the general Interest of the Clock; and these would every now and then be moving wrong, disordering the true Movement, and making continual Work for the Mender: which might better be prevented, by depriving them of that Power of Self-Motion, and placing them in a Dependance on the regular Part of the Clock. VIII. _If there is no such Thing as Free-Will in Creatures, there can be neither Merit nor Demerit in Creatures._ IX. _And therefore every Creature must be equally esteem'd by the Creator._ These Propositions appear to be the necessary Consequences of the former. And certainly no Reason can be given, why the Creator should prefer in his Esteem one Part of His Works to another, if with equal Wisdom and Goodness he design'd and created them all, since all Ill or Defect, as contrary to his Nature, is excluded by his Power. We will sum up the Argument thus, When the Creator first design'd the Universe, either it was His Will and Intention that all Things should exist and be in the Manner they are at this Time; or it was his Will they should _be_ otherwise, _i.e._ in a different Manner: To say it was His Will Things should be otherwise than they are, is to say Somewhat hath contradicted His Will, and broken His Measures, which is impossible because inconsistent with his Power; therefore we must allow that all Things exist now in a Manner agreeable to His Will, and in consequence of that are all equally Good, and therefore equally esteem'd by Him. I proceed now to shew, that as all the Works of the Creator are equally esteem'd by Him, so they are, as in Justice they ought to be, equally us'd. * * * * * Sect. II. _Of_ Pleasure _and_ Pain. I. _When a Creature is form'd and endu'd with Life, 'tis suppos'd to receive a Capacity of the Sensation of_ Uneasiness _or_ Pain. It is this distinguishes Life and Consciousness from unactive unconscious Matter. To know or be sensible of Suffering or being acted upon is _to live_; and whatsoever is not so, among created Things, is properly and truly _dead_. All _Pain_ and _Uneasiness_ proceeds at first from and is caus'd by Somewhat without and distinct from the Mind itself. The Soul must first be acted upon before it can re-act. In the Beginning of Infancy it is as if it were not; it is not conscious of its own Existence, till it has receiv'd the first Sensation of _Pain_; then, and not before, it begins to feel itself, is rous'd, and put into Action; then it discovers its Powers and Faculties, and exerts them to expel the Uneasiness. Thus is the Machine set on work; this is Life. We are first mov'd by _Pain_, and the whole succeeding Course of our Lives is but one continu'd Series of Action with a View to be freed from it. As fast as we have excluded one Uneasiness another appears, otherwise the Motion would cease. If a continual Weight is not apply'd, the Clock will stop. And as soon as the Avenues of Uneasiness to the Soul are choak'd up or cut off, we are dead, we think and act no more. II. _This Uneasiness, whenever felt, produces_ Desire _to be freed from it, great in exact proportion to the Uneasiness._ Thus is _Uneasiness_ the first Spring and Cause of all Action; for till we are uneasy in Rest, we can have no Desire to move, and without Desire of moving there can be no voluntary Motion. The Experience of every Man who has observ'd his own Actions will evince the Truth of this; and I think nothing need be said to prove that the _Desire_ will be equal to the _Uneasiness_, for the very Thing implies as much: It is not _Uneasiness_ unless we desire to be freed from it, nor a great _Uneasiness_ unless the consequent Desire is great. I might here observe, how necessary a Thing in the Order and Design of the Universe this _Pain_ or _Uneasiness_ is, and how beautiful in its Place! Let us but suppose it just now banish'd the World entirely, and consider the Consequence of it: All the Animal Creation would immediately stand stock still, exactly in the Posture they were in the Moment Uneasiness departed; not a Limb, not a Finger would henceforth move; we should all be reduc'd to the Condition of Statues, dull and unactive: Here I should continue to sit motionless with the Pen in my Hand thus------and neither leave my Seat nor write one Letter more. This may appear odd at first View, but a little Consideration will make it evident; for 'tis impossible to assign any other Cause for the voluntary Motion of an Animal than its _uneasiness_ in Rest. What a different Appearance then would the Face of Nature make, without it! How necessary is it! And how unlikely that the Inhabitants of the World ever were, or that the Creator ever design'd they should be, exempt from it! I would likewise observe here, that the VIIIth Proposition in the preceding Section, viz. _That there is neither Merit nor Demerit_, &c. is here again demonstrated, as infallibly, tho' in another manner: For since _Freedom from Uneasiness_ is the End of all our Actions, how is it possible for us to do any Thing disinterested?--How can any Action be meritorious of Praise or Dispraise, Reward or Punishment, when the natural Principle of _Self-Love_ is the only and the irresistible Motive to it? III. _This_ Desire _is always fulfill'd or satisfy'd_, In the _Design_ or _End_ of it, tho' not in the _Manner_: The first is requisite, the latter not. To exemplify this, let us make a Supposition; A Person is confin'd in a House which appears to be in imminent Danger of Falling, this, as soon as perceiv'd, creates a violent _Uneasiness_, and that instantly produces an equal strong _Desire_, the _End_ of which is _freedom from the Uneasiness_, and the _Manner_ or Way propos'd to gain this _End_, is _to get out of the House_. Now if he is convinc'd by any Means, that he is mistaken, and the House is not likely to fall, he is immediately freed from his _Uneasiness_, and the _End_ of his Desire is attain'd as well as if it had been in the _Manner_ desir'd, viz. _leaving the House_. All our different Desires and Passions proceed from and are reducible to this one Point, _Uneasiness_, tho' the Means we propose to ourselves for expelling of it are infinite. One proposes _Fame_, another _Wealth_, a third _Power_, &c. as the Means to gain this _End_; but tho' these are never attain'd, if the Uneasiness be remov'd by some other Means, the _Desire_ is satisfy'd. Now during the Course of Life we are ourselves continually removing successive Uneasinesses as they arise, and the _last_ we suffer is remov'd by the _sweet Sleep_ of Death. IV. _The fulfilling or Satisfaction of this_ Desire, _produces the Sensation of_ Pleasure, _great or small in exact proportion to the_ Desire. _Pleasure_ is that Satisfaction which arises in the Mind upon, and is caus'd by, the accomplishment of our _Desires_, and by no other Means at all; and those Desires being above shewn to be caus'd by our _Pains_ or _Uneasinesses_, it follows that _Pleasure_ is wholly caus'd by _Pain_, and by no other Thing at all. V. _Therefore the Sensation of_ Pleasure _is equal, or in exact proportion to the Sensation of_ Pain. As the _Desire_ of being freed from Uneasiness is equal to the _Uneasiness_, and the _Pleasure_ of satisfying that Desire equal to the _Desire_, the _Pleasure_ thereby produc'd must necessarily be equal to the _Uneasiness_ or _Pain_ which produces it: of three Lines, _A_, _B_, and _C_, if _A_ is equal to _B_, and _B_ to _C_, _C_ must be equal to _A_. And as our _Uneasinesses_ are always remov'd by some Means or other, it follows that _Pleasure_ and _Pain_ are in their Nature inseparable: So many Degrees as one Scale of the Ballance descends, so many exactly the other ascends; and one cannot rise or fall without the Fall or Rise of the other: 'Tis impossible to taste of _Pleasure_, without feeling its preceding proportionate _Pain_; or to be sensible of _Pain_, without having its necessary Consequent _Pleasure_: The _highest Pleasure_ is only Consciousness of Freedom from the _deepest Pain_, and Pain is not Pain to us unless we ourselves are sensible of it. They go Hand in Hand; they cannot be divided. You have a View of the whole Argument in a few familiar Examples: The _Pain_ of Abstinence from Food, as it is greater or less, produces a greater or less _Desire_ of Eating, the Accomplishment of this _Desire_ produces a greater or less _Pleasure_ proportionate to it. The _Pain_ of Confinement causes the _Desire_ of Liberty, which accomplish'd, yields a _Pleasure_ equal to that _Pain_ of Confinement. The _Pain_ of Labour and Fatigue causes the _Pleasure_ of Rest, equal to that _Pain_. The _Pain_ of Absence from Friends, produces the _Pleasure_ of Meeting in exact proportion. _&c._ This is the _fixt Nature_ of Pleasure and Pain, and will always be found to be so by those who examine it. One of the most common Arguments for the future Existence of the Soul, is taken from the generally suppos'd Inequality of Pain and Pleasure in the present; and this, notwithstanding the Difficulty by outward Appearances to make a Judgment of another's Happiness, has been look'd upon as almost unanswerable: but since _Pain_ naturally and infallibly produces a _Pleasure_ in proportion to it, every individual Creature must, in any State of _Life_, have an equal Quantity of each, so that there is not, on that Account, any Occasion for a future Adjustment. Thus are all the Works of the Creator _equally_ us'd by him; And no Condition of Life or Being is in itself better or preferable to another: The Monarch is not more happy than the Slave, nor the Beggar more miserable than _Crœsus_. Suppose _A_, _B_, and _C_, three distinct Beings; _A_ and _B_, animate, capable of _Pleasure_ and _Pain_, _C_ an inanimate Piece of Matter, insensible of either. _A_ receives ten Degrees of _Pain_, which are necessarily succeeded by ten Degrees of _Pleasure_: _B_ receives fifteen of _Pain_, and the consequent equal Number of _Pleasure_: _C_ all the while lies unconcern'd, and as he has not suffer'd the former, has no right to the latter. What can be more equal and just than this? When the Accounts come to be adjusted, _A_ has no Reason to complain that his Portion of _Pleasure_ was five Degrees less than that of _B_, for his Portion of _Pain_ was five Degrees less likewise: Nor has _B_ any Reason to boast that his _Pleasure_ was five Degrees greater than that of _A_, for his _Pain_ was proportionate: They are then both on the same Foot with _C_, that is, they are neither Gainers nor Losers. It will possibly be objected here, that even common Experience shews us, there is not in Fact this Equality: "Some we see hearty, brisk and chearful perpetually, while others are constantly burden'd with a heavy Load of Maladies and Misfortunes, remaining for Years perhaps in Poverty, Disgrace, or Pain, and die at last without any Appearance of Recompence." Now tho' 'tis not necessary, when a Proposition is demonstrated to be a general Truth, to shew in what manner it agrees with the particular Circumstances of Persons, and indeed ought not to be requir'd; yet, as this is a common Objection, some Notice may be taken of it: And here let it be observ'd, that we cannot be proper Judges of the good or bad Fortune of Others; we are apt to imagine, that what would give us a great Uneasiness or a great Satisfaction, has the same Effect upon others: we think, for Instance, those unhappy, who must depend upon Charity for a mean Subsistence, who go in Rags, fare hardly, and are despis'd and scorn'd by all; not considering that Custom renders all these Things easy, familiar, and even pleasant. When we see Riches, Grandeur and a chearful Countenance, we easily imagine Happiness accompanies them, when oftentimes 'tis quite otherwise: Nor is a constantly sorrowful Look, attended with continual Complaints, an infallible Indication of Unhappiness. In short, we can judge by nothing but Appearances, and they are very apt to deceive us. Some put on a gay chearful Outside, and appear to the World perfectly at Ease, tho' even then, some inward Sting, some secret Pain imbitters all their Joys, and makes the Ballance even: Others appear continually dejected and full of Sorrow; but even Grief itself is sometimes _pleasant_, and Tears are not always without their Sweetness: Besides, Some take a Satisfaction in being thought unhappy, (as others take a Pride in being thought humble,) these will paint their Misfortunes to others in the strongest Colours, and leave no Means unus'd to make you think them throughly miserable; so great a Pleasure it is to them _to be pitied_. Others retain the Form and outside Shew of Sorrow, long after the Thing itself, with its Cause, is remov'd from the Mind; it is a Habit they have acquir'd and cannot leave. These, with many others that might be given, are Reasons why we cannot make a true Estimate of the _Equality_ of the Happiness and Unhappiness of others; and unless we could, Matter of Fact cannot be opposed to this Hypothesis. Indeed, we are sometimes apt to think, that the Uneasinesses we ourselves have had, outweigh our Pleasures; but the Reason is this, the Mind takes no Account of the latter, they flip away un-remark'd, when the former leave more lasting Impressions on the Memory. But suppose we pass the greatest part of Life in Pain and Sorrow, suppose we die by Torments and _think no more_, 'tis no Diminution to the Truth of what is here advanc'd; for the _Pain_, tho' exquisite, is not so to the _last_ Moments of Life, the Senses are soon benumm'd, and render'd incapable of transmitting it so sharply to the Soul as at first; She perceives it cannot hold long, and 'tis an _exquisite Pleasure_ to behold the immediate Approaches of Rest. This makes an Equivalent tho' Annihilation should follow: For the Quantity of _Pleasure_ and _Pain_ is not to be measur'd by its Duration, any more than the Quantity of Matter by its Extension; and as one cubic Inch may be made to contain, by Condensation, as much Matter as would fill ten thousand cubic Feet, being more expanded, so one single Moment of _Pleasure_ may outweigh and compensate an Age of _Pain_. It was owing to their Ignorance of the Nature of Pleasure and Pain that the Antient Heathens believ'd the idle Fable of their _Elizium_, that State of uninterrupted Ease and Happiness! The Thing is intirely impossible in Nature! Are not the Pleasures of the Spring made such by the Disagreeableness of the Winter? Is not the Pleasure of fair Weather owing to the Unpleasantness of foul? Certainly. Were it then always Spring, were the Fields always green and nourishing, and the Weather constantly serene and fair, the Pleasure would pall and die upon our Hands; it would cease to be Pleasure to us, when it is not usher'd in by Uneasiness. Could the Philosopher visit, in reality, every Star and Planet with as much Ease and Swiftness as he can now visit their Ideas, and pass from one to another of them in the Imagination; it would be a _Pleasure_ I grant; but it would be only in proportion to the _Desire_ of accomplishing it, and that would be no greater than the _Uneasiness_ suffer'd in the Want of it. The Accomplishment of a long and difficult Journey yields a great _Pleasure_; but if we could take a Trip to the Moon and back again, as frequently and with as much Ease as we can go and come from Market, the Satisfaction would be just the same. The _Immateriality_ of the Soul has been frequently made use of as an Argument for its _Immortality_; but let us consider, that tho' it should be allow'd to be immaterial, and consequently its Parts incapable of Separation or Destruction by any Thing material, yet by Experience we find, that it is not incapable of Cessation of _Thought_, which is its Action. When the Body is but a little indispos'd it has an evident Effect upon the Mind; and a right Disposition of the Organs is requisite to a right Manner of Thinking. In a sound Sleep sometimes, or in a Swoon, we cease to think at all; tho' the Soul is not therefore then annihilated, but _exists_ all the while tho' it does not _act_; and may not this probably be the Case after Death? All our Ideas are first admitted by the Senses and imprinted on the Brain, increasing in Number by Observation and Experience; there they become the Subjects of the Soul's Action. The Soul is a mere Power or Faculty of _contemplating_ on, and _comparing_ those Ideas when it has them; hence springs Reason: But as it can _think_ on nothing but Ideas, it must have them before it can _think_ at all. Therefore as it may exist before it has receiv'd any Ideas, it may exist before it _thinks_. To remember a Thing, is to have the Idea of it still plainly imprinted on the Brain, which the Soul can turn to and contemplate on Occasion. To forget a Thing, is to have the Idea of it defac'd and destroy'd by some Accident, or the crouding in and imprinting of great variety of other Ideas upon it, so that the Soul cannot find out its Traces and distinguish it. When we have thus lost the Idea of any one Thing, we can _think_ no more, or _cease to think_, on that Thing; and as we can lose the Idea of one Thing, so we may of ten, twenty, a hundred, &c. and even of all Things, because they are not in their Nature permanent; and often during Life we see that some Men, (by an Accident or Distemper affecting the Brain,) lose the greatest Part of their Ideas, and remember very little of their past Actions and Circumstances. Now upon _Death_, and the Destruction of the Body, the Ideas contain'd in the Brain, (which are alone the Subjects of the Soul's Action) being then likewise necessarily destroy'd, the Soul, tho' incapable of Destruction itself, must then necessarily _cease to think_ or _act_, having nothing left to think or act upon. It is reduc'd to its first unconscious State before it receiv'd any Ideas. And to cease to _think_ is but little different from _ceasing to be_. Nevertheless, 'tis not impossible that this same _Faculty_ of contemplating Ideas may be hereafter united to a new Body, and receive a new Set of Ideas; but that will no way concern us who are now living; for the Identity will be lost, it is no longer that same _Self_ but a new Being. I shall here subjoin a short Recapitulation of the Whole, that it may with all its Parts be comprehended at one View. 1. _It is suppos'd that God the Maker and Governour of the Universe, is infinitely wise, good, and powerful._ 2. _In consequence of His Infinite Wisdom and Goodness, it is asserted, that whatever He doth must be infinitely wise and good;_ 3. _Unless He be interrupted, and His Measures broken by some other Being, which is impossible because He is Almighty._ 4. _In consequence of His infinite Power, it is asserted, that nothing can exist or be done in the Universe which is not agreeable to His Will, and therefore good._ 5. _Evil is hereby excluded, with all Merit and Demerit; and likewise all preference in the Esteem of God, of one Part of the Creation to another._ This is the Summary of the first Part. Now our common Notions of Justice will tell us, that if all created Things are equally esteem'd by the Creator, they ought to be equally us'd by Him; and that they are therefore equally us'd, we might embrace for Truth upon the Credit, and as the true Consequence of the foregoing Argument. Nevertheless we proceed to confirm it, by shewing _how_ they are equally us'd, and that in the following Manner. 1. _A Creature when endu'd with Life or Consciousness, is made capable of Uneasiness or Pain._ 2. _This Pain produces Desire to be freed from it, in exact proportion to itself._ 3. _The Accomplishment of this Desire produces an equal Pleasure._ 4. _Pleasure is consequently equal to Pain._ From these Propositions it is observ'd, 1. _That every Creature hath as much Pleasure as Pain._ 2. _That Life is not preferable to Insensibility; for Pleasure and Pain destroy one another: That Being which has ten Degrees of Pain subtracted from ten of Pleasure, has nothing remaining, and is upon an equality with that Being which is insensible of both._ 3. _As the first Part proves that all Things must be equally us'd by the Creator because equally esteem'd; so this second Part demonstrates that they are equally esteem'd because equally us'd._ 4. _Since every Action is the Effect of Self-Uneasiness, the Distinction of Virtue and Vice is excluded; and_ Prop. VIII. _in_ Sect. I. _again demonstrated._ 5. _No State of Life can be happier than the present, because Pleasure and Pain are inseparable._ Thus both Parts of this Argument agree with and confirm one another, and the Demonstration is reciprocal. I am sensible that the Doctrine here advanc'd, if it were to be publish'd, would meet with but an indifferent Reception. Mankind naturally and generally love to be flatter'd: Whatever sooths our Pride, and tends to exalt our Species above the rest of the Creation, we are pleas'd with and easily believe, when ungrateful Truths shall be with the utmost Indignation rejected. "What! bring ourselves down to an Equality with the Beasts of the Field! with the _meanest_ part of the Creation! 'Tis insufferable!" But, (to use a Piece of _common_ Sense) our _Geese_ are but _Geese_ tho' we may think 'em _Swans_, and Truth will be Truth tho' it sometimes prove mortifying and distasteful. RULES FOR A CLUB ESTABLISHED FOR MUTUAL IMPROVEMENT[20] [1728] Previous Question, To Be Answered At Every Meeting Have you read over these queries this morning, in order to consider what you might have to offer the Junto touching any one of them? viz. 1. Have you met with any thing in the author you last read, remarkable, or suitable to be communicated to the Junto? particularly in history, morality, poetry, physic, travels, mechanic arts, or other parts of knowledge. 2. What new story have you lately heard agreeable for telling in conversation? 3. Hath any citizen in your knowledge failed in his business lately, and what have you heard of the cause? 4. Have you lately heard of any citizen's thriving well, and by what means? 5. Have you lately heard how any present rich man, here or elsewhere, got his estate? 6. Do you know of a fellow citizen, who has lately done a worthy action, deserving praise and imitation; or who has lately committed an error, proper for us to be warned against and avoid? 7. What unhappy effects of intemperance have you lately observed or heard; of imprudence, of passion, or of any other vice or folly? 8. What happy effects of temperance, of prudence, of moderation, or of any other virtue? 9. Have you or any of your acquaintance been lately sick or wounded? If so, what remedies were used, and what were their effects? 10. Whom do you know that are shortly going voyages or journeys, if one should have occasion to send by them? 11. Do you think of any thing at present, in which the Junto may be serviceable to _mankind_, to their country, to their friends, or to themselves? 12. Hath any deserving stranger arrived in town since last meeting, that you have heard of? And what have you heard or observed of his character or merits? And whether, think you, it lies in the power of the Junto to oblige him, or encourage him as he deserves? 13. Do you know of any deserving young beginner lately set up, whom it lies in the power of the Junto any way to encourage? 14. Have you lately observed any defect in the laws of your _country_, of which it would be proper to move the legislature for an amendment? Or do you know of any beneficial law that is wanting? 15. Have you lately observed any encroachment on the just liberties of the people? 16. Hath any body attacked your reputation lately? And what can the Junto do towards securing it? 17. Is there any man whose friendship you want, and which the Junto, or any of them, can procure for you? 18. Have you lately heard any member's character attacked, and how have you defended it? 19. Hath any man injured you, from whom it is in the power of the Junto to procure redress? 20. In what manner can the Junto, or any of them, assist you in any of your honourable designs? 21. Have you any weighty affair on hand, in which you think the advice of the Junto may be of service? 22. What benefits have you lately received from any man not present? 23. Is there any difficulty in matters of opinion, of justice, and injustice, which you would gladly have discussed at this time? 24. Do you see any thing amiss in the present customs or proceedings of the Junto, which might be amended? -- -- -- -- -- Any person to be qualified [as a member of the Junto], to stand up, and lay his hand upon his breast, and be asked these questions, viz. 1. Have you any particular disrespect to any present members? _Answer._ I have not. 2. Do you sincerely declare, that you love mankind in general, of what profession or religion soever? _Answer._ I do. 3. Do you think any person ought to be harmed in his body, name, or goods, for mere speculative opinions, or his external way of worship? _Answer._ No. 4. Do you love truth for truth's sake, and will you endeavour impartially to find and receive it yourself, and communicate it to others? _Answer._ Yes. ARTICLES OF BELIEF AND ACTS OF RELIGION IN TWO PARTS[21] Here will I hold. If there is a Pow'r above us, (And that there is, all Nature cries aloud, Thro' all her Works) He must delight in Virtue; And that which he delights in must be Happy. --CATO. PART I Philad^a, NOV. 20: 1728 FIRST PRINCIPLES I believe there is one supreme, most perfect Being, Author and Father of the Gods themselves. For I believe that Man is not the most perfect Being but one, rather that as there are many Degrees of Beings his Inferiors, so there are many Degrees of Beings superior to him. Also, when I stretch my Imagination thro' and beyond our System of Planets, beyond the visible fix'd Stars themselves, into that Space that is every Way infinite, and conceive it fill'd with Suns like ours, each with a Chorus of Worlds forever moving round him, then this little Ball on which we move, seems, even in my narrow Imagination, to be almost Nothing, and myself less than nothing, and of no sort of Consequence. When I think thus, I imagine it great Vanity in me to suppose, that the _Supremely Perfect_ does in the least regard such an inconsiderable Nothing as Man. More especially, since it is impossible for me to have any positive clear idea of that which is infinite and incomprehensible, I cannot conceive otherwise than that he _the Infinite Father_ expects or requires no Worship or Praise from us, but that he is even infinitely above it. But, since there is in all Men something like a natural principle, which inclines them to DEVOTION, or the Worship of some unseen Power; And since Men are endued with Reason superior to all other Animals, that we are in our World acquainted with; Therefore I think it seems required of me, and my Duty as a Man, to pay Divine Regards to SOMETHING. I conceive then, that the INFINITE has created many beings or Gods, vastly superior to Man, who can better conceive his Perfections than we, and return him a more rational and glorious Praise. As, among Men, the Praise of the Ignorant or of Children is not regarded by the ingenious Painter or Architect, who is rather honour'd and pleas'd with the approbation of Wise Men & Artists. It may be that these created Gods are immortal; or it may be that after many Ages, they are changed, and others Supply their Places. Howbeit, I conceive that each of these is exceeding wise and good, and very powerful; and that Each has made for himself one glorious Sun, attended with a beautiful and admirable System of Planets. It is that particular Wise and good God, who is the author and owner of our System, that I propose for the object of my praise and adoration. For I conceive that he has in himself some of those Passions he has planted in us, and that, since he has given us Reason whereby we are capable of observing his Wisdom in the Creation, he is not above caring for us, being pleas'd with our Praise, and offended when we slight Him, or neglect his Glory. I conceive for many Reasons, that he is a _good Being_; and as I should be happy to have so wise, good, and powerful a Being my Friend, let me consider in what manner I shall make myself most acceptable to him. Next to the Praise resulting from and due to his Wisdom, I believe he is pleas'd and delights in the Happiness of those he has created; and since without Virtue Man can have no Happiness in this World, I firmly believe he delights to see me Virtuous, because he is pleased when he sees Me Happy. And since he has created many Things, which seem purely design'd for the Delight of Man, I believe he is not offended, when he sees his Children solace themselves in any manner of pleasant exercises and Innocent Delights; and I think no Pleasure innocent, that is to Man hurtful. I _love_ him therefore for his Goodness, and I _adore_ him for his Wisdom. Let me then not fail to praise my God continually, for it is his Due, and it is all I can return for his many Favours and great Goodness to me; and let me resolve to be virtuous, that I may be happy, that I may please Him, who is delighted to see me happy. Amen! ADORATION PREL. Being mindful that before I address the Deity, my soul ought to be calm and serene, free from Passion and Perturbation, or otherwise elevated with Rational Joy and Pleasure, I ought to use a Countenance that expresses a filial Respect, mixed w^th a kind of Smiling, that Signifies inward Joy, and Satisfaction, and Admiration. O wise God, my good Father! Thou beholdest the sincerity of my Heart and of my Devotion; Grant me a Continuance of thy Favour! 1. O Creator, O Father! I believe that thou art Good, and that thou art _pleas'd with the pleasure_ of thy children.--Praised be thy name for Ever! 2. By thy Power hast thou made the glorious Sun, with his attending Worlds; from the energy of thy mighty Will, they first received [their prodigious] motion, and by thy Wisdom hast thou prescribed the wondrous Laws, by which they move.--Praised be thy name for Ever! 3. By thy Wisdom hast thou formed all Things. Thou hast created Man, bestowing Life and Reason, and placed him in Dignity superior to thy other earthly Creatures.--Praised be thy name for Ever! 4. Thy Wisdom, thy Power, and thy Goodness are everywhere clearly seen; in the air and in the water, in the Heaven and on the Earth; Thou providest for the various winged Fowl, and the innumerable Inhabitants of the Water; thou givest Cold and Heat, Rain and Sunshine, in their Season, & to the Fruits of the Earth Increase.--Praised be thy name for Ever! 5. Thou abhorrest in thy Creatures Treachery and Deceit, Malice, Revenge, [_Intemperance_,] and every other hurtful Vice; but Thou art a Lover of Justice and Sincerity, of Friendship and Benevolence, and every Virtue. Thou art my Friend, my Father, and my Benefactor.--Praised be thy name, O God, for Ever! Amen! [After this, it will not be improper to read part of some such Book as Ray's _Wisdom of God in the Creation_, or _Blackmore on the Creation_, or the Archbishop of Cambray's _Demonstration of the Being of a God_, &c., or else spend some Minutes in a serious Silence, contemplating on those Subjects.] Then sing MILTON'S HYMN TO THE CREATOR "These are thy Glorious Works, Parent of Good! Almighty, Thine this Universal Frame, Thus wondrous fair! Thyself how wondrous then! Speak ye who best can tell, Ye Sons of Light, Angels, for ye behold him, and with Songs And Choral Symphonies, Day without Night, Circle his Throne rejoicing you in Heav'n, On Earth join all ye creatures to extol Him first, him last, him midst, and without End. "Fairest of Stars, last in the Train of Night, If rather Thou belongst not to the Dawn, Sure Pledge of Day! thou crown'st the smiling Morn With thy bright Circlet, Praise him in thy Sphere While Day arises, that sweet Hour of Prime. Thou Sun, of this great World, both Eye and Soul, Acknowledge him thy greater; Sound his Praise In thy eternal Course; both when thou climb'st, And when high Noon hast gain'd, and when thou fall'st. Moon! that now meet'st the orient sun, now fly'st, With the fixed Stars, fixed in their orb that flies, And ye five other wandering Fires, that move In mystic Dance not without Song; resound His Praise, that out of Darkness called up Light. Air! and ye Elements! the eldest Birth Of Nature's womb, that in Quaternion run Perpetual Circle, multiform, and mix And nourish all things, let your ceaseless Change Vary to our great Maker still new Praise. Ye mists and Exhalations, that now rise From Hill or steaming lake, dusky or grey, Till the Sun paint your fleecy skirts with Gold, In honour to the World's Great Author rise; Whether to deck with Clouds the uncolor'd sky, Or wet the thirsty Earth w^th falling show'rs, Rising or falling still advance his Praise. His Praise, ye Winds! that from 4 quarters blow, Breathe soft or Loud; and wave your Tops, ye Pines! With every Plant, in sign of worship wave. Fountains! and ye that warble, as ye flow Melodious Murmurs, warbling tune his Praise. Join voices all ye living souls, ye Birds! That singing, up to Heaven's high gate ascend, Bear on your wings, & in your Note his Praise; Ye that in Waters glide! and ye that walk The Earth! and stately tread or lowly creep; Witness _if I be silent_, Ev'n or Morn, To Hill, or Valley, Fountain, or Fresh Shade, Made Vocal by my Song, and taught his Praise." [Here follows the Reading of some Book, or part of a Book, Discoursing on and exciting to Moral Virtue.] PETITION Inasmuch as by Reason of our Ignorance We cannot be certain that many Things, which we often hear mentioned in the Petitions of Men to the Deity, would prove real Goods, if they were in our Possession, and as I have reason to hope and believe that the Goodness of my Heavenly Father will not withold from me a suitable share of Temporal Blessings, if by a Virtuous and holy Life I conciliate his Favour and Kindness, Therefore I presume not to ask such things, but rather humbly and with a Sincere Heart, express my earnest desires that he would graciously assist my Continual Endeavours and Resolutions of eschewing Vice and embracing Virtue; which Kind of Supplications will _at least be thus far beneficial, as they remind me_ in a solemn manner of my Extensive duty. That I may be preserved from Atheism & Infidelity, Impiety, and Profaneness, and, in my Addresses to Thee, carefully avoid Irreverence and ostentation, Formality and odious Hypocrisy,--Help me, O Father! That I may be loyal to my Prince, and faithful to my country, careful for its good, valiant in its defence, and obedient to its Laws, abhorring Treason as much as Tyranny,--Help me, O Father! That I may to those above me be dutiful, humble, and submissive; avoiding Pride, Disrespect, and Contumacy,--Help me, O Father! That I may to those below me be gracious, Condescending, and Forgiving, using Clemency, protecting _innocent Distress_, avoiding Cruelty, Harshness, and Oppression, Insolence, and unreasonable Severity,--Help me, O Father! That I may refrain from Censure, Calumny and Detraction; that I may avoid and abhor Deceit and Envy, Fraud, Flattery, and Hatred, Malice, Lying, and Ingratitude,--Help me, O Father! That I may be sincere in Friendship, faithful in trust, and Impartial in Judgment, watchful against Pride, and against Anger (that momentary Madness),--Help me, O Father! That I may be just in all my Dealings, temperate in my Pleasures, full of Candour and Ingenuity, Humanity and Benevolence,--Help me, O Father! That I may be grateful to my Benefactors, and generous to my Friends, exercising Charity and Liberality to the Poor, and Pity to the Miserable,--Help me, O Father! That I may avoid Avarice and Ambition, Jealousie, and Intemperance, Falsehood, Luxury, and Lasciviousness,--Help me, O Father! That I may possess Integrity and Evenness of Mind, Resolution in Difficulties, and Fortitude under Affliction; that I may be punctual in performing my promises, Peaceable and prudent in my Behaviour,--Help me, O Father! That I may have Tenderness for the Weak, and reverent Respect for the Ancient; that I may be Kind to my Neighbours, good-natured to my Companions, and hospitable to Strangers,--Help me, O Father! That I may be averse to Talebearing, Backbiting, Detraction, Slander, & Craft, and overreaching, abhor Extortion, Perjury, and every Kind of wickedness,--Help me, O Father! That I may be honest and open-hearted, gentle, merciful, and good, cheerful in spirit, rejoicing in the Good of others,--Help me, O Father! That I may have a constant Regard to Honour and Probity, that I may possess a perfect innocence and a good Conscience, and at length become truly Virtuous and Magnanimous,--Help me, good God; help me, O Father![G] And, forasmuch as ingratitude is one of the most odious of vices, let me not be unmindful gratefully to acknowledge the favours I receive from Heaven. [G] At this point the original MS ends. The subsequent paragraph, including the "Thanks," is found only in William Temple Franklin's transcript, now in the Library of Congress. [_Smyth's note._] THANKS For peace and liberty, for food and raiment, for corn, and wine, and milk, and every kind of healthful nourishment,--Good God, I thank thee! For the common benefits of air and light; for useful fire and delicious water,--Good God, I thank thee! For knowledge, and literature, and every useful art, for my friends and their prosperity, and for the fewness of my enemies,--Good God, I thank thee! For all thy innumerable benefits; for life, and reason, and the use of speech; for health, and joy, and every pleasant hour,--My good God, I thank thee! THE BUSY-BODY, NO. 1[22] Tuesday, February 4th, 1728/9 MR. ANDREW BRADFORD, I design this to acquaint you, that I, who have long been one of your Courteous Readers, have lately entertain'd some Thoughts of setting up for an Author mySelf; not out of the least Vanity, I assure you, or Desire of showing my Parts, but purely for the Good of my Country. I have often observ'd with Concern that your Mercury is not always equally entertaining. The Delay of Ships expected in, and want of fresh Advices from Europe, make it frequently very Dull; and I find the Freezing of our River has the same Effect on News as on Trade. With more Concern have I continually observ'd the growing Vices and Follies of my Country-folk; and, tho' Reformation is properly the concern of every Man; that is, Every one ought to mend One; yet 'tis too true in this Case, that what is every Body's Business is nobody's Business; and the Business is done accordingly. I therefore, upon mature Deliberation, think fit to take Nobody's Business wholly into my own Hands; and, out of Zeal for the Publick Good, design to erect mySelf into a Kind of _Censor Morum_; proposing, with your Allowance, to make Use of the _Weekly Mercury_ as a Vehicle in which my Remonstrances shall be convey'd to the World. I am sensible I have in this Particular undertaken a very unthankful Office, and expect little besides my Labour for my Pains. Nay, 'tis probable I may displease a great Number of your Readers, who will not very well like to pay 10s. a Year for being told of their Faults. But, as most People delight in Censure when they themselves are not the Objects of it, if any are offended at my publickly exposing their private Vices, I promise they shall have the Satisfaction, in a very little Time, of seeing their good Friends and Neighbours in the same Circumstances. However, let the Fair Sex be assur'd that I shall always treat them and their Affairs with the utmost Decency and Respect. I intend now and then to dedicate a Chapter wholly to their Service; and if my Lectures any Way contribute to the Embellishment of their Minds and brightning of their Understandings, without offending their Modesty, I doubt not of having their Favour and Encouragement. 'Tis certain, that no Country in the World produces naturally finer Spirits than ours; Men of Genius for every kind of Science, and capable of acquiring to Perfection every Qualification that is in Esteem among Mankind. But as few here have the Advantage of good Books, for want of which, good Conversation is still more scarce, it would doubtless have been very acceptable to your Readers, if, instead of an old out-of-date Article from Muscovy or Hungary, you had entertained them with some well-chosen Extract from a good Author. This I shall sometimes do, when I happen to have nothing of my own to say that I think of more Consequence. Sometimes I propose to deliver Lectures of Morality or Philosophy, and (because I am naturally enclin'd to be meddling with Things that don't concern me) perhaps I may sometimes talk Politicks. And if I can by any means furnish out a Weekly Entertainment for the Publick that will give a rational Diversion, and at the same Time be instructive to the Readers, I shall think my Leisure Hours well employ'd: And if you publish this, I hereby invite all ingenious Gentlemen and others (that approve of such an Undertaking) to my Assistance and Correspondence. 'Tis like by this Time, you have a Curiosity to be acquainted with my Name and Character. As I do not aim at publick Praise, I design to remain concealed; and there are such Numbers of our Family and Relations at this Time in the Country, that tho' I've sign'd my Name at full Length, I am not under the least Apprehension of being distinguish'd and discover'd by it. My Character, indeed, I would favour you with, but that I am cautious of praising mySelf, lest I should be told my Trumpeter's dead: And I cannot find in my Heart at present, to say any Thing to my own Disadvantage. It is very common with Authors, in their first Performances, to talk to their Readers thus; "If this meets with a SUITABLE Reception; Or, If this should meet with DUE Encouragement, I shall hereafter publish, &c." This only manifests the Value they put on their own Writings, since they think to frighten the Publick into their Applause, by threatning, that unless you approve what they have already wrote, they intend never to write again; when perhaps it mayn't be a Pin Matter whether they ever do or no. As I have not observ'd the Criticks to be more favourable on this Account, I shall always avoid saying any Thing of the Kind; and conclude with telling you, that, if you send me a Bottle of Ink and a Quire of Paper by the Bearer, you may depend on hearing further from, Sir, your most humble Servant, THE BUSY-BODY. THE BUSY-BODY, NO. 2 Tuesday, February 11, 1728/9 All fools have still an itching to deride, And fain would be upon the laughing side. --POPE. Monsieur de la Rochefoucault tells us somewhere in his Memoirs, that the Prince of Condé delighted much in ridicule, and used frequently to shut himself up for half a day together in his chamber, with a gentleman that was his favorite, purposely to divert himself with examining what was the foible or ridiculous side of every noted person in the court. That gentleman said afterwards in some company, that he thought nothing was more ridiculous in anybody, than this same humour in the Prince; and I am somewhat inclined to be of this opinion. The general tendency there is among us to this embellishment, which I fear has too often grossly imposed upon my loving countrymen instead of wit, and the applause it meets with from a rising generation, fill me with fearful apprehensions for the future reputation of my country. A young man of modesty (which is the most certain indication of large capacities) is hereby discouraged from attempting to make any figure in life; his apprehensions of being out-laughed will force him to continue in a restless obscurity, without having an opportunity of knowing his own merit himself or discovering it to the world, rather than venture to oppose himself in a place where a pun or a sneer shall pass for wit, noise for reason, and the strength of the argument be judged by that of the lungs. Among these witty gentlemen let us take a view of Ridentius. What a contemptible figure does he make with his train of paltry admirers! This wight shall give himself an hour's diversion with the cock of a man's hat, the heels of his shoes, an unguarded expression in his discourse, or even some personal defect; and the height of his low ambition is to put some one of the company to the blush, who perhaps must pay an equal share of the reckoning with himself. If such a fellow makes laughing the sole end and purpose of his life; if it is necessary to his constitution, or if he has a great desire of growing suddenly fat, let him eat; let him give public notice where any dull stupid rogue may get a quart of four-penny for being laughed at; but it is barbarously unhandsome, when friends meet for the benefit of conversation and a proper relaxation from business, that one should be the butt of the company, and four men made merry at the cost of the fifth. How different from this character is that of the good-natured, gay Eugenius, who never spoke yet but with a design to divert and please, and who was never yet baulked in his intention. Eugenius takes more delight in applying the wit of his friends, than in being admired himself; and if any one of the company is so unfortunate as to be touched a little too nearly, he will make use of some ingenious artifice to turn the edge of ridicule another way, choosing rather to make himself a public jest, than be at the pain of seeing his friend in confusion. Among the tribe of laughers, I reckon the petty gentlemen that write satires, and carry them about in their pockets, reading them themselves in all company they happen into; taking an advantage of the ill taste of the town to make themselves famous for a pack of paltry, low nonsense, for which they deserve to be kicked rather than admired, by all who have the least tincture of politeness. These I take to be the most incorrigible of all my readers; nay, I expect they will be squibbing at the Busy-Body himself. However, the only favour he begs of them is this, that if they cannot control their overbearing itch of scribbling, let him be attacked in downright biting lyrics; for there is no satire he dreads half so much as an attempt towards a panegyric. THE BUSY-BODY, NO. 3 Tuesday, February 18th, 1728/9 Non vultus instantis Tyranni Mente quatit solidâ,--neque Auster, Dux inquieti turbidus Adriæ, Nec fulminantis magna Jovis manus. --HOR. It is said that the Persians, in their ancient Constitution, had publick Schools in which Virtue was taught as a Liberal Art or Science; and it is certainly of more Consequence to a Man, that he has learnt to govern his Passions; in spite of Temptation to be just in his Dealings, to be Temperate in his Pleasures, to support himself with Fortitude under his Misfortunes, to behave with Prudence in all Affairs, and in every Circumstance of Life; I say, it is of much more real Advantage to him to be thus qualified, than to be a Master of all the Arts and Sciences in the World beside. Virtue alone is sufficient to make a Man Great, Glorious, and Happy. He that is acquainted with Cato, as I am, cannot help thinking as I do now, and will acknowledge he deserves the Name, without being honour'd by it. Cato is a Man whom Fortune has plac'd in the most obscure Part of the Country. His Circumstances are such, as only put him above Necessity, without affording him many Superfluities; Yet who is greater than Cato? I happened but the other Day to be at a House in Town, where, among others, were met Men of the most Note in this Place. Cato had Business with some of them, and knock'd at the Door. The most trifling Actions of a Man, in my Opinion, as well as the smallest Features and Lineaments of the Face, give a nice Observer some Notion of his Mind. Methought he rapp'd in such a peculiar Manner, as seem'd of itself to express there was One, who deserv'd as well as desir'd Admission. He appear'd in the plainest Country Garb; his Great Coat was coarse, and looked old and threadbare; his Linnen was home-spun; his Beard perhaps of Seven Days' Growth; his Shoes thick and heavy; and every Part of his Dress corresponding. Why was this Man receiv'd with such concurring Respect from every Person in the Room, even from those who had never known him or seen him before? It was not an exquisite Form of Person, or Grandeur of Dress, that struck us with Admiration. I believe long Habits of Virtue have a sensible Effect on the Countenance. There was something in the Air of his Face, that manifested the true Greatness of his Mind, which likewise appear'd in all he said, and in every Part of his Behaviour, obliging us to regard him with a Kind of Veneration. His Aspect is sweetened with Humanity and Benevolence, and at the same Time enboldned with Resolution, equally free from a diffident Bashfulness and an unbecoming Assurance. The Consciousness of his own innate Worth and unshaken Integrity renders him calm and undaunted in the Presence of the most Great and Powerful, and upon the most extraordinary Occasions. His strict Justice and known Impartiality make him the Arbitrator and Decider of all Differences, that arise for many Miles around him, without putting his Neighbours to the Charge, Perplexity, and Uncertainty of Law-Suits. He always speaks the Thing he means, which he is never afraid or asham'd to do, because he knows he always means well, and therefore is never oblig'd to blush, and feel the Confusion of finding himself detected in the Meanness of a Falsehood. He never contrives Ill against his Neighbour, and therefore is never seen with a lowring, suspicious Aspect. A mixture of Innocence and Wisdom makes him ever seriously chearful. His generous Hospitality to Strangers, according to his Ability; his Goodness, his Charity, his Courage in the Cause of the Oppressed, his Fidelity in Friendship, his Humility, his Honesty and Sincerity, his Moderation, and his Loyalty to the Government; his Piety, his Temperance, his Love to Mankind, his Magnanimity, his Publick-Spiritedness, and in fine, his consummate Virtue, make him justly deserve to be esteem'd the Glory of his Country. "The Brave do never shun the Light; Just are their Thoughts, and open are their Tempers; Freely without Disguise they love and hate; Still are they found in the fair Face of Day, And Heaven and Men are Judges of their Actions." --ROWE. Who would not rather chuse, if it were in his Choice, to merit the above Character, than be the richest, the most learned, or the most powerful Man in the Province without it? Almost every Man has a strong natural Desire of being valu'd and esteem'd by the rest of his Species, but I am concern'd and griev'd to see how few fall into the Right and only infallible Method of becoming so. That laudable Ambition is too commonly misapply'd, and often ill employ'd. Some to make themselves considerable pursue Learning, others grasp at Wealth; some aim at being thought witty; and others are only careful to make the most of an handsome Person; But what is Wit, or Wealth, or Form, or Learning, when compar'd with Virtue? 'Tis true, we love the handsome, we applaud the Learned, and we fear the Rich and Powerful; but we even Worship and adore the Virtuous. Nor is it strange; since Men of Virtue are so rare, so very rare to be found. If we were as industrious to become Good as to make ourselves Great, we should become really Great by being Good, and the Number of valuable Men would be much increased; but it is a Grand Mistake to think of being Great without Goodness; and I pronounce it as certain, that there was never yet a truly Great Man, that was not at the same Time truly Virtuous. O Cretico! thou sowre Philosopher! Thou cunning Statesman! Thou art crafty, but far from being Wise. When wilt thou be esteem'd, regarded, and belov'd like Cato? When wilt thou, among thy Creatures, meet with that unfeign'd respect and warm Good-will, that all Men have for him? Wilt thou never understand, that the cringing, mean, submissive Deportment of thy Dependents, is (like the worship paid by Indians to the Devil) rather thro' Fear of the Harm thou may'st do to them, than out of Gratitude for the Favours they have receiv'd of thee? Thou art not wholly void of Virtue; there are many good Things in thee, and many good Actions reported of thee. Be advised by thy Friend. Neglect those musty Authors; let them be cover'd with Dust, and moulder on their proper Shelves; and do thou apply thyself to a Study much more profitable, The knowledge of Mankind and of thySelf. # # # # # This is to give Notice, that the Busy-Body strictly forbids all Persons, from this Time forward, of what Age, Sex, Rank, Quality, Degree, or Denomination soever, on any Pretence, to enquire who is the Author of this Paper, on Pain of his Displeasure, (his own near and Dear Relations only excepted). 'Tis to be observ'd, that if any bad Characters happen to be drawn in the Course of these Papers, they mean no particular Person, if they are not particularly apply'd. Likewise, that the Author is no Party-man, but a general Meddler. N. B. Cretico lives in a neighbouring Province. THE BUSY-BODY, NO. 4 Tuesday, February 25, 1728/9. Ne quid nimis. In my first Paper I invited the Learned and the Ingenious to join with me in this Undertaking, and I now repeat that Invitation. I would have such Gentlemen take this Opportunity (by trying their Talent in Writing) of diverting themselves and their Friends, and improving the Taste of the Town. And because I would encourage all Wit of our own Growth and Produce, I hereby promise, that whoever shall send me a little Essay on some moral or other Subject, that is fit for publick View in this Manner, (and not basely borrow'd from any other Author,) I shall receive it with Candour, and take care to place it to the best Advantage. It will be hard if we cannot muster up in the whole Country a sufficient Stock of Sense to supply the _Busy-Body_ at least for a Twelvemonth. For my own Part, I have already profess'd, that I have the Good of my Country wholly at Heart in this Design, without the least sinister View; my chief Purpose being to inculcate the noble Principles of Virtue, and depreciate Vice of every kind. But, as I know the Mob hate Instruction, and the Generality would never read beyond the first Line of my Lectures, if they were actually fill'd with nothing but wholesome Precepts and Advice, I must therefore sometimes humor them in their own Way. There are a Set of Great Names in the Province, who are the common Objects of Popular Dislike. If I can now and then overcome my Reluctance, and prevail with myself to satyrize a little one of these Gentlemen, the Expectation of meeting with such a Gratification will induce many to read me through, who would otherwise proceed immediately to the Foreign News. As I am very well assured the greatest Men among us have a sincere Love for their Country, notwithstanding its Ingratitude, and the Insinuations of the Envious and Malicious to the contrary, so I doubt not but they will chearfully tolerate me in the Liberty I design to take for the End above mentioned. As yet I have but few Correspondents, tho' they begin now to increase. The following Letter, left for me at the Printer's, is one of the first I have receiv'd, which I regard the more for that it comes from one of the Fair Sex, and because I have myself oftentimes suffer'd under the Grievance therein complain'd of. "TO THE BUSY-BODY "_Sir_, "You having set yourself up for a _Censuror Morum_, (as I think you call it), which is said to mean a Reformer of _Manners_, I know no Person more proper to be apply'd to for Redress in all the Grievances we suffer from Want of _Manners_, in some People. You must know I am a single Woman, and keep a Shop in this Town for a Livelyhood. There is a certain Neighbour of mine, who is really agreeable Company enough, and with whom I have had an Intimacy of some Time standing; but of late she makes her visits so excessively often, and stays so very long every Visit, that I am tir'd out of all Patience. I have no Manner of Time at all to myself; and you, who seem to be a wise Man, must needs be sensible that every Person has little Secrets and Privacies, that are not proper to be expos'd even to the nearest Friend. Now I cannot do the least Thing in the World, but she must know all about it; and it is a Wonder I have found an Opportunity to write you this Letter. My Misfortune is, that I respect her very well, and know not how to disoblige her so much as to tell her I should be glad to have less other Company; for if I should once hint such a Thing, I am afraid she would resent it so as never to darken my Door again. "But alas, Sir, I have not yet told you half my Affliction. She has two Children, that are just big enough to run about and do pretty Mischief; these are continually along with Mamma, either in my Room or Shop, if I have ever so many Customers or People with me about Business. Sometimes they pull the Goods off my low Shelves down to the Ground, and perhaps where one of them has just been making Water. My Friend takes up the Stuff, and cries, 'Eh! thou little wicked mischievous Rogue! But, however, it has done no great Damage; 'tis only wet a little;' and so puts it up upon the Shelf again. Sometimes they get to my Cask of Nails behind the Counter, and divert themselves, to my great Vexation, with mixing my Ten-penny, and Eight-penny, and Four-penny, together. I endeavour to conceal my Uneasiness as much as possible, and with a grave Look go to Sorting them out. She cries, 'Don't thee trouble thyself, Neighbour: Let them play a little; I'll put all to rights myself before I go.' But Things are never so put to rights, but that I find a great deal of Work to do after they are gone. Thus, Sir, I have all the Trouble and Pesterment of Children, without the Pleasure of--calling them my own; and they are now so us'd to being here, that they will be content nowhere else. If she would have been so kind as to have moderated her Visits to ten times a Day, and stay'd but half an hour at a Time, I should have been contented, and I believe never have given you this Trouble. But this very Morning they have so tormented me, that I could bear no longer; for, while the Mother was asking me twenty impertinent Questions, the youngest got to my Nails, and with great Delight rattled them by handfuls all over the Floor; and the other, at the same Time, made such a terrible Din upon my Counter with a Hammer, that I grew half distracted. I was just then about to make myself a new Suit of Pinners; but in the Fret and Confusion I cut it quite out of all Manner of Shape, and utterly spoil'd a Piece of the first Muslin. "Pray, Sir, tell me what I shall do; and talk a little against such unreasonable Visiting in your next Paper; tho' I would not have her affronted with me for a great Deal, for sincerely I love her and her Children, as well, I think, as a Neighbour can, and she buys a great many Things in a Year at my Shop. But I would beg her to consider, that she uses me unmercifully, Tho' I believe it is only for want of Thought. But I have twenty Things more to tell you besides all this: There is a handsome Gentleman, that has a Mind (I don't question) to make love to me, but he can't get the least Opportunity to--O dear! here she comes again; I must conclude, yours, &c. "PATIENCE." Indeed, 'tis well enough, as it happens, that she is come to shorten this Complaint, which I think is full long enough already, and probably would otherwise have been as long again. However, I must confess, I cannot help pitying my Correspondent's Case; and, in her Behalf, exhort the Visitor to remember and consider the Words of the Wise Man, "Withdraw thy Foot from the House of thy Neighbour, lest he grow weary of thee, and so hate thee." It is, I believe, a nice thing, and very difficult, to regulate our Visits in such a Manner, as never to give Offence by coming too seldom, or too often, or departing too abruptly, or staying too long. However, in my Opinion, it is safest for most People in a general way, who are unwilling to disoblige, to visit seldom, and tarry but a little while in a Place, notwithstanding pressing invitations, which are many times insincere. And tho' more of your Company should be really desir'd, yet in this Case, too much Reservedness is a Fault more easily excus'd than the Contrary. Men are subjected to various Inconveniences meerly through lack of a small Share of Courage, which is a Quality very necessary in the common Occurrences of Life, as well as in a Battle. How many Impertinences do we daily suffer with great Uneasiness, because we have not Courage enough to discover our Dislike? And why may not a Man use the Boldness and Freedom of telling his Friends, that their long Visits sometimes incommode him? On this Occasion, it may be entertaining to some of my Readers, if I acquaint them with the _Turkish_ Manner of entertaining Visitors, which I have from an Author of unquestionable Veracity; who assures us, that even the Turks are not so ignorant of Civility and the Arts of Endearment, but that they can practise them with as much Exactness as any other Nation, whenever they have a Mind to shew themselves obliging. "When you visit a Person of Quality," (says he) "and have talk'd over your Business, or the Complements, or whatever Concern brought you thither, he makes a Sign to have Things serv'd in for the Entertainment, which is generally, a little Sweetmeat, a Dish of Sherbet, and another of Coffee; all which are immediately brought in by the Servants, and tender'd to all the Guests in Order, with the greatest Care and Awfulness imaginable. At last comes the finishing Part of your Entertainment, which is, Perfuming the Beards of the Company; a Ceremony which is perform'd in this Manner. They have for the Purpose a small Silver Chaffing-Dish, cover'd with a Lid full of Holes, and fixed upon a handsome Plate. In this they put some fresh Coals, and upon them a piece of _Lignum Aloes_, and shutting it up, the smoak immediately ascends with a grateful Odour thro' the Holes of the Cover. This smoak is held under every one's Chin, and offer'd as it were a Sacrifice to his Beard. The bristly Idol soon receives the Reverence done to it, and so greedily takes in and incorporates the gummy Steam, that it retains the Savour of it, and may serve for a Nosegay a good while after. "This Ceremony may perhaps seem ridiculous at first hearing, but it passes among the _Turks_ for a high Gratification. And I will say this in its Vindication, that its Design is very wise and useful. For it is understood to give a civil Dismission to the Visitants, intimating to them, that the Master of the House has Business to do, or some other Avocation, that permits them to go away as soon as they please, and the sooner after this Ceremony the better. By this Means you may, at any Time, without Offence, deliver yourself from being detain'd from your Affairs by tedious and unseasonable Visits; and from being constrain'd to use that Piece of Hypocrisy, so common in the World, of pressing those to stay longer with you, whom perhaps in your Heart you wish a great Way off for having troubled you so long already." Thus far my Author. For my own Part, I have taken such a Fancy to this Turkish Custom, that for the future I shall put something like it in Practice. I have provided a Bottle of right French Brandy for the Men, and Citron-Water for the Ladies. After I have treated with a Dram, and presented a Pinch of my best Snuff, I expect all Company will retire, and leave me to pursue my Studies for the Good of the Publick. # # # # # ADVERTISEMENT I give Notice, that I am now actually compiling, and design to publish in a short Time, the true History of the Rise, Growth, and Progress of the renowned Tiff-Club. All Persons who are acquainted with any Facts, Circumstances, Characters, Transactions, &c. which will be requisite to the Perfecting and Embellishment of the said Work, are desired to communicate the same to the Author, and direct their Letters to be left with the Printer hereof. The Letter, sign'd "_Would-be-Something_," is come to hand. PREFACE TO THE PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE October 2, 1729 The Pennsylvania Gazette being now to be carry'd on by other Hands, the Reader may expect some Account of the Method we design to proceed in.[23] Upon a view of Chambers's great Dictionaries, from whence were taken the Materials of the _Universal Instructor in all Arts and Sciences_, which usually made the First Part of this Paper, we find that besides their containing many Things abstruse or insignificant to us, it will probably be fifty Years before the Whole can be gone thro' in this Manner of Publication. There are likewise in those Books continual References from Things under one Letter of the Alphabet to those under another, which relate to the same Subject, and are necessary to explain and compleat it; these taken in their Turn may perhaps be Ten Years distant; and since it is likely that they who desire to acquaint themselves with any particular Art or Science, would gladly have the whole before them in much less time, we believe our Readers will not think such a Method of communicating Knowledge to be a proper One. However, tho' we do not intend to continue the Publication of those Dictionaries in a regular Alphabetical Method, as has hitherto been done; yet as several Things exhibited from them in the Course of these Papers, have been entertaining to such of the Curious, who never had and cannot have the Advantage of good Libraries; and as there are many Things still behind, which being in this Manner made generally known, may perhaps become of considerable Use, by giving such Hints to the excellent natural Genius's of our Country, as may contribute either to the Improvement of our present Manufactures, or towards the Invention of new Ones; we propose from Time to Time to communicate such particular Parts as appear to be of the most general Consequence. As to the "Religious Courtship," Part of which has been retal'd to the Publick in these Papers, the Reader may be inform'd, that the whole Book will probably in a little Time be printed and bound up by itself; and those who approve of it, will doubtless be better pleas'd to have it entire, than in this broken interrupted Manner. There are many who have long desired to see a good News-Paper in Pennsylvania; and we hope those Gentlemen who are able, will contribute towards the making This such. We ask Assistance, because we are fully sensible, that to publish a good News-Paper is not so easy an Undertaking as many People imagine it to be. The Author of a Gazette (in the Opinion of the Learned) ought to be qualified with an extensive Acquaintance with Languages, a great Easiness and Command of Writing and Relating Things clearly and intelligibly, and in few Words; he should be able to speak of War both by Land and Sea; be well acquainted with Geography, with the History of the Time, with the several Interests of Princes and States, the Secrets of Courts, and the Manners and Customs of all Nations. Men thus accomplish'd are very rare in this remote Part of the World; and it would be well if the Writer of these Papers could make up among his Friends what is wanting in himself. Upon the Whole, we may assure the Publick, that as far as the Encouragement we meet with will enable us, no Care and Pains shall be omitted, that may make the Pennsylvania Gazette as agreeable and useful an Entertainment as the Nature of the Thing will allow. A DIALOGUE BETWEEN PHILOCLES AND HORATIO, MEETING ACCIDENTALLY IN THE FIELDS, CONCERNING VIRTUE AND PLEASURE [From the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 23, 1730.][24] _Philocles._ My friend _Horatio_! I am very glad to see you; prithee, how came such a Man as you alone? and musing too? What Misfortune in your Pleasures has sent you to Philosophy for Relief? _Horatio._ You guess very right, my dear _Philocles_! We Pleasure-hunters are never without 'em; and yet, so enchanting is the Game! we can't quit the Chace. How calm and undisturbed is your Life! How free from present Embarrassments and future Cares! I know you love me, and look with Compassion upon my Conduct; Shew me then the Path which leads up to that constant and invariable Good, which I have heard you so beautifully describe, and which you seem so fully to possess. _Phil._ There are few Men in the World I value more than you, _Horatio_! for amidst all your Foibles and painful Pursuits of Pleasure, I have oft observed in you an honest Heart, and a Mind strongly bent towards Virtue. I wish, from my Soul, I could assist you in acting steadily the Part of a reasonable Creature; for, if you would not think it a Paradox, I should tell you I love you better than you do yourself. _Hor._ A Paradox indeed! Better than I do myself! When I love my dear self so well, that I love every Thing else for my own sake. _Phil._ He only loves himself well, who rightly and judiciously loves himself. _Hor._ What do you mean by that, _Philocles_! You Men of Reason and Virtue are always dealing in Mysteries, tho' you laugh at 'em when the Church makes 'em. I think he loves himself very well and very judiciously too, as you call it, who allows himself to do whatever he pleases. _Phil._ What, though it be to the Ruin and Destruction of that very Self which he loves so well! That Man alone loves himself rightly, who procures the greatest possible Good to himself thro' the whole of his Existence; and so pursues Pleasure as not to give for it more than 'tis worth. _Hor._ That depends all upon Opinion. Who shall judge what the Pleasure is worth? Supposing a pleasing Form of the fair Kind strikes me so much, that I can enjoy nothing without the Enjoyment of that one Object. Or, that Pleasure in general is so favorite a Mistress, that I will take her as Men do their Wives, for better, for worse; mind no Consequences, nor regarding what's to come. Why should I not do it? _Phil._ Suppose, _Horatio_, that a Friend of yours entred into the World about Two-and-Twenty, with a healthful vigorous Body, and a fair plentiful Estate of about Five Hundred Pounds a Year; and yet, before he had reached Thirty, should, by following his Pleasures, and not, as you say, duly regarding Consequences, have run out of his Estate, and disabled his Body to that Degree, that he had neither the Means nor Capacity of Enjoyment left, nor any Thing else to do but wisely shoot himself through the Head to be at rest; what would you say to this unfortunate Man's Conduct? Is it wrong by Opinion or Fancy only? Or is there really a Right and Wrong in the Case? Is not one Opinion of Life and Action juster than another? Or, one Sort of Conduct preferable to another? Or, does that miserable Son of Pleasure appear as reasonable and lovely a Being in your Eyes, as a Man who, by prudently and rightly gratifying his natural Passions, had preserved his Body in full Health, and his Estate entire, and enjoy'd both to a good old Age, and then died with a thankful Heart for the good Things he had received, and with an entire Submission to the Will of Him who first called him into Being? Say, _Horatio_! are these Men equally wise and happy? And is every Thing to be measured by mere Fancy and Opinion, without considering whether that Fancy or Opinion be right? _Hor._ Hardly so neither, I think; yet sure the wise and good Author of Nature could never make us to plague us. He could never give us Passions, on purpose to subdue and conquer 'em; nor produce this Self of mine, or any other self, only that it may be denied; for that is denying the Works of the great Creator himself. Self-denial, then, which is what I suppose you mean by Prudence, seems to me not only absurd, but very dishonourable to that Supreme Wisdom and Goodness, which is supposed to make so ridiculous and Contradictious a Creature, that must be always fighting with himself in order to be at rest, and undergo voluntary Hardships in order to be happy: Are we created sick, only to be commanded to be Sound? Are we born under one Law, our Passions, and yet bound to another, that of Reason? Answer me, _Philocles_, for I am warmly concerned for the Honour of Nature, the Mother of us all. _Phil._ I find, Horatio, my two Characters have affrighted you; so that you decline the Trial of what is Good, by reason: And had rather make a bold Attack upon Providence; the usual Way of you Gentlemen of Fashion, who, when by living in Defiance of the eternal Rules of Reason, you have plunged yourselves into a thousand Difficulties, endeavour to make yourselves easy by throwing the Burden upon Nature. You are, _Horatio_, in a very miserable Condition indeed; for you say you can't be happy if you controul your Passions; and you feel yourself miserable by an unrestrained Gratification of 'em; so that here's Evil, irremediable Evil, either way. _Hor._ That is very true, at least it appears so to me: Pray, what have you to say, _Philocles_! in Honour of Nature or Providence; methinks I'm in Pain for her: How do you rescue her? poor Lady! _Phil._ This, my dear _Horatio_, I have to say; that what you find Fault with and clamour against, as the most terrible Evil in the World, Self-denial; is really the greatest Good, and the highest Self-gratification: If indeed, you use the Word in the Sense of some weak sour Moralists, and much weaker Divines, you'll have just Reason to laugh at it; but if you take it, as understood by Philosophers and Men of Sense, you will presently see her Charms, and fly to her Embraces, notwithstanding her demure Looks, as absolutely necessary to produce even your own darling sole Good, Pleasure: For, Self-denial is never a Duty, or a reasonable Action, but as 'tis a natural Means of procuring more Pleasure than you can taste without it so that this grave, Saint-like Guide to Happiness, as rough and dreadful as she has been made to appear, is in truth the kindest and most beautiful Mistress in the World. _Hor._ Prithee, _Philocles_! do not wrap yourself in Allegory and Metaphor. Why do you teaze me thus? I long to be satisfied, what this Philosophical Self-denial is, the Necessity and Reason of it; I'm impatient, and all on Fire; explain, therefore, in your beautiful, natural easy Way of Reasoning, what I'm to understand by this grave Lady of yours, with so forbidding, downcast Looks, and yet so absolutely necessary to my Pleasures. I stand ready to embrace her; for you know, Pleasure I court under all Shapes and Forms. _Phil._ Attend then, and you'll see the Reason of this Philosophical Self-denial. There can be no absolute Perfection in any Creature; because every Creature is derived, and dependent: No created Being can be All-wise, All-good, and All-powerful, because his Powers and Capacities are finite and limited; consequently whatever is created must, in its own Nature, be subject to Error, Irregularity, Excess, and Disorder. All intelligent, rational Agents find in themselves a Power of judging what kind of Beings they are; what Actions are proper to preserve 'em, and what Consequences will generally attend them, what Pleasures they are form'd for, and to what Degree their Natures are capable of receiving them. All we have to do then, _Horatio_, is to consider, when we are surpriz'd with a new Object, and passionately desire to enjoy it, whether the gratifying that Passion be consistent with the gratifying other Passions and Appetites, equal if not more necessary to us. And whether it consists with our Happiness To-morrow, next Week, or next Year; for, as we all wish to live, we are obliged by Reason to take as much Care for our future, as our present Happiness, and not build one upon the Ruins of t'other. But, if thro' the Strength and Power of a present Passion, and thro' want of attending to Consequences, we have err'd and exceeded the Bounds which Nature or Reason have set us; we are then, for our own Sakes, to refrain, or deny ourselves a present momentary Pleasure for a future, constant and durable one: So that this Philosophical Self-denial is only refusing to do an Action which you strongly desire; because 'tis inconsistent with your Health, Fortunes, or Circumstances in the World; or, in other Words, because 'twould cost you more than 'twas worth. You would lose by it, as a Man of Pleasure. Thus you see, _Horatio_! that Self-denial is not only the most reasonable, but the most pleasant Thing in the World. _Hor._ We are just coming into Town, so that we can't pursue this Argument any farther at present; you have said a great deal for Nature, Providence, and Reason: Happy are they who can follow such divine Guides. _Phil._ _Horatio!_ good Night; I wish you wise in your Pleasures. _Hor._ I wish, _Philocles_! I could be as wise in my Pleasures as you are pleasantly Wise; your Wisdom is agreeable, your Virtue is amiable, and your Philosophy the highest Luxury. Adieu! thou enchanting Reasoner! A SECOND DIALOGUE BETWEEN PHILOCLES AND HORATIO, CONCERNING VIRTUE AND PLEASURE [From the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 9, 1730.] _Philocles._ Dear _Horatio_! where hast thou been these three or four Months? What new Adventures have you fallen upon since I met you in these delightful, all-inspiring Fields, and wondred how such a Pleasure-hunter as you could bear being alone? _Horatio._ O _Philocles_, thou best of Friends, because a Friend to Reason and Virtue, I am very glad to see you. Don't you remember, I told you then, that some Misfortunes in my Pleasures had sent me to Philosophy for Relief? But now I do assure you, I can, without a Sigh, leave other Pleasures for those of Philosophy; I can hear the Word _Reason_ mentioned, and Virtue praised, without Laughing. Don't I bid fair for Conversion, think you? _Phil._ Very fair, _Horatio_! for I remember the Time when Reason, Virtue, and Pleasure, were the same Thing with you: When you counted nothing Good but what pleas'd, nor any thing Reasonable but what you got by; When you made a Jest of a Mind, and the Pleasures of Reflection, and elegantly plac'd your sole Happiness, like the rest of the Animal Creation, in the Gratifications of Sense. _Hor._ I did so: But in our last Conversation, when walking upon the Brow of this Hill, and looking down on that broad, rapid River, and yon widely-extended beautifully-varied Plain, you taught me another Doctrine: You shewed me, that Self-denial, which above all Things I abhorred, was really the greatest Good, and the highest Self-gratification, and absolutely necessary to produce even my own darling sole Good, Pleasure. _Phil._ True: I told you that Self-denial was never a Duty but when it was a natural Means of procuring more Pleasure than we could taste without it: That as we all strongly desire to live, and to live only to enjoy, we should take as much Care about our future as our present Happiness; and not build one upon the Ruins of 'tother: That we should look to the End, and regard Consequences: and if, thro' want of Attention we had err'd, and exceeded the Bounds which Nature had set us, we were then obliged, for our own Sakes, to refrain or deny ourselves a present momentary Pleasure for a future, constant, and durable Good. _Hor._ You have shewn, _Philocles_, that Self-denial, which weak or interested Men have rendred the most forbidding, is really the most delightful and amiable, the most reasonable and pleasant Thing in the World. In a Word, if I understand you aright, Self-denial is, in Truth, Self-recognising, Self-acknowledging, or Self-owning. But now, my Friend! you are to perform another Promise; and shew me the Path which leads up to that constant, durable, and invariable Good, which I have heard you so beautifully describe, and which you seem so fully to possess: Is not this Good of yours a mere Chimera? Can any Thing be constant in a World which is eternally changing! and which appears to exist by an everlasting Revolution of one Thing into another, and where every Thing without us, and every Thing within us, is in perpetual Motion? What is this constant, durable Good, then, of yours? Prithee, satisfy my Soul, for I'm all on Fire, and impatient to enjoy her. Produce this eternal blooming Goddess with never-fading Charms, and see, whether I won't embrace her with as much Eagerness and Rapture as you. _Phil._ You seem enthusiastically warm, _Horatio_; I will wait till you are cool enough to attend to the sober, dispassionate Voice of Reason. _Hor._ You mistake me, my dear _Philocles_! my Warmth is not so great as to run away with my Reason: it is only just raised enough to open my Faculties, and fit them to receive those eternal Truths, and that durable Good, which you so triumphantly boasted of. Begin, then; I'm prepared. _Phil._ I will. I believe, _Horatio_! with all your Skepticism about you, you will allow that Good to be constant which is never absent from you, and that to be durable, which never Ends but with your Being. _Hor._ Yes, go on. _Phil._ That can never be the Good of a Creature, which when present, the Creature may be miserable, and when absent, is certainly so. _Hor._ I think not; but pray explain what you mean; for I am not much used to this abstract Way of Reasoning. _Phil._ I mean all the Pleasures of Sense. The Good of Man cannot consist in the mere Pleasures of Sense; because, when any one of those Objects which you love is absent, or can't be come at, you are certainly miserable: and if the Faculty be impair'd, though the Object be present, you can't enjoy it. So that this sensual Good depends upon a thousand Things without and within you, and all out of your Power. Can this then be the Good of Man? Say, _Horatio_! what think you, Is not this a chequer'd, fleeting, fantastical Good? Can that, in any propriety of Speech, be called the Good of Man which even, while he is tasting, he may be miserable; and which when he cannot taste, he is necessarily so? Can that be our Good, which costs us a great deal of Pains to obtain; which cloys in possessing; for which we must wait the Return of Appetite before we can enjoy again? Or, is that our Good, which we can come at without Difficulty; which is heightened by Possession, which never ends in Weariness and Disappointment; and which, the more we enjoy, the better qualified we are to enjoy on? _Hor._ The latter, I think; but why do you torment me thus? _Philocles_! shew me this Good immediately. _Phil._ I have shewed you what 'tis not; it is not sensual, but 'tis rational and moral Good. It is doing all the Good we can to others, by Acts of Humanity, Friendship, Generosity, and Benevolence: This is that constant and durable Good, which will afford Contentment and Satisfaction always alike, without Variation or Diminution. I speak to your Experience now, _Horatio_! Did you ever find yourself weary of relieving the Miserable? or of raising the Distressed into Life or Happiness? Or rather, don't you find the Pleasure grow upon you by Repetition, and that 'tis greater in the Reflection than in the Act itself? Is there a Pleasure upon Earth to be compared with that which arises from the Sense of making others happy? Can this Pleasure ever be absent, or ever end but with your Being? Does it not always accompany you? Doth not it lie down and rise with you? live as long as you live? give you Consolation in the Article of Death, and remain with you in that gloomy Hour, when all other Things are going to forsake you, or you them? _Hor._ How glowingly you paint, _Philocles_! Methinks _Horatio_ is amongst the Enthusiasts. I feel the Passion: I am enchantingly convinced; but I don't know why: Overborn by something stronger than Reason. Sure some Divinity speaks within me; but prithee, _Philocles_, give me cooly the Cause, why this rational and moral Good so infinitely excels the meer natural or sensual. _Phil._ I think, _Horatio_! that I have clearly shewn you the Difference between merely natural or sensual Good, and rational or moral Good. Natural or sensual Pleasure continues no longer than the Action itself; but this divine or moral Pleasure continues when the Action is over, and swells and grows upon your Hand by Reflection: The one is inconstant, unsatisfying, of short Duration, and attended with numberless Ills; the other is constant, yields full Satisfaction, is durable, and no Evils preceding, accompanying, or following it. But, if you enquire farther into the Cause of this Difference, and would know why the moral Pleasures are greater than the sensual; perhaps the Reason is the same as in all other Creatures, That their Happiness or chief Good consists in acting up to their chief Faculty, or that Faculty which distinguishes them from all Creatures of a different Species. The chief Faculty in a Man is his Reason; and consequently his chief Good; or that which may be justly called his Good, consists not merely in Action, but in reasonable Action. By reasonable Actions, we understand those Actions which are preservative of the human Kind, and naturally tend to produce real and unmixed Happiness; and these Actions, by way of Distinction, we call Actions morally Good. _Hor._ You speak very clearly, _Philocles_! but, that no Difficulty may remain upon my Mind, pray tell me what is the real Difference between natural Good and Ill, and moral Good and Ill? for I know several People who use the Terms without Ideas. _Phil._ That may be: The Difference lies only in this; that natural Good and Ill is Pleasure and Pain: Moral Good and Ill is Pleasure or Pain produced with Intention and Design; for 'tis the Intention only that makes the Agent morally Good or Bad. _Hor._ But may not a Man, with a very good Intention, do an ill Action? _Phil._ Yes, but, then he errs in his Judgment, tho' his Design be good. If his Error is inevitable, or such as, all Things considered, he could not help, he is inculpable: But if it arose through want of Diligence in forming his Judgment about the Nature of human Actions, he is immoral and culpable. _Hor._ I find, then, that in order to please ourselves rightly, or to do good to others morally, we should take great Care of our Opinions. _Phil._ Nothing concerns you more; for, as the Happiness or real Good of Men consists in right Action, and right Action cannot be produced without right Opinion, it behoves us, above all Things in this World, to take Care that our Opinions of Things be according to the Nature of Things. The Foundation of all Virtue and Happiness is Thinking rightly. He who sees an Action is right, that is, naturally tending to Good, and does it because of that Tendency, he only is a moral Man; and he alone is capable of that constant, durable, and invariable Good, which has been the Subject of this Conversation. _Hor._ How, my dear philosophical Guide, shall I be able to know, and determine certainly, what is Right and Wrong in Life? _Phil._ As easily as you distinguish a Circle from a Square, or Light from Darkness. Look, _Horatio_, into the sacred Book of Nature; read your own Nature, and view the Relation which other Men stand in to you, and you to them; and you'll immediately see what constitutes human Happiness, and consequently what is Right. _Hor._ We are just coming into Town, and can say no more at present. You are my good Genius, _Philocles_. You have shewed me what is good. You have redeemed me from the Slavery and Misery of Folly and Vice, and made me a free and happy Being. _Phil._ Then I am the happiest Man in the World. Be steady, _Horatio_! Never depart from Reason and Virtue. _Hor._ Sooner will I lose my Existence. Good Night, _Philocles_. _Phil._ Adieu! dear _Horatio_! A WITCH TRIAL AT MOUNT HOLLY [From the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, Oct. 22, 1730.] "Saturday last, at Mount-Holly, about 8 Miles from this Place [Burlington, N. J.] near 300 People were gathered together to see an Experiment or two tried on some Persons accused of Witchcraft. It seems the Accused had been charged with making their Neighbours' Sheep dance in an uncommon Manner, and with causing Hogs to speak and sing Psalms, etc., to the great Terror and Amazement of the king's good and peaceable Subjects in this Province; and the Accusers, being very positive that if the Accused were weighed in Scales against a Bible, the Bible would prove too heavy for them; or that, if they were bound and put into the River they would swim; the said Accused, desirous to make Innocence appear, voluntarily offered to undergo the said Trials if 2 of the most violent of their Accusers would be tried with them. Accordingly the Time and Place was agreed on and advertised about the Country; The Accusers were 1 Man and 1 Woman: and the Accused the same. The Parties being met and the People got together, a grand Consultation was held, before they proceeded to Trial; in which it was agreed to use the Scales first; and a Committee of Men were appointed to search the Men, and a Committee of Women to search the Women, to see if they had any Thing of Weight about them, particularly Pins. After the Scrutiny was over a huge great Bible belonging to the Justice of the Place was provided, and a Lane through the Populace was made from the Justice's House to the Scales, which were fixed on a Gallows erected for that Purpose opposite to the House, that the Justice's Wife and the rest of the Ladies might see the Trial without coming amongst the Mob, and after the Manner of Moorfields a large Ring was also made. Then came out of the House a grave, tall Man carrying the Holy Writ before the supposed Wizard etc., (as solemnly as the Sword-bearer of London before the Lord Mayor) the Wizard was first put in the Scale, and over him was read a Chapter out of the Books of Moses, and then the Bible was put in the other Scale, (which, being kept down before) was immediately let go; but, to the great Surprize of the Spectators, Flesh and Bones came down plump, and outweighed that great good Book by abundance.[25] After the same Manner the others were served, and their Lumps of Mortality severally were too heavy for Moses and all the Prophets and Apostles. This being over, the Accusers and the rest of the Mob, not satisfied with this Experiment, would have the Trial by Water. Accordingly a most solemn Procession was made to the Millpond, where both Accused and Accusers being stripped (saving only to the Women their Shifts) were bound Hand and Foot and severally placed in the Water, lengthways, from the Side of a Barge or Flat, having for Security only a Rope about the Middle of each, which was held by some in the Flat. The accused man being thin and spare with some Difficulty began to sink at last; but the rest, every one of them, swam very light upon the Water. A Sailor in the Flat jump'd out upon the Back of the Man accused thinking to drive him down to the Bottom; but the Person bound, without any Help, came up some time before the other. The Woman Accuser being told that she did not sink, would be duck'd a second Time; when she swam again as light as before. Upon which she declared, That she believed the Accused had bewitched her to make her so light, and that she would be duck'd again a Hundred Times but she would duck the Devil out of her. The Accused Man, being surpriz'd at his own Swimming, was not so confident of his Innocence as before, but said, 'If I am a Witch, it is more than I know.' The more thinking Part of the Spectators were of Opinion that any Person so bound and placed in the Water (unless they were mere Skin and Bones) would swim, till their Breath was gone, and their Lungs fill'd with Water. But it being the general Belief of the Populace that the Women's shifts and the Garters with which they were bound help'd to support them, it is said they are to be tried again the next warm Weather, naked." AN APOLOGY FOR PRINTERS [From the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 10, 1731.] Being frequently censur'd and condemn'd by different Persons for printing Things which they say ought not to be printed, I have sometimes thought it might be necessary to make a standing Apology for my self, and publish it once a Year, to be read upon all Occasions of that Nature. Much Business has hitherto hindered the execution of this Design; but having very lately given extraordinary Offence by printing an Advertisement with a certain N. B. at the End of it, I find an Apology more particularly requisite at this Juncture, tho' it happens when I have not yet Leisure to write such a Thing in the proper Form, and can only in a loose manner throw those Considerations together which should have been the Substance of it. I request all who are angry with me on the Account of printing things they don't like, calmly to consider these following Particulars. 1. That the Opinions of Men are almost as various as their Faces; an Observation general enough to become a common Proverb, _So many Men so many Minds._ 2. That the Business of Printing has chiefly to do with Mens Opinions; most things that are printed tending to promote some, or oppose others. 3. That hence arises the peculiar Unhappiness of that Business, which other Callings are no way liable to; they who follow Printing being scarce able to do any thing in their way of getting a Living, which shall not probably give Offence to some, and perhaps to many; whereas the Smith, the Shoemaker, the Carpenter, or the Man of any other Trade, may work indifferently for People of all Persuasions, without offending any of them: and the Merchant may buy and sell with Jews, Turks, Hereticks and Infidels of all sorts, and get Money by every one of them, without giving Offence to the most orthodox, of any sort; or suffering the least Censure or Ill will on the Account from any Man whatever. 4. That it is as unreasonable in any one Man or Set of Men to expect to be pleas'd with every thing that is printed, as to think that nobody ought to be pleas'd but themselves. 5. Printers are educated in the Belief, that when Men differ in Opinion, both Sides ought equally to have the Advantage of being heard by the Publick; and that when Truth and Error have fair Play, the former is always an overmatch for the latter: Hence they chearfully serve all contending Writers that pay them well, without regarding on which side they are of the Question in Dispute. 6. Being thus continually employ'd in serving both Parties, Printers naturally acquire a vast Unconcernedness as to the right or wrong Opinions contain'd in what they print; regarding it only as the Matter of their daily labour: They print things full of Spleen and Animosity, with the utmost Calmness and Indifference, and without the least Ill-will to the Persons reflected on; who nevertheless unjustly think the Printer as much their Enemy as the Author, and join both together in their Resentment. 7. That it is unreasonable to imagine Printers approve of every thing they print, and to censure them on any particular thing accordingly; since in the way of their Business they print such great variety of things opposite and contradictory. It is likewise as unreasonable what some assert, "That Printers ought not to print any Thing but what they approve;" since if all of that Business should make such a Resolution, and abide by it, an End would thereby be put to Free Writing, and the World would afterwards have nothing to read but what happen'd to be the Opinions of Printers. 8. That if all Printers were determin'd not to print any thing till they were sure it would offend no body, there would be very little printed. 9. That if they sometimes print vicious or silly things not worth reading, it may not be because they approve such things themselves, but because the People are so viciously and corruptly educated that good things are not encouraged. I have known a very numerous Impression of Robin Hood's Songs go off in this Province at 2s. per Book, in less than a Twelvemonth; when a small Quantity of David's Psalms (an excellent Version) have lain upon my Hands above twice the Time. 10. That notwithstanding what might be urg'd in behalf of a Man's being allow'd to do in the Way of his Business whatever he is paid for, yet Printers do continually discourage the Printing of great Numbers of bad things, and stifle them in the Birth. I my self have constantly refused to print anything that might countenance Vice, or promote Immorality; tho' by complying in such Cases with the corrupt Taste of the Majority I might have got much Money. I have also always refus'd to print such things as might do real Injury to any Person, how much soever I have been solicited, and tempted with Offers of Great Pay; and how much soever I have by refusing got the Ill-will of those who would have employ'd me. I have hitherto fallen under the Resentment of large Bodies of Men, for refusing absolutely to print any of their Party or Personal Reflections. In this Manner I have made my self many Enemies, and the constant Fatigue of denying is almost insupportable. But the Publick being unacquainted with all this, whenever the poor Printer happens either through Ignorance or much Persuasion, to do any thing that is generally thought worthy of Blame, he meets with no more Friendship or Favour on the above Account, than if there were no Merit in't at all. Thus, as Waller says, Poets lose half the Praise they would have got Were it but known what they discreetly blot; Yet are censur'd for every bad Line found in their Works with the utmost Severity. I come now to the Particular Case of the N. B. above mention'd, about which there has been more Clamour against me, than ever before on any other Account.--In the Hurry of other Business an Advertisement was brought to me to be printed; it signified that such a Ship lying at such a Wharff, would sail for Barbadoes in such a Time, and that Freighters and Passengers might agree with the Captain at such a Place; so far is what's common: But at the Bottom this odd Thing was added, "N. B. No Sea Hens nor Black Gowns will be admitted on any Terms." I printed it, and receiv'd my Money; and the Advertisement was stuck up round the Town as usual. I had not so much Curiosity at that time as to enquire the Meaning of it, nor did I in the least imagine it would give so much Offence. Several good Men are very angry with me on this Occasion; they are pleas'd to say I have too much Sense to do such things ignorantly; that if they were Printers they would not have done such a thing on any Consideration; that it could proceed from nothing but my abundant Malice against Religion and the Clergy. They therefore declare they will not take any more of my Papers, nor have any farther Dealings with me; but will hinder me of all the Custom they can. All this is very hard! I believe it had been better if I had refused to print the said Advertisement. However, 'tis done, and cannot be revok'd. I have only the following few Particulars to offer, some of them in my behalf, by way of Mitigation, and some not much to the Purpose; but I desire none of them may be read when the Reader is not in a very good Humour. 1. That I really did it without the least Malice, and imagin'd the N. B. was plac'd there only to make the Advertisement star'd at, and more generally read. 2. That I never saw the Word Sea-Hens before in my Life; nor have I yet ask'd the meaning of it; and tho' I had certainly known that Black Gowns in that place signified the Clergy of the Church of England, yet I have that confidence in the generous good Temper of such of them as I know, as to be well satisfied such a trifling mention of their Habit gives them no Disturbance. 3. That most of the Clergy in this and the neighbouring Provinces, are my Customers, and some of them my very good Friends; and I must be very malicious indeed, or very stupid, to print this thing for a small Profit, if I had thought it would have given them just Cause of Offence. 4. That if I had much Malice against the Clergy, and withal much Sense; 'tis strange I never write or talk against the Clergy myself. Some have observed that 'tis a fruitful Topic, and the easiest to be witty upon of all others; yet I appeal to the Publick that I am never guilty this way, and to all my Acquaintances as to my Conversation. 5. That if a Man of Sense had Malice enough to desire to injure the Clergy, this is the foolishest Thing he could possibly contrive for that Purpose. 6. That I got Five Shillings by it. 7. That none who are angry with me would have given me so much to let it alone. 8. That if all the People of different Opinions in this Province would engage to give me as much for not printing things they don't like, as I can get by printing them, I should probably live a very easy Life; and if all Printers were everywhere so dealt by, there would be very little printed. 9. That I am oblig'd to all who take my Paper, and am willing to think they do it out of meer Friendship. I only desire they would think the same when I deal with them. I thank those who leave off, that they have taken it so long. But I beg they would not endeavour to dissuade others, for that will look like Malice. 10. That 'tis impossible any Man should know what he would do if he was a Printer. 11. That notwithstanding the Rashness and Inexperience of Youth, which is most likely to be prevail'd with to do things that ought not to be done; yet I have avoided printing such Things as usually give Offence either to Church or State, more than any Printer that has followed the Business in this Province before. 12. And lastly, That I have printed above a Thousand Advertisements which made not the least mention of _Sea-Hens_ or _Black Gowns_, and this being the first Offence, I have the more Reason to expect Forgiveness. I take leave to conclude with an old Fable, which some of my Readers have heard before, and some have not. "A certain well-meaning Man and his Son, were travelling towards a Market Town, with an Ass which they had to sell. The Road was bad; and the old Man therefore rid, but the Son went a-foot. The first Passenger they met, asked the Father if he was not ashamed to ride by himself, and suffer the poor Lad to wade along thro' the Mire; this induced him to take up his Son behind him: He had not travelled far, when he met others, who said, they are two unmerciful Lubbers to get both on the Back of that poor Ass, in such a deep Road. Upon this the old Man gets off, and let his Son ride alone. The next they met called the Lad a graceless, rascally young Jackanapes, to ride in that Manner thro' the Dirt, while his aged Father trudged along on Foot; and they said the old Man was a Fool, for suffering it. He then bid his Son come down, and walk with him, and they travell'd on leading the Ass by the Halter; 'till they met another Company, who called them a Couple of senseless Blockheads, for going both on Foot in such a dirty Way, when they had an empty Ass with them, which they might ride upon. The old Man could bear no longer; My Son, said he, it grieves me much that we cannot please all these People. Let me throw the Ass over the next Bridge, and be no further troubled with him." Had the old Man been seen acting this last Resolution, he would probably have been called a Fool for troubling himself about the different Opinions of all that were pleas'd to find Fault with him: Therefore, tho' I have a Temper almost as complying as his, I intend not to imitate him in this last Particular. I consider the Variety of Humors among Men, and despair of pleasing every Body; yet I shall not therefore leave off Printing. I shall continue my Business. I shall not burn my Press and melt my Letters. PREFACE TO POOR RICHARD, 1733 COURTEOUS READER, I might in this place attempt to gain thy Favour, by declaring that I write Almanacks with no other View than that of the publick Good; but in this I should not be sincere; and Men are now adays too wise to be deceiv'd by Pretences how specious soever. The plain Truth of the Matter is, I am excessive poor, and my Wife, good Woman, is, I tell her, excessive proud; she cannot bear, she says, to sit spinning in her Shift of Tow, while I do nothing but gaze at the Stars; and has threatned more than once to burn all my Books and Rattling-Traps (as she calls my Instruments) if I do not make some profitable Use of them for the Good of my Family. The Printer has offer'd me some considerable share of the Profits, and I have thus begun to comply with my Dame's Desire. Indeed this Motive would have had Force enough to have made me publish an Almanack many Years since, had it not been overpowered by my Regard for my good Friend and Fellow Student Mr. _Titan Leeds_, whose Interest I was extreamly unwilling to hurt: But this Obstacle (I am far from speaking it with Pleasure) is soon to be removed, since inexorable Death, who was never known to respect Merit, has already prepared the mortal Dart, the fatal Sister has already extended her destroying Shears, and that ingenious Man must soon be taken from us. He dies, by my Calculation made at his Request, on Oct. 17. 1733. 3 h. 29 m. P. M. at the very instant of the ☌ of ☉ and ☿: By his own Calculation he will survive till the 26th of the same Month.[26] This small Difference between us we have disputed whenever we have met these 9 Years past; but at length he is inclinable to agree with my Judgment: Which of us is most exact, a little Time will now determine. As therefore these Provinces may not longer expect to see any of his Performances after this Year, I think my self free to take up the Task, and request a share of the publick Encouragement; which I am the more apt to hope for on this Account, that the Buyer of my Almanack may consider himself, not only as purchasing an useful Utensil, but as performing an Act of Charity, to his poor _Friend and Servant_ R. SAUNDERS. A MEDITATION ON A QUART MUGG[27] [From the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 19, 1733.] Wretched, miserable, and unhappy Mug! I pity thy luckless Lot, I commiserate thy Misfortunes, thy Griefs fill me with Compassion, and because of thee are Tears made frequently to burst from my Eyes. How often have I seen him compell'd to hold up his Handle at the Bar, for no other Crime than that of being empty; then snatch'd away by a surly Officer, and plung'd suddenly into a Tub of cold Water: Sad Spectacle, and Emblem of human Penury, oppress'd by arbitrary Power! How often is he hurry'd down into a dismal Vault, sent up fully laden in a cold Sweat, and by a rude Hand thrust into the Fire! How often have I seen it obliged to undergo the Indignities of a dirty Wench; to have melting Candles dropt on its naked Sides, and sometimes in its Mouth, to risque being broken into a thousand Pieces, for Actions which itself was not guilty of! How often is he forced into the Company of boisterous Sots, who lay all their nonsence, Noise, profane Swearing, Cursing, and Quarreling, on the harmless Mug, which speaks not a Word! They overset him, maim him, and sometimes turn him to Arms offensive or defensive, as they please; when of himself he would not be of either Party, but would as willingly stand still. Alas! what Power, or Place, is provided, where this poor Mug, this unpitied Slave, can have Redress of his Wrongs and Sufferings? Or where shall he have a Word of Praise bestow'd on him for his Well doings, and faithful Services? If he prove of a large size, his Owner curses him, and says he will devour more than he'll earn: If his Size be small, those whom his Master appoints him to serve will curse him as much, and perhaps threaten him with the Inquisition of the Standard. Poor Mug, unfortunate is thy Condition! Of thy self thou wouldst do no Harm, but much Harm is done with thee! Thou art accused of many Mischiefs; thou art said to administer Drunkenness, Poison, and broken Heads: But none praise thee for the good Things thou yieldest! Shouldest thou produce double Beer, nappy Ale, stallcop Cyder, or Cyder mull'd, fine Punch, or cordial Tiff; yet for all these shouldst thou not be prais'd, but the rich Liquors themselves, which tho' within thee, will be said to be foreign to thee! And yet, so unhappy is thy Destiny, thou must bear all their Faults and Abominations! Hast thou been industriously serving thy Employers with Tiff or Punch, and instantly they dispatch thee for Cyder, then must thou be abused for smelling of Rum. Hast thou been steaming their Noses gratefully, with mull'd Cyder or butter'd Ale, and then offerest to refresh their Palates with the best of Beer, they will curse thee for thy Greasiness. And how, alas! can thy Service be rendered more tolerable to thee? If thou submittest thyself to a Scouring in the Kitchen, what must thou undergo from sharp Sand, hot Ashes, and a coarse Dishclout; besides the Danger of having thy Lips rudely torn, thy Countenance disfigured, thy Arms dismantled, and thy whole Frame shatter'd, with violent Concussions in an Iron Pot or Brass Kettle! And yet, O Mug! if these Dangers thou escapest, with little Injury, thou must at last untimely fall, be broken to Pieces, and cast away, never more to be recollected and form'd into a Quart Mug. Whether by the Fire, or in a Battle, or choak'd with a Dishclout, or by a Stroke against a Stone, thy Dissolution happens; 'tis all alike to thy avaritious Owner; he grieves not for thee, but for the Shilling with which he purchased thee! If thy Bottom Part should chance to survive, it may be preserv'd to hold bits of Candles, or Blacking for Shoes, or Salve for kibed Heels; but all thy other Members will be for ever buried in some miry Hole; or less carefully disposed of, so that little Children, who have not yet arrived to Acts of Cruelty, may gather them up to furnish out their Baby Houses: Or, being cast upon the Dunghill, they will therewith be carted into Meadow Grounds; where, being spread abroad and discovered, they must be thrown to the Heap of Stones, Bones and Rubbish; or being left until the Mower finds them with his Scythe, they will with bitter Curses be tossed over the Hedge; and so serve for unlucky Boys to throw at Birds and Dogs; until by Length of Time and numerous Casualties, they shall be press'd into their Mother Earth, and be converted to their original Principles. PREFACE TO POOR RICHARD, 1734 COURTEOUS READERS, Your kind and charitable Assistance last Year, in purchasing so large an Impression of my Almanacks, has made my Circumstances much more easy in the World, and requires my grateful Acknowledgment. My Wife has been enabled to get a Pot of her own, and is no longer oblig'd to borrow one from a Neighbour; nor have we ever since been without something of our own to put in it. She has also got a pair of Shoes, two new Shifts, and a new warm Petticoat; and for my part, I have bought a second-hand Coat, so good, that I am now not asham'd to go to Town or be seen there. These Things have render'd her Temper so much more pacifick than it us'd to be, that I may say, I have slept more, and more quietly within this last Year, than in the three foregoing Years put together. Accept my hearty Thanks therefor, and my sincere Wishes for your Health and Prosperity. In the Preface to my last Almanack, I foretold the Death of my dear old Friend and Fellow-Student, the learned and ingenious Mr. _Titan Leeds_, which was to be on the 17th of _October_, 1733, 3 h. 29 m. P. M. at the very Instant of the ☌ of ☉ and ☿. By his own Calculation he was to survive till the 26th of the same Month, and expire in the Time of the Eclipse, near 11 o'clock A. M. At which of these Times he died, or whether he be really yet dead, I cannot at this present Writing positively assure my Readers; forasmuch as a Disorder in my own Family demanded my Presence, and would not permit me as I had intended, to be with him in his last Moments, to receive his last Embrace, to close his Eyes, and do the Duty of a Friend in performing the last Offices to the Departed. Therefore it is that I cannot positively affirm whether he be dead or not; for the Stars only show to the Skilful, what will happen in the natural and universal Chain of Causes and Effects; but 'tis well known, that the Events which would otherwise certainly happen at certain Times in the Course of Nature are sometimes set aside or postpon'd for wise and good Reasons by the immediate particular Dispositions of Providence; which particular Dispositions the Stars can by no Means discover or foreshow. There is however (and I cannot speak it without Sorrow) there is the strongest Probability that my dear Friend is _no more_; for there appears in his Name, as I am assured, an Almanack for the Year 1734, in which I am treated in a very gross and unhandsome Manner; in which I am called _a false Predicter_, _an Ignorant_, _a conceited Scribler_, _a Fool_, _and a Lyar_. Mr. _Leeds_ was too well bred to use any Man so indecently and so scurrilously, and moreover his Esteem and Affection for me was extraordinary: So that it is to be feared that Pamphlet may be only a Contrivance of somebody or other, who hopes perhaps to sell two or three Year's Almanacks still, by the sole Force and Virtue of Mr. _Leeds's_ Name; but certainly, to put Words into the Mouth of a Gentleman and a Man of Letters, against his Friend, which the meanest and most scandalous of the People might be asham'd to utter even in a drunken Quarrel, is an unpardonable Injury to his Memory, and an Imposition upon the Publick. Mr. _Leeds_ was not only profoundly skilful in the useful Science he profess'd, but he was a Man of _exemplary Sobriety_, a most _sincere Friend_, and an _exact Performer of his Word_. These valuable Qualifications, with many others so much endear'd him to me, that although it should be so, that, contrary to all Probability, contrary to my Prediction and his own, he might possibly be yet alive, yet my Loss of Honour as a Prognosticator, cannot afford me so much Mortification, as his Life, Health and Safety would give me Joy and Satisfaction. I am, _Courteous and Kind Reader Your poor Friend and Servant,_ Octob. 30. 1733. R. SAUNDERS. PREFACE TO POOR RICHARD, 1735 COURTEOUS READER, This is the third Time of my appearing in print, hitherto very much to my own Satisfaction, and, I have reason to hope, to the Satisfaction of the Publick also; for the Publick is generous, and has been very charitable and good to me. I should be ungrateful then, if I did not take every Opportunity of expressing my Gratitude; for _ingratum si dixeris, omnia dixeris_: I therefore return the Publick my most humble and hearty Thanks. Whatever may be the Musick of the Spheres, how great soever the Harmony of the Stars, 'tis certain there is no Harmony among the Stargazers; but they are perpetually growling and snarling at one another like strange Curs, or like some Men at their Wives: I had resolved to keep the Peace on my own part, and affront none of them; and I shall persist in that Resolution: But having receiv'd much Abuse from _Titan Leeds_ deceas'd (_Titan Leeds_ when living would not have us'd me so!) I say, having receiv'd much Abuse from the Ghost of _Titan Leeds_, who pretends to be still living, and to write Almanacks in Spight of me and my Predictions, I cannot help saying, that tho' I take it patiently, I take it very unkindly. And whatever he may pretend, 'tis undoubtedly true that he is really defunct and dead. First because the Stars are seldom disappointed, never but in the Case of wise Men, _sapiens dominabitur astris_, and they foreshow'd his Death at the Time I predicted it. Secondly, 'Twas requisite and necessary he should die punctually at that Time, for the Honour of Astrology, the Art professed both by him and his Father before him. Thirdly, 'Tis plain to every one that reads his last two Almanacks (for 1734 and 35) that they are not written with that _Life_ his Performances use to be written with; the Wit is low and flat, the little Hints dull and spiritless, nothing smart in them but _Hudibras's_ Verses against Astrology at the Heads of the Months in the last, which no Astrologer but a _dead one_ would have inserted, and no Man _living_ would or could write such Stuff as the rest. But lastly I convince him in his own Words, that he is dead (_ex ore suo condemnatus est_) for in his Preface to his Almanack for 1734, he says "_Saunders adds another_ GROSS FALSHOOD _in his Almanack, viz. that by my own Calculation I shall survive until the 26th of the said Month October 1733, which is as untrue as the former_." Now if it be, as Leeds says, _untrue_ and a _gross Falshood_ that he surviv'd till the 26th of October 1733, then it is certainly _true_ that he died _before_ that Time: And if he died before that Time, he is dead now, to all Intents and Purposes, any thing he may say to the contrary notwithstanding. And at what Time before the 26th is it so likely he should die, as at the Time by me predicted, _viz._ the 17th of October aforesaid? But if some People will walk and be troublesome after Death, it may perhaps be born with a little, because it cannot well be avoided unless one would be at the Pains and Expence of laying them in the _Red Sea_; however, they should not presume too much upon the Liberty allow'd them; I know Confinement must needs be mighty irksome to the free Spirit of an Astronomer, and I am too compassionate to proceed suddenly to Extremities with it; nevertheless, tho' I resolve with Reluctance, I shall not long defer, if it does not speedily learn to treat its living Friends with better Manners, I am, _Courteous Reader, your obliged Friend and Servant_ Octob. 30. 1734 R. SAUNDERS. HINTS FOR THOSE THAT WOULD BE RICH [October, 1736--From _Poor Richard_, 1737] The Use of Money is all the Advantage there is in having Money. For £6 a Year you may have the Use of £100 if you are a Man of known Prudence and Honesty. He that spends a Groat a day idly, spends idly above £6 a year, which is the Price of using £100. He that wastes idly a Groat's worth of his Time per Day, one Day with another, wastes the Privilege of using £100 each Day. He that idly loses 5s. worth of time, loses 5s. and might as prudently throw 5s. in the River. He that loses 5s. not only loses that Sum, but all the Advantage that might be made by turning it in Dealing, which, by the time that a young Man becomes old, amounts to a comfortable Bag of Money. _Again_, He that sells upon Credit, asks a Price for what he sells equivalent to the Principal and Interest of his Money for the Time he is like to be kept out of it: therefore He that buys upon Credit, pays Interest for what he buys. And he that pays ready Money, might let that Money out to Use; so that He that possesses any Thing he has bought, pays Interest for the Use of it. _Consider then_ when you are tempted to buy any unnecessary Householdstuff, or any superfluous thing, whether you will be willing to pay _Interest, and Interest upon Interest_ for it as long as you live; and more if it grows worse by using. _Yet, in buying goods, 'tis best to pay Ready Money, because_, He that sells upon Credit, expects to lose _5 per Cent_ by bad Debts; therefore he charges, on all he sells upon Credit, an Advance that shall make up for that Deficiency. Those who pay for what they buy upon Credit, pay their Share of this Advance. He that pays ready Money, escapes or may escape that Charge. A Penny sav'd is Twopence clear, A Pin a Day is a Groat a Year. TO JOSIAH FRANKLIN[28] Philadelphia, April 13, 1738. HONOURED FATHER, I have your favours of the 21st of March, in which you both seem concerned lest I have imbibed some erroneous opinions. Doubtless I have my share; and when the natural weakness and imperfection of human understanding is considered, the unavoidable influence of education, custom, books, and company upon our ways of thinking, I imagine a man must have a good deal of vanity who believes, and a good deal of boldness who affirms, that all the doctrines he holds are true, and all he rejects are false. And perhaps the same may be justly said of every sect, church, and society of men, when they assume to themselves that infallibility, which they deny to the Pope and councils. I think opinions should be judged of by their influences and effects; and, if a man holds none that tend to make him less virtuous or more vicious, it may be concluded he holds none that are dangerous; which I hope is the case with me. I am sorry you should have any uneasiness on my account; and if it were a thing possible for one to alter his opinions in order to please another, I know none whom I ought more willingly to oblige in that respect than yourselves. But, since it is no more in a man's power to _think_ than to _look_ like another, methinks all that should be expected from me is to keep my mind open to conviction, to hear patiently and examine attentively, whatever is offered me for that end; and, if after all I continue in the same errors, I believe your usual charity will induce you to rather pity and excuse, than blame me. In the mean time your care and concern for me is what I am very thankful for. My mother grieves, that one of her sons is an Arian, another an Arminian. What an Arminian or an Arian is, I cannot say that I very well know. The truth is, I make such distinctions very little my study. I think vital religion has always suffered, when orthodoxy is more regarded than virtue; and the Scriptures assure me, that at the last day we shall not be examined what we _thought_, but what we _did_; and our recommendation will not be, that we said, _Lord! Lord!_ but that we did good to our fellow creatures. See Matt. xxv. As to the freemasons, I know no way of giving my mother a better account of them than she seems to have at present, since it is not allowed that women should be admitted into that secret society. She has, I must confess, on that account some reason to be displeased with it; but for any thing else, I must entreat her to suspend her judgment till she is better informed, unless she will believe me, when I assure her that they are in general a very harmless sort of people, and have no principles or practices that are inconsistent with religion and good manners. We have had great rains here lately, which, with the thawing of snow on the mountains back of our country, have made vast floods in our rivers, and, by carrying away bridges, boats, &c., made travelling almost impracticable for a week past; so that our post has entirely missed making one trip. I hear nothing of Dr. Crook, nor can I learn any such person has ever been here. I hope my sister Jenny's child is by this time recovered. I am your dutiful son. B. FRANKLIN. PREFACE TO POOR RICHARD, 1739 KIND READER, Encouraged by thy former Generosity, I once more present thee with an Almanack, which is the 7th of my Publication. While thou art putting Pence in my Pocket, and furnishing my Cottage with necessaries, _Poor Dick_ is not unmindful to do something for thy Benefit. The Stars are watch'd as narrowly as old _Bess_ watch'd her Daughter, that thou mayst be acquainted with their Motions, and told a Tale of their Influences and Effects, which may do thee more good than a Dream of last Year's Snow. Ignorant Men wonder how we Astrologers foretell the Weather so exactly, unless we deal with the old black Devil. Alas! 'tis as easy as ****** For Instance; The Stargazer peeps at the Heavens thro' a long Glass: He sees perhaps TAURUS, or the great Bull, in a mighty Chafe, stamping on the Floor of his House, swinging his Tail about, stretching out his Neck, and opening wide his Mouth. 'Tis natural from these Appearances to judge that this furious Bull is puffing, blowing and roaring. Distance being consider'd and Time allow'd for all this to come down, there you have Wind and Thunder. He spies perhaps VIRGO (or the Virgin;) she turns her Head round as it were to see if any body observ'd her; then crouching down gently, with her Hands on her Knees, she looks wistfully for a while right forward. He judges rightly what she's about: And having calculated the Distance and allow'd Time for its Falling, finds that next Spring we shall have a fine _April_ shower. What can be more natural and easy than this? I might instance the like in many other particulars; but this may be sufficient to prevent our being taken for Conjurors. O the wonderful Knowledge to be found in the Stars! Even the smallest Things are written there, if you had but Skill to read: When my Brother J-m-n erected a Scheme to know which was best for his sick Horse, to sup a new-laid Egg, or a little Broth, he found that the Stars plainly gave their Verdict for Broth, and the Horse having sup'd his Broth;--Now, what do you think became of that Horse? You shall know in my next. Besides the usual Things expected in an Almanack, I hope the profess'd Teachers of Mankind will excuse my scattering here and there some instructive Hints in Matters of Morality and Religion. And be not thou disturbed, O grave and sober Reader, if among the many serious Sentences in my Book, thou findest me trifling now and then, and talking idly. In all the Dishes I have hitherto cook'd for thee, there is solid Meat enough for thy Money. There are Scraps from the Table of Wisdom, that will if well digested, yield strong Nourishment to thy Mind. But squeamish Stomachs cannot eat without Pickles; which, 'tis true are good for nothing else, but they provoke an Appetite. The Vain Youth that reads my Almanack for the sake of an idle Joke, will perhaps meet with a serious Reflection, that he may ever after be the better for. Some People observing the great Yearly Demand for my Almanack, imagine I must by this Time have become rich, and consequently ought to call myself _Poor Dick_ no longer. But, the Case is this, When I first begun to publish, the Printer made a fair Agreement with me for my Copies, by Virtue of which he runs away with the greatest Part of the Profit.--However, much good may't do him; I do not grudge it him; he is a Man I have a great Regard for, and I wish his Profit ten times greater than it is. For I am, dear Reader, his, as well as thy _Affectionate Friend_ R. SAUNDERS. A PROPOSAL FOR PROMOTING USEFUL KNOWLEDGE AMONG THE BRITISH PLANTATIONS IN AMERICA Philadelphia, May 14, 1743. The English are possessed of a long tract of continent, from Nova Scotia to Georgia, extending north and south through different climates, having different soils, producing different plants, mines, and minerals, and capable of different improvements, manufactures, &c. The first drudgery of settling new colonies, which confines the attention of people to mere necessaries, is now pretty well over; and there are many in every province in circumstances that set them at ease, and afford leisure to cultivate the finer arts and improve the common stock of knowledge. To such of these who are men of speculation, many hints must from time to time arise, many observations occur, which if well examined, pursued, and improved, might produce discoveries to the advantage of some or all of the British plantations, or to the benefit of mankind in general. But as from the extent of the country such persons are widely separated, and seldom can see and converse or be acquainted with each other, so that many useful particulars remain uncommunicated, die with the discoverers, and are lost to mankind; it is, to remedy this inconvenience for the future, proposed, That one society be formed of _virtuosi_ or ingenious men, residing in the several colonies, to be called _The American Philosophical Society_, who are to maintain a constant correspondence. That Philadelphia, being the city nearest the centre of the continent colonies, communicating with all of them northward and southward by post, and with all the islands by sea, and having the advantage of a good growing library, be the centre of the Society. That at Philadelphia there be always at least seven members, viz. a physician, a botanist, a mathematician, a chemist, a mechanician, a geographer, and a general natural philosopher, besides a president, treasurer, and secretary. That these members meet once a month, or oftener, at their own expense, to communicate to each other their observations and experiments, to receive, read, and consider such letters, communications, or queries as shall be sent from distant members; to direct the dispersing of copies of such communications as are valuable, to other distant members, in order to procure their sentiments thereupon. That the subjects of the correspondence be: all new-discovered plants, herbs, trees, roots, their virtues, uses, &c.; methods of propagating them, and making such as are useful, but particular to some plantations, more general; improvements of vegetable juices, as ciders, wines, &c.; new methods of curing or preventing diseases; all new-discovered fossils in different countries, as mines, minerals, and quarries; new and useful improvements in any branch of mathematics; new discoveries in chemistry, such as improvements in distillation, brewing, and assaying of ores; new mechanical inventions for saving labour, as mills and carriages, and for raising and conveying of water, draining of meadows, &c.; all new arts, trades, and manufactures, that may be proposed or thought of; surveys, maps, and charts of particular parts of the sea-coasts or inland countries; course and junction of rivers and great roads, situation of lakes and mountains, nature of the soil and productions; new methods of improving the breed of useful animals; introducing other sorts from foreign countries; new improvements in planting, gardening, and clearing land; and all philosophical experiments that let light into the nature of things, tend to increase the power of man over matter, and multiply the conveniences or pleasures of life. That a correspondence, already begun by some intended members, shall be kept up by this Society with the ROYAL SOCIETY of London, and with the DUBLIN SOCIETY. That every member shall have abstracts sent him quarterly, of every thing valuable communicated to the Society's Secretary at Philadelphia; free of all charge except the yearly payment hereafter mentioned. That, by permission of the postmaster-general, such communications pass between the Secretary of the Society and the members, postage-free. That, for defraying the expense of such experiments as the Society shall judge proper to cause to be made, and other contingent charges for the common good, every member send a piece of eight per annum to the treasurer, at Philadelphia, to form a common stock, to be disbursed by order of the President with the consent of the majority of the members that can conveniently be consulted thereupon, to such persons and places where and by whom the experiments are to be made, and otherwise as there shall be occasion; of which disbursements an exact account shall be kept, and communicated yearly to every member. That, at the first meetings of the members at Philadelphia, such rules be formed for regulating their meetings and transactions for the general benefit, as shall be convenient and necessary; to be afterwards changed and improved as there shall be occasion, wherein due regard is to be had to the advice of distant members. That, at the end of every year, collections be made and printed, of such experiments, discoveries, and improvements, as may be thought of public advantage; and that every member have a copy sent him. That the business and duty of the Secretary be to receive all letters intended for the Society, and lay them before the President and members at their meetings; to abstract, correct, and methodize such papers as require it, and as he shall be directed to do by the President, after they have been considered, debated, and digested in the Society; to enter copies thereof in the Society's books, and make out copies for distant members; to answer their letters by direction of the President, and keep records of all material transactions of the Society. Benjamin Franklin, the writer of this Proposal, offers himself to serve the Society as their secretary, till they shall be provided with one more capable. SHAVERS AND TRIMMERS [From the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 23, 1743.] Alexander Miller, Peruke-maker, in _Second-street, Philadelphia_, takes Opportunity to acquaint his Customers, that he intends to leave off the Shaving Business after the 22d of _August_ next. TO MR. FRANKLIN _Sir_, It is a common Observation among the People of _Great Britain_ and _Ireland_, that the Barbers are reverenced by the lower Classes of the Inhabitants of those Kingdoms, and in the more remote Parts of those Dominions, as the sole Oracles of Wisdom and Politicks. This at first View seems to be owing to the odd Bent of Mind and peculiar Humour of the People of those Nations: But if we carry this Observation into other Parts, we shall find the same Passion equally prevalent throughout the whole civilized World; and discover in every little Market-Town and Village the 'Squire, the Exciseman, and even the Parson himself, listening with as much Attention to a Barber's News, as they would to the profound Revelations of a Chancellor of the Exchequer, or principal Secretary of State. Antiquity likewise will furnish us with many Confirmations of the Truth of what I have here asserted. Among the old _Romans_ the Barbers were understood to be exactly of the same Complection I have here described. I shall not trouble your Readers with a Multitude of Examples taken from Antiquity. I shall only quote one Passage in _Horace_, which may serve to illustrate the Whole, and is as follows. Strenuus et fortis, causisq; Philippus agendis Clarus, ab officiis octavam circiter horam Dum redit: atq; foro nimium distare carinas Jam grandis natu queritur, conspexit, ut aiunt, Adrasum quendam vacuâ tonsoris in umbrâ. Cultello proprios purgantem leniter ungues. Hor. Epist. Lib. I. 7. By which we may understand, that the _Tonsoris Umbra, or_ Barber's Shop, was the common Rendezvous of every idle Fellow, who had no more to do than to pair his Nails, talk Politicks, and see, and to be seen. But to return to the Point in Question. If we would know why the Barbers are so eminent for their Skill in Politicks, it will be necessary to lay aside the Appellation of Barber, and confine ourselves to that of Shaver and Trimmer, which will naturally lead us to consider the near Relation which subsists between Shaving, Trimming and Politicks, from whence we shall discover that Shaving and Trimming is not the Province of the Mechanic alone, but that there are their several Shavers and Trimmers at Court, the Bar, in Church and State. And first, Shaving or Trimming, in a strict mechanical Sense of the Word, signifies a cutting, sheering, lopping off, and fleecing us of those Excrescencies of Hair, Nails, Flesh, &c., which burthen and disguise our natural Endowments. And is not the same practised over the whole World, by Men of every Rank and Station? Does not the corrupt Minister lop off our Privileges and fleece us of our Money? Do not the Gentlemen of the long Robe find means to cut off those Excrescencies of the Nation, Highwaymen, Thieves and Robbers? And to look into the Church, who has been more notorious for shaving and fleecing, than that Apostle of Apostles, that Preacher of Preachers, the Rev. Mr. G. W.?[29] But I forbear making farther mention of this spiritual Shaver and Trimmer, lest I should affect the Minds of my Readers as deeply as his Preaching has affected their Pockets. The second Species of Shavers and Trimmers are those who, according to the _English_ Phrase, _make the best of a bad Market_: Such as cover (what is called by an eminent Preacher) _their poor Dust_ in tinsel Cloaths and gaudy Plumes of Feathers. A Star, and Garter, for Instance, adds Grace, Dignity and Lustre to a gross corpulent Body; and a competent Share of religious Horror thrown into the Countenance, with proper Distortions of the Face, and the Addition of a lank Head of Hair, or a long Wig and Band, commands a most profound Respect to Insolence and Ignorance. The Pageantry of the Church of _Rome_ is too well known for me to instance: It will not however be amiss to observe, that his Holiness the Pope, when he has a Mind to fleece his Flock of a good round Sum, sets off the Matter with Briefs, Pardons, Indulgencies, &c. &c. &c. The Third and last Kind of Shavers and Trimmers are those who (in Scripture Language) are carried away with every Wind of Doctrine. The Vicars of Bray, and those who exchange their Principles with the Times, may justly be referred to this Class. But the most odious Shavers and Trimmers of this Kind, are a certain set of Females, called (by the polite World) JILTS. I cannot give my Readers a more perfect Idea of these than by quoting the following Lines of the Poet: Fatally fair they are, and in their Smiles The Graces, little Loves, and young Desires inhabit: But they are false luxurious in their Appetites, And all the Heav'n they hope for, is Variety. One Lover to another still succeeds, Another and another after that, And the last Fool is welcome as the former; 'Till having lov'd his Hour out, he gives his Place, And mingles with the Herd that went before him. _Rowe's Fair Penitent._ Lastly, I cannot but congratulate my Neighbours on the little Favour which is shown to Shavers and Trimmers by the People of this Province. The Business is at so low an Ebb, that the worthy Gentleman whose Advertisement I have chosen for the Motto of my Paper, acquaints us he will leave it off after the 22d of _August_ next. I am of Opinion that all possible Encouragement ought to be given to Examples of this Kind, since it is owing to this that so perfect an Understanding is cultivated among ourselves, and the Chain of Friendship is brightened and perpetuated with our good Allies, the _Indians_. The Antipathy which these sage Naturalists bear to Shaving and Trimming, is well known. _I am, Yours, &c._ TO THE PUBLICK * * * Causis Philippus agendis Clarus, * * * S. P. D. [From the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 30, 1743.] My Paper on Shavers and Trimmers, in the last _Gazette_, being generally condemn'd, I at first imputed it to the Want of Taste and Relish for Pieces of that Force and Beauty, which none but University-bred Gentlemen can _produce_: But upon Advice of Friends, whose Judgment I could depend on, I examined _myself_ and to my Shame must confess, that I found myself to be an uncircumcised Jew, whose Excrescencies of Hair, Nails, Flesh, &c. did burthen and disguise my Natural Endowments; but having my Hair and Nails since lopp'd off and shorn, and my fleshly Excrescencies circumcised, I now appear in my wonted Lustre, and expect a speedy Admission among the _Levites_, which I have already the Honour of among the Poets and Natural Philosophers. I have one Thing more to add, which is, That I had no real Animosity against the Person whose Advertisement I made the Motto of my Paper; but (as may appear to all who have been Big with Pieces of this Kind) what I had long on my Mind, I at last unburden'd myself of. O! these JILTS still run in my Mind. N. B. The Publick perhaps may suppose this Confession forced upon me; but if they _repair_ to the P---- Pe in Second-street, they may see Me, or the Original hereof under my own Hand, and be convinced that this is genuine. PREFACE TO LOGAN'S TRANSLATION OF "CATO MAJOR"[30] The Printer to the Reader This Version of Cicero's Tract _de Senectute_, was made Ten Years since, by the Honourable and Learned Mr. Logan, of this City; undertaken partly for his own Amusement, (being then in his 60th Year, which is said to be nearly the Age of the Author when he wrote it) but principally for the Entertainment of a Neighbour then in his grand Climacteric; and the Notes were drawn up solely on that Neighbour's Account, who was not so well acquainted as himself with the Roman History and Language: Some other Friends, however, (among whom I had the Honour to be ranked) obtained Copies of it in MS. And, as I believed it to be in itself equal at least, if not far preferable to any other Translation of the same Piece extant in our Language, besides the Advantage it has of so many valuable Notes, which at the same time they clear up the Text, are highly instructive and entertaining; I resolved to give it an Impression, being confident that the Publick would not unfavourably receive it. A certain Freed-man of _Cicero's_ is reported to have said of a medicinal Well, discovered in his Time, wonderful for the Virtue of its Waters in restoring Sight to the Aged, That it was a Gift of the bountiful Gods to Men, to the end that all might now have the Pleasure of reading his Master's Works. As that Well, if still in being, is at too great a Distance for our Use, I have, _Gentle Reader_, as thou seest, printed this Piece of _Cicero's_ in a large and fair Character, that those who begin to think on the Subject of Old Age, (which seldom happens till their Sight is somewhat impair'd by its Approaches) may not, in Reading, by the _Pain_ small Letters give the Eyes, feel the _Pleasure_ of the Mind in the least allayed. I shall add to these few Lines my hearty Wish, that this first Translation of a _Classic_ in this _Western World_, may be followed with many others, performed with equal Judgment and Success; and be a happy Omen, that _Philadelphia_ shall become the Seat of the _American_ Muses. Philadelphia, Febr. 29. 1743/4. TO JOHN FRANKLIN, AT BOSTON[31] Philadelphia [March 10], 1745. --Our people are extremely impatient to hear of your success at Cape Breton. My shop is filled with thirty inquirers at the coming in of every post. Some wonder the place is not yet taken. I tell them I shall be glad to hear that news three months hence. Fortified towns are hard nuts to crack; and your teeth have not been accustomed to it. Taking strong places is a particular trade, which you have taken up without serving an apprenticeship to it. Armies and veterans need skilful engineers to direct them in their attack. Have you any? But some seem to think forts are as easy taken as snuff. Father Moody's prayers look tolerably modest. You have a fast and prayer day for that purpose; in which I compute five hundred thousand petitions were offered up to the same effect in New England, which added to the petitions of every family morning and evening, multiplied by the number of days since January 25th, make forty-five millions of prayers; which, set against the prayers of a few priests in the garrison, to the Virgin Mary, give a vast balance in your favour. If you do not succeed, I fear I shall have but an indifferent opinion of Presbyterian prayers in such cases, as long as I live. Indeed, in attacking strong towns I should have more dependence on _works_, than on _faith_; for, like the kingdom of heaven, they are to be taken by force and violence; and in a French garrison I suppose there are devils of that kind, that they are not to be cast out by prayers and fasting, unless it be by their own fasting for want of provisions. I believe there is Scripture in what I have wrote, but I cannot adorn the margin with quotations, having a bad memory, and no Concordance at hand; besides no more time than to subscribe myself, &c. B. FRANKLIN. PREFACE TO POOR RICHARD, 1746 Who is _Poor Richard_? People oft enquire, Where lives? What is he? never yet the nigher. Somewhat to ease your Curiositee, Take these slight Sketches of my Dame and me. Thanks to kind Readers and a careful Wife, With plenty bless'd, I lead an easy Life; My business Writing; less to drain the Mead, Or crown the barren Hill with useful Shade; In the smooth Glebe to see the Plowshare worn, And fill the Granary with needful Corn. Press nectareous Cyder from my loaded Trees, Print the sweet Butter, turn the Drying Cheese. Some Books we read, tho' few there are that hit The happy Point where Wisdom joins with Wit; That set fair Virtue naked to our View, And teach us what is _decent_, what is _true_. The Friend sincere, and honest Man, with Joy Treating or treated oft our Time employ. Our Table next, Meals temperate; and our Door Op'ning spontaneous to the bashful Poor. Free from the bitter Rage of Party Zeal, All those we love who seek the publick Weal. Nor blindly follow Superstitious Love, Which cheats deluded Mankind o'er and o'er, Not over righteous, quite beyond the Rule, Conscience perplext by every canting Tool. Nor yet when Folly hides the dubious Line, When Good and Bad the blended Colours join: Rush indiscreetly down the dangerous Steep, And plunge uncertain in the darksome Deep. Cautious, if right; if wrong resolv'd to part The Inmate Snake that folds about the Heart. Observe the _Mean_, the _Motive_, and the _End_, Mending ourselves, or striving still to mend. Our Souls sincere, our Purpose fair and free, Without Vain Glory or Hypocrisy: Thankful if well; if ill, we kiss the Rod; Resign with Hope, and put our Trust in God. THE SPEECH OF POLLY BAKER[32] [Printed in the _Gentleman's Magazine_, April, 1747.] The Speech of Miss Polly Baker before a Court of Judicature, at Connecticut near Boston in New England; where she was prosecuted the fifth time, for having a Bastard Child: Which influenced the Court to dispense with her Punishment, and which induced one of her Judges to marry her the next Day--by whom she had fifteen Children. "May it please the honourable bench to indulge me in a few words: I am a poor, unhappy woman, who have no money to fee lawyers to plead for me, being hard put to it to get a living. I shall not trouble your honours with long speeches; for I have not the presumption to expect that you may, by any means, be prevailed on to deviate in your Sentence from the law, in my favour. All I humbly hope is, that your honours would charitably move the governor's goodness on my behalf, that my fine may be remitted. This is the fifth time, gentlemen, that I have been dragg'd before your court on the same account; twice I have paid heavy fines, and twice have been brought to publick punishment, for want of money to pay those fines. This may have been agreeable to the laws, and I don't dispute it; but since laws are sometimes unreasonable in themselves, and therefore repealed; and others bear too hard on the subject in particular circumstances, and therefore there is left a power somewhere to dispense with the execution of them; I take the liberty to say, that I think this law, by which I am punished, both unreasonable in itself, and particularly severe with regard to me, who have always lived an inoffensive life in the neighbourhood where I was born, and defy my enemies (if I have any) to say I ever wrong'd any man, woman, or child. Abstracted from the law, I cannot conceive (may it please your honours) what the nature of my offense is. I have brought five fine children into the world, at the risque of my life; I have maintain'd them well by my own industry, without burthening the township, and would have done it better, if it had not been for the heavy charges and fines I have paid. Can it be a crime (in the nature of things, I mean) to add to the king's subjects, in a new country, that really wants people? I own it, I should think it rather a praiseworthy than a punishable action. I have debauched no other woman's husband, nor enticed any other youth; these things I never was charg'd with; nor has any one the least cause of complaint against me, unless, perhaps, the ministers of justice, because I have had children without being married, by which they have missed a wedding fee. But can this be a fault of mine? I appeal to your honours. You are pleased to allow I don't want sense; but I must be stupified to the last degree, not to prefer the honourable state of wedlock to the condition I have lived in. I always was, and still am willing to enter into it; and doubt not my behaving well in it, having all the industry, frugality, fertility, and skill in economy appertaining to a good wife's character. I defy any one to say I ever refused an offer of that sort: on the contrary, I readily consented to the only proposal of marriage that ever was made me, which was when I was a virgin, but too easily confiding in the person's sincerity that made it, I unhappily lost my honour by trusting to his; for he got me with child, and then forsook me. "That very person, you all know, he is now become a magistrate of this country; and I had hopes he would have appeared this day on the bench, and have endeavoured to moderate the Court in my favour; then I should have scorn'd to have mentioned it; but I must now complain of it, as unjust and unequal, that my betrayer and undoer, the first cause of all my faults and miscarriages (if they must be deemed such), should be advanced to honour and power in this government that punishes my misfortunes with stripes and infamy. I should be told, 'tis like, that were there no act of Assembly in the case, the precepts of religion are violated by my transgressions. If mine is a religious offense, leave it to religious punishments. You have already excluded me from the comforts of your church communion. Is not that sufficient? You believe I have offended heaven, and must suffer eternal fire: Will not that be sufficient? What need is there then of your additional fines and whipping? I own I do not think as you do, for, if I thought what you call a sin was really such, I could not presumptuously commit it. But, how can it be believed that heaven is angry at my having children, when to the little done by me towards it, God has been pleased to add his divine skill and admirable workmanship in the formation of their bodies, and crowned the whole by furnishing them with rational and immortal souls? "Forgive me, gentlemen, if I talk a little extravagantly on these matters; I am no divine, but if you, gentlemen, must be making laws, do not turn natural and useful actions into crimes by your prohibitions. But take into your wise consideration the great and growing number of batchelors in the country, many of whom, from the mean fear of the expences of a family, have never sincerely and honourably courted a woman in their lives; and by their manner of living leave unproduced (which is little better than murder) hundreds of their posterity to the thousandth generation. Is not this a greater offense against the publick good than mine? Compel them, then, by law, either to marriage, or to pay double the fine of fornication every year. What must poor young women do, whom customs and nature forbid to solicit the men, and who cannot force themselves upon husbands, when the laws take no care to provide them any, and yet severely punish them if they do their duty without them; the duty of the first and great command of nature and nature's God, _encrease and multiply_; a duty, from the steady performance of which nothing has been able to deter me, but for its sake I have hazarded the loss of the publick esteem, and have frequently endured publick disgrace and punishment; and therefore ought, in my humble opinion, instead of a whipping, to have a statue erected to my memory." PREFACE TO POOR RICHARD, 1747 COURTEOUS READER, This is the 15th Time I have entertain'd thee with my annual Productions; I hope to thy Profit as well as mine. For besides the astronomical Calculations, and other Things usually contain'd in Almanacks, which have their daily Use indeed while the Year continues, but then become of no Value, I have constantly interspers'd _moral_ Sentences, _prudent_ Maxims, and _wise_ Sayings, many of them containing _much good Sense_ in _very few_ Words, and therefore apt to leave _strong_ and _lasting_ Impressions on the Memory of young Persons, whereby they may receive Benefit as long as they live, when both Almanack and Almanack-maker have been long thrown by and forgotten. If I now and then insert a Joke or two, that seem to have little in them, my Apology _is_ that such may have their Use, since perhaps for their Sake light airy Minds peruse the rest, and so are struck by somewhat of more Weight and Moment. The Verses on the Heads of the Months are also generally design'd to have the same Tendency. I need not tell thee that not many of them are of my own Making. If thou hast any Judgment in Poetry, thou wilt easily discern the Workman from the Bungler. I know as well as thee, that I am no _Poet born_; and it is a Trade I never learnt, nor indeed could learn. _If I make Verses, 'tis in Spight--of Nature and my Stars, I write._ Why then should I give my Readers _bad Lines_ of my own, when _good Ones_ of other People's are so plenty? 'Tis methinks a poor Excuse for the bad Entertainment of Guests, that the Food we set before them, tho' coarse and ordinary, _is of one's own Raising, off one's own Plantation_, &c. when there is Plenty of what is ten times better, to be had in the Market.--On the contrary, I assure ye, my Friends, that I have procur'd the best I could for ye, and _much Good may't do ye...._ _I am thy poor Friend, to serve thee,_ R. SAUNDERS. TO PETER COLLINSON Philad^a Aug^t 14, 1747. SIR I have lately written two long Letters to you on the Subject of Electricity, one by the Governor's Vessel, the other per Mesnard. On some further Experiments since I have observ'd a Phenomenon or two, that I cannot at present account for on the Principle laid down in those Letters, and am therefore become a little diffident of my Hypothesis, and asham'd that I have express'd myself in so positive a manner. In going on with these Experiments how many pretty Systems do we build which we soon find ourselves oblig'd to destroy! If there is no other Use discover'd of Electricity this however is something considerable, that it may _help to make a vain man humble_. I must now request that you would not Expose those Letters; or if you communicate them to any Friends you would at least conceal my Name. I have not Time to add but that I am, Sir, Your obliged and most hum^e Serv^t B. FRANKLIN. PREFACE TO POOR RICHARD IMPROVED, 1748 KIND READER The favourable Reception my annual Labours have met with from the Publick these 15 Years past, has engaged me in Gratitude to endeavour some Improvements of my Almanack. And since my Friend _Taylor_ is no more, whose _Ephemerides_ so long and so agreeably serv'd and entertain'd these Provinces, I have taken the Liberty to imitate his well-known Method, and give two Pages for each Month; which affords me Room for several valuable Additions, as will best appear on Inspection and Comparison with former Almanacks. Yet I have not so far follow'd his Method, as not to continue my own when I thought it preferable; and thus my Book is increas'd to a Size beyond his, and contains much more Matter. Hail Night serene! thro' Thee where'er we turn Our wond'ring Eyes, Heav'n's Lamps profusely burn; And Stars unnumber'd all the Sky adorn. But lo!--what's that I see appear? It seems far off a pointed flame; From Earthwards too the shining Meteor came: How swift it climbs th' etherial Space! And now it traverses each Sphere, And seems some knowing Mind, familiar to the Place, Dame, hand my Glass, the longest, strait prepare; 'Tis He--'tis TAYLOR'S Soul, that travels there. O stay! thou happy Spirit, stay, And lead me on thro' all th' unbeaten Wilds of Day; Where Planets in pure Streams of Ether driven, Swim thro' the blue Expanse of Heav'n. There let me, thy Companion, stray From Orb to Orb, and now behold Unnumber'd Suns, all Seas of molten Gold, And trace each Comet's wandring Way.-- Souse down into Prose again, my Muse; for Poetry's no more thy Element, than Air is that of the Flying-Fish; whose Flights, like thine, are therefore always short and heavy.-- ADVICE TO A YOUNG TRADESMAN [1748] TO MY FRIEND, A. B.: As you have desired it of me, I write the following hints, which have been of service to me, and may, if observed, be so to you. Remember, that _time_ is money. He that can earn ten shillings a day by his labour, and goes abroad, or sits idle, one half of that day, though he spends but sixpence during his diversion or idleness, ought not to reckon _that_ the only expense; he has really spent, or rather thrown away, five shillings besides. Remember, that _credit_ is money. If a man lets his money lie in my hands after it is due, he gives me the interest, or so much as I can make of it during that time. This amounts to a considerable sum where a man has good and large credit, and makes good use of it. Remember, that money is of the prolific, generating nature. Money can beget money, and its offspring can beget more, and so on. Five shillings turned is six, turned again it is seven and three-pence, and so on till it becomes an hundred pounds. The more there is of it, the more it produces every turning, so that the profits rise quicker and quicker. He that kills a breeding sow, destroys all her offspring to the thousandth generation. He that murders a crown, destroys all that it might have produced, even scores of pounds. Remember, that six pounds a year is but a groat a day. For this little sum (which may be daily wasted either in time or expense unperceived) a man of credit may, on his own security, have the constant possession and use of an hundred pounds. So much in stock, briskly turned by an industrious man, produces great advantage. Remember this saying, _The good paymaster is lord of another man's purse_. He that is known to pay punctually and exactly to the time he promises, may at any time, and on any occasion, raise all the money his friends can spare. This is sometimes of great use. After industry and frugality, nothing contributes more to the raising of a young man in the world than punctuality and justice in all his dealings; therefore never keep borrowed money an hour beyond the time you promised, lest a disappointment shut up your friend's purse for ever. The most trifling actions that affect a man's credit are to be regarded. The sound of your hammer at five in the morning, or nine at night, heard by a creditor, makes him easy six months longer; but, if he sees you at a billiard-table, or hears your voice at a tavern, when you should be at work, he sends for his money the next day; demands it, before he can receive it, in a lump. It shows, besides, that you are mindful of what you owe; it makes you appear a careful as well as an honest man, and that still increases your credit. Beware of thinking all your own that you possess, and of living accordingly. It is a mistake that many people who have credit fall into. To prevent this, keep an exact account for some time, both of your expenses and your income. If you take the pains at first to mention particulars, it will have this good effect: you will discover how wonderfully small, trifling expenses mount up to large sums, and will discern what might have been, and may for the future be saved, without occasioning any great inconvenience. In short, the way to wealth, if you desire it, is as plain as the way to market. It depends chiefly on two words, _industry_ and _frugality_; that is, waste neither _time_ nor _money_, but make the best use of both. Without industry and frugality nothing will do, and with them every thing. He that gets all he can honestly, and saves all he gets (necessary expenses excepted), will certainly become _rich_, if that Being who governs the world, to whom all should look for a blessing on their honest endeavours, doth not, in his wise providence, otherwise determine. AN OLD TRADESMAN. TO GEORGE WHITEFIELD Philadelphia, July 6, 1749. DEAR SIR Since your being in England, I have received two of your favours and a box of books to be disposed of. It gives me great pleasure to hear of your welfare and that you purpose soon to return to America. We have no news here worth writing to you. The affair of the building remains in _statu quo_, there having been no new application to the Assembly about it, or anything done in consequence of the former. I have received no money on your account from Mr. Thanklin, or from Boston. Mrs. Read and your other friends here, in general, are well, and will rejoice to see you again. I am glad to hear that you have frequent opportunities of preaching among the great. If you can gain them to a good and exemplary life, wonderful changes will follow in the manners of the lower ranks; for _ad exemplum regis_, etc. On this principle, Confucius, the famous Eastern reformer, proceeded. When he saw his country sunk in vice, and wickedness of all kinds triumphant, he applied himself first to the grandees; and having, by his doctrine, won _them_ to the cause of virtue, the commons followed in multitudes. The mode has a wonderful influence on mankind; and there are numbers who, perhaps, fear less the being in hell, than out of the fashion. Our most western reformations began with the ignorant mob; and when numbers of them were gained, interest and party views drew in the wise and great. Where both methods can be used, reformations are likely to be more speedy. O that some method could be found to make them lasting! He who discovers that will, in my opinion, deserve more, ten thousand times, than the inventor of the longitude. My wife and family join in the most cordial salutations to you and good Mrs. Whitefield. I am, dear Sir, your very affectionate friend, and most obliged humble Servant BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. PROPOSALS RELATING TO THE EDUCATION OF YOUTH IN PENSILVANIA PHILADELPHIA: PRINTED IN THE YEAR, MDCCXLIX[33] "Advertisement to the Reader. "It has long been regretted as a Misfortune to the Youth of this Province, that we have no ACADEMY, in which they might receive the Accomplishments of a regular Education. The following Paper of Hints towards forming a Plan for that Purpose, is so far approv'd by some publick-spirited Gentlemen, to whom it has been privately communicated, that they have directed a Number of Copies to be made by the Press, and properly distributed, in order to obtain the Sentiments and Advice of Men of Learning, Understanding, and Experience in these Matters; and have determined to use their Interest and best Endeavours, to have the Scheme, when compleated, carried gradually into Execution; in which they have Reason to believe they shall have the hearty Concurrence and Assistance of many who are Wellwishers to their Country. Those who incline to favour the Design with their Advice, either as to the Parts of Learning to be taught, the Order of Study, the Method of Teaching, the Œconomy of the School, or any other Matter of Importance to the Success of the Undertaking, are desired to communicate their Sentiments as soon as may be, by Letter directed to B. FRANKLIN, _Printer_, in PHILADELPHIA." PROPOSALS The good Education of Youth has been esteemed by wise Men in all Ages, as the surest Foundation of the Happiness both of private Families and of Commonwealths. Almost all Governments have therefore made it a principal Object of their Attention, to establish and endow with proper Revenues, such Seminaries of Learning, as might supply the succeeding Age with Men qualified to serve the Publick with Honour to themselves, and to their Country. Many of the first Settlers of these Provinces were Men who had received a good Education in _Europe_, and to their Wisdom and good Management we owe much of our present Prosperity. But their Hands were full, and they could not do all Things. The present Race are not thought to be generally of equal Ability: For though the _American_ Youth are allow'd not to want Capacity; yet the best Capacities require Cultivation, it being truly with them, as with the best Ground, which unless well tilled and sowed with profitable Seed, produces only ranker Weeds. That we may obtain the Advantages arising from an Increase of Knowledge, and prevent as much as may be the mischievous Consequences that would attend a general Ignorance among us, the following _Hints_ are offered towards forming a Plan for the Education of the Youth of _Pennsylvania_, viz. It is propos'd, That some Persons of Leisure and publick Spirit apply for a CHARTER, by which they may be incorporated, with Power to erect an ACADEMY for the Education of Youth, to govern the same, provide Masters, make Rules, receive Donations, purchase Lands, etc., and to add to their Number, from Time to Time such other Persons as they shall judge suitable. That the Members of the Corporation make it their Pleasure, and in some Degree their Business, to visit the Academy often, encourage and countenance the Youth, countenance and assist the Masters, and by all Means in their Power advance the Usefulness and Reputation of the Design; that they look on the Students as in some Sort their Children, treat them with Familiarity and Affection, and, when they have behav'd well, and gone through their Studies, and are to enter the World, zealously unite, and make all the Interest that can be made to establish them, whether in Business, Offices, Marriages, or any other Thing for their Advantage, preferably to all other Persons whatsoever even of equal Merit. And if Men may, and frequently do, catch such a Taste for cultivating Flowers, for Planting, Grafting, Inoculating, and the like, as to despise all other Amusements for their Sake, why may not we expect they should acquire a Relish for that _more useful_ Culture of young Minds. _Thompson_ says, "'Tis Joy to see the human Blossoms blow, When infant Reason grows apace, and calls For the kind Hand of an assiduous Care. Delightful Task! to rear the tender Thought, To teach the young Idea how to shoot; To pour the fresh Instruction o'er the Mind, To breathe th' enliv'ning Spirit, and to fix The generous Purpose in the glowing Breast." That a House be provided for the ACADEMY, if not in the Town, not many Miles from it; the Situation high and dry, and if it may be, not far from a River, having a Garden, Orchard, Meadow, and a Field or two. That the House be furnished with a Library (if in the Country, if in the Town, the Town Libraries may serve) with Maps of all Countries, Globes, some mathematical Instruments, an Apparatus for Experiments in Natural Philosophy, and for Mechanics; Prints, of all Kinds, Prospects, Buildings, Machines, &c. That the Rector be a Man of good Understanding, good Morals, diligent and patient, learn'd in the Languages and Sciences, and a correct pure Speaker and Writer of the _English_ Tongue; to have such Tutors under him as shall be necessary. That the boarding Scholars diet together, plainly, temperately, and frugally. That, to keep them in Health, and to strengthen and render active their Bodies, they be frequently exercis'd in Running, Leaping, Wrestling, and Swimming, &c. That they have peculiar Habits to distinguish them from other Youth, if the Academy be in or near the Town; for this, among other Reasons, that their Behaviour may be the better observed. As to their STUDIES, it would be well if they could be taught _every Thing_ that is useful, and _every Thing_ that is ornamental: But Art is long, and their Time is short. It is therefore propos'd that they learn those Things that are likely to be _most useful_ and _most ornamental_. Regard being had to the several Professions for which they are intended. All should be taught to write a _fair Hand_, and swift, as that is useful to All. And with it may be learnt something of _Drawing_, by Imitation of Prints, and some of the first Principles of Perspective. _Arithmetick_, _Accounts_, and some of the first Principles of _Geometry_ and _Astronomy_. The _English_ Language might be taught by Grammar; in which some of our best Writers, as _Tillotson_, _Addison_, _Pope_, _Algernoon Sidney_, _Cato's Letters_, &c; should be Classicks: the _Stiles_ principally to be cultivated, being the _clear_ and the _concise_. Reading should also be taught, and pronouncing, properly, distinctly, emphatically; not with an even Tone, which _under-does_, nor a theatrical, which _over-does_ Nature. To form their Stile they should be put on Writing Letters to each other, making Abstracts of what they read; or writing the same Things in their own Words; telling or writing Stories lately read, in their own Expressions. All to be revis'd and corrected by the Tutor, who should give his Reasons, and explain the Force and Import of Words, &c. To form their Pronunciation, they may be put on making Declamations, repeating Speeches, delivering Orations, &c.; The Tutor assisting at the Rehearsals, teaching, advising, correcting their Accent, &c. But if History be made a constant Part of their Reading, such as the Translations of the _Greek_ and _Roman_ Historians, and the modern Histories of ancient _Greece_ and _Rome_, &c. may not almost all Kinds of useful Knowledge be that Way introduc'd to Advantage, and with Pleasure to the Student? As GEOGRAPHY, by reading with Maps, and being required to point out the Places _where_ the greatest Actions were done, to give their old and new Names, with the Bounds, Situation, Extent of the Countries concern'd, &c. CHRONOLOGY, by the Help of _Helvicus_ or some other Writer of the Kind, who will enable them to tell _when_ those Events happened; what Princes were Cotemporaries, what States or famous Men flourish'd about that Time, &c. The several principal Epochas to be first well fix'd in their Memories. ANTIENT CUSTOMS, religious and civil, being frequently mentioned in History, will give Occasion for explaining them; in which the Prints of Medals, Basso-Relievos, and antient Monuments will greatly assist. MORALITY, by descanting and making continual Observations on the Causes of the Rise or Fall of any Man's Character, Fortune, Power &c. mention'd in History; the Advantages of Temperance, Order, Frugality, Industry, Perseverance &c., &c. Indeed the general natural Tendency of Reading good History must be, to fix in the Minds of Youth deep Impressions of the Beauty and Usefulness of Virtue of all Kinds, Publick Spirit, Fortitude, &c. _History_ will show the wonderful Effects of ORATORY, in governing, turning and leading great Bodies of Mankind, Armies, Cities, Nations. When the Minds of Youth are struck with Admiration at this, then is the Time to give them the Principles of that Art, which they will study with Taste and Application. Then they may be made acquainted with the best Models among the antients, their Beauties being particularly pointed out to them. Modern Political Oratory being chiefly performed by the Pen and Press, its Advantages over the Antient in some Respects are to be shown; as that its Effects are more extensive, more lasting, &c. _History_ will also afford frequent Opportunities of showing the Necessity of a _Publick Religion_, from its Usefulness to the Publick; the Advantage of a Religious Character among private Persons; the Mischiefs of Superstition, &c. and the Excellency of the CHRISTIAN RELIGION above all others antient or modern. _History_ will also give Occasion to expatiate on the Advantage of Civil Orders and Constitutions; how Men and their Properties are protected by joining in Societies and establishing Government; their Industry encouraged and rewarded, Arts invented, and Life made more comfortable: The Advantages of _Liberty_, Mischiefs of _Licentiousness_, Benefits arising from good Laws and a due Execution of Justice, &c. Thus may the first Principles of sound _Politicks_ be fix'd in the Minds of Youth. On _Historical_ Occasions, Questions of Right and Wrong, Justice and Injustice, will naturally arise, and may be put to Youth, which they may debate in Conversation and in Writing. When they ardently desire Victory, for the Sake of the Praise attending it, they will begin to feel the Want, and be sensible of the Use of _Logic_, or the Art of Reasoning to _discover_ Truth, and of Arguing to _defend_ it, and _convince_ Adversaries. This would be the Time to acquaint them with the Principles of that Art. Grotius, Puffendorff, and some other Writers of the same Kind, may be used on these Occasions to decide their Disputes. Publick Disputes warm the Imagination, whet the Industry, and strengthen the natural Abilities. When Youth are told, that the Great Men whose Lives and Actions they read in History, spoke two of the best Languages that ever were, the most expressive, copious, beautiful; and that the finest Writings, the most correct Compositions, the most perfect Productions of human Wit and Wisdom, are in those Languages, which have endured Ages, and will endure while there are Men; that no Translation can do them Justice, or give the Pleasure found in Reading the Originals; that those Languages contain all Science; that one of them is become almost universal, being the Language of Learned Men in all Countries; that to understand them is a distinguishing Ornament, &c. they may be thereby made desirous of learning those Languages, and their Industry sharpen'd in the Acquisition of them. All intended for Divinity, should be taught the _Latin_ and _Greek_; for Physick, the _Latin_, _Greek_, and _French_; for Law, the _Latin_ and _French_; Merchants, the _French_, _German_, and _Spanish_: And though all should not be compell'd to learn _Latin_, _Greek_, or the modern foreign Languages; yet none that have an ardent Desire to learn them should be refused; their _English_, Arithmetick and other Studies absolutely necessary, being at the same Time not neglected. If the new _Universal History_ were also read, it would give a _connected_ Idea of human Affairs, so far as it goes, which should be follow'd by the best modern Histories, particularly of our Mother Country; then of these Colonies; which should be accompanied with Observations on their Rise, Encrease, Use to _Great Britain_, Encouragements, Discouragements, etc. the Means to make them flourish, secure their Liberties, &c. With the History of Men, Times, and Nations, should be read at proper Hours or Days, some of the best _Histories of Nature_, which would not only be delightful to Youth, and furnish them with Matter for their Letters, &c. as well as other History; but afterwards of great Use to them, whether they are Merchants, Handicrafts, or Divines; enabling the first the better to understand many Commodities, Drugs, &c; the second to improve his Trade or Handicraft by new Mixtures, Materials, &c., and the last to adorn his Discourses by beautiful Comparisons, and strengthen them by new Proofs of Divine Providence. The Conversation of all will be improved by it, as Occasions frequently occur of making Natural Observations, which are instructive, agreeable, and entertaining in almost all Companies. _Natural History_ will also afford Opportunities of introducing many Observations, relating to the Preservation of Health, which may be afterwards of great Use. _Arbuthnot_ on Air and _Aliment_, _Sanctorius_ on Perspiration, _Lemery_ on Foods, and some others, may now be read, and a very little Explanation will make them sufficiently intelligible to Youth. While they are reading Natural History, might not a little _Gardening_, _Planting_, _Grafting_, _Inoculating_, etc., be taught and practised; and now and then Excursions made to the neighbouring Plantations of the best Farmers, their Methods observ'd and reason'd upon for the Information of Youth? The Improvement of Agriculture being useful to all, and Skill in it no Disparagement to any. The History of _Commerce_, of the Invention of Arts, Rise of Manufactures, Progress of Trade, Change of its Seats, with the Reasons, Causes, &c., may also be made entertaining to Youth, and will be useful to all. And this, with the Accounts in other History of the prodigious Force and Effect of Engines and Machines used in War, will naturally introduce a Desire to be instructed in _Mechanicks_, and to be inform'd of the Principles of that Art by which weak Men perform such Wonders, Labour is sav'd, Manufactures expedited, &c. This will be the Time to show them Prints of antient and modern Machines, to explain them, to let them be copied, and to give Lectures in Mechanical Philosophy. With the whole should be constantly inculcated and cultivated, that _Benignity of Mind_, which shows itself in _searching for_ and _seizing_ every Opportunity _to serve_ and _to oblige_; and is the Foundation of what is called GOOD BREEDING; highly useful to the Possessor, and most agreeable to all. The Idea of what is _true Merit_ should also be often presented to Youth, explain'd and impress'd on their _Minds_, as consisting in an _Inclination_ join'd with an _Ability_ to serve Mankind, one's Country, Friends and Family; which _Ability_ is (with the Blessing of God) to be acquir'd or greatly encreas'd by _true Learning_; and should indeed be the great _Aim_ and _End_ of all Learning. IDEA OF THE ENGLISH SCHOOL Sketch'd out for the Consideration of the Trustees of the Philadelphia Academy [1751][34] It is expected that every Scholar to be admitted into this School, be at least able to pronounce and divide the Syllables in Reading, and to write a legible Hand. None to be receiv'd that are under ---- Years of Age. FIRST OR LOWEST CLASS Let the first Class learn the _English Grammar_ Rules, and at the same time let particular Care be taken to improve them in _Orthography_. Perhaps the latter is best done by _Pairing_ the Scholars, two of those nearest equal in their Spelling to be put together; let these strive for Victory, each propounding Ten Words every Day to the other to be spelt. He that spells truly most of the other's Words, is Victor for that Day; he that is Victor most Days in a Month, to obtain a Prize, a pretty neat Book of some Kind useful in their future Studies. This Method fixes the Attention of Children extreamly to the Orthography of Words, and makes them good Spellers very early. 'Tis a Shame for a Man to be so ignorant of this little Art, in his own Language, as to be perpetually confounding Words of like Sound and different Significations; the Consciousness of which Defect, makes some Men, otherwise of good Learning and Understanding, averse to Writing even a common Letter. Let the Pieces read by the Scholars in this Class be short, such as _Croxall's_ Fables,[35] and little Stories. In giving the Lesson, let it be read to them; let the Meaning of the difficult Words in it be explained to them, and let them con it over by themselves before they are called to read to the Master, or Usher; who is to take particular Care that they do not read too fast, and that they duly observe the Stops and Pauses. A Vocabulary of the most usual difficult Words might be formed for their Use, with Explanations; and they might daily get a few of those Words and Explanations by Heart, which would a little exercise their Memories; or at least they might write a Number of them in a small Book for the Purpose, which would help to fix the Meaning of those Words in their Minds, and at the same Time furnish every one with a little Dictionary for his future Use. THE SECOND CLASS to be taught Reading with Attention, and with proper Modulations of the Voice, according to the Sentiments and Subject. Some short Pieces, not exceeding the Length of a _Spectator_, to be given this Class as Lessons (and some of the easier _Spectators_ would be very suitable for the Purpose.) These Lessons might be given over Night as Tasks, the Scholars to study them against the Morning. Let it then be required of them to give an Account, first of the Parts of Speech, and Construction of one or two Sentences; this will oblige them to recur frequently to their Grammar, and fix its principal Rules in their Memory. Next of the _Intention_ of the Writer, or the _Scope_ of the Piece; the Meaning of each Sentence, and of every uncommon Word. This would early acquaint them with the Meaning and Force of Words, and give them that most necessary Habit, of Reading with Attention. The Master then to read the Piece with the proper Modulations of Voice, due Emphasis, and suitable Action, where Action is required; and put the Youth on imitating his Manner. Where the Author has us'd an Expression not the best, let it be pointed out; and let his Beauties be particularly remarked to the Youth. Let the Lessons for Reading be varied, that the Youth may be made acquainted with good Stiles of all Kinds in Prose and Verse, and the proper Manner of reading each Kind. Sometimes a well-told Story, a Piece of a Sermon, a General's Speech to his Soldiers, a Speech in a Tragedy, some Part of a Comedy, an Ode, a Satyr, a Letter, Blank Verse, Hudibrastick, Heroic, etc. But let such Lessons for Reading be chosen, as contain some useful Instruction, whereby the Understandings or Morals of the Youth, may at the same Time be improv'd. It is requir'd that they should first study and understand the Lessons, before they are put upon reading them properly, to which End each Boy should have an _English_ Dictionary, to help him over Difficulties. When our Boys read _English_ to us, we are apt to imagine _they_ understand what _they_ read, because _we_ do, and because 'tis their Mother Tongue. But they often read as Parrots speak, knowing little or nothing of the Meaning. And it is impossible a Reader should give the due Modulation to his Voice, and pronounce properly, unless his Understanding goes before his Tongue, and makes him Master of the Sentiment. Accustoming Boys to read aloud what they do not first understand, is the Cause of those even set Tones so common among Readers, which when they have once got a Habit of using, they find so difficult to correct: By which Means, among Fifty Readers, we scarcely find a good One. For want of good Reading, Pieces publish'd with a View to influence the Minds of Men for their own or the publick Benefit, lose Half their Force. Were there but one good Reader in a Neighbourhood, a publick Orator might be heard throughout a Nation with the same Advantages, and have the same Effect on his Audience, as if they stood within the Reach of his Voice. THE THIRD CLASS to be taught Speaking properly and gracefully, which is near of Kin to good Reading, and naturally follows it in the Studies of Youth. Let the Scholars of this Class begin with learning the Elements of Rhetoric from some short System, so as to be able to give an Account of the most usual Tropes and Figures. Let all their bad Habits of Speaking, all Offences against good Grammar, all corrupt or foreign Accents, and all improper Phrases, be pointed out to them. Short Speeches from the _Roman_, or other History, or from our _Parliamentary Debates_, might be got by heart, and deliver'd with the proper Action, &c. Speeches and Scenes in our best Tragedies and Comedies (avoiding every Thing that could injure the Morals of Youth) might likewise be got by Rote, and the Boys exercis'd in delivering or acting them; great Care being taken to form their Manner after the truest Models. For their farther Improvement, and a little to vary their Studies, let them now begin to read _History_, after having got by Heart a short Table of the principal Epochas in Chronology. They may begin with _Rollin's Antient and Roman Histories_, and proceed at proper Hours as they go thro' the subsequent Classes, with the best Histories of our own Nation and Colonies. Let Emulation be excited among the Boys by giving, Weekly, little Prizes, or other small Encouragements to those who are able to give the best Account of what they have read, as to Times, Places, Names of Persons, &c. This will make them read with Attention, and imprint the History well in their Memories. In remarking on the History, the Master will have fine Opportunities of instilling Instruction of various Kinds, and improving the Morals as well as the Understandings of Youth. The Natural and Mechanic History contain'd in the _Spectacle de la Nature_, might also be begun in this Class, and continued thro' the subsequent Classes by other Books of the same Kind: For next to the Knowledge of _Duty_, this Kind of Knowledge is certainly the most useful, as well as the most entertaining. The Merchant may thereby be enabled better to understand many Commodities in Trade; the Handicraftsman to improve his Business by new Instruments, Mixtures and Materials; and frequently Hints are given of new Manufactures, or new Methods of improving Land, that may be set on foot greatly to the Advantage of a Country. THE FOURTH CLASS to be taught Composition. Writing one's own Language well, is the next necessary Accomplishment after good Speaking. 'Tis the Writing-Master's Business to take Care that the Boys make fair Characters, and place them straight and even in the Lines: But to _form their Stile_, and even to take Care that the Stops and Capitals are properly disposed, is the Part of the _English_ Master. The Boys should be put on Writing Letters to each other on any common Occurrences, and on various Subjects, imaginary Business, &c., containing little Stories, Accounts of their late Reading, what Parts of Authors please them, and why; Letters of Congratulation, of Compliment, of Request, of Thanks, of Recommendation, of Admonition, of Consolation, of Expostulation, Excuse, &c. In these they should be taught to express themselves clearly, concisely, and naturally, without affected Words or high-flown Phrases. All their Letters to pass through the Master's Hand, who is to point out the Faults, advise the Corrections, and commend what he finds right. Some of the best Letters published in our own Language, as _Sir William Temple's_, those of _Pope_, and his Friends, and some others, might be set before the Youth as Models, their Beauties pointed out and explained by the Master, the Letters themselves transcrib'd by the Scholar. Dr. Johnson's _Ethices Elementa_,[36] or First Principles of Morality, may now be read by the Scholars, and explain'd by the Master, to lay a solid Foundation of Virtue and Piety in their Minds. And as this Class continues the Reading of History, let them now at proper Hours receive some farther Instruction in Chronology, and in that Part of Geography (from the Mathematical Master), which is necessary to understand the Maps and Globes. They should also be acquainted with the modern Names of the Places they find mention'd in antient Writers. The Exercises of good Reading, and proper Speaking, still continued at suitable Times. FIFTH CLASS To improve the Youth in _Composition_, they may now, besides continuing to write Letters, begin to write little Essays in Prose, and sometimes in Verse, not to make them Poets, but for this Reason, that nothing acquaints a Lad so speedily with Variety of Expression, as the Necessity of finding such Words and Phrases as will suit with the Measure, Sound, and Rhime of Verse, and at the same time well express the Sentiment. These Essays should all pass under the Master's Eye, who will point out their Faults, and put the Writer on correcting them. Where the Judgment is not ripe enough for forming new Essays, let the Sentiments of a _Spectator_ be given, and requir'd to be cloath'd in a Scholar's own Words; or the Circumstances of some good Story, the Scholar to find Expression. Let them be put sometimes on abridging a Paragraph of a diffuse Author, sometimes on dilating or amplifying what is wrote more closely. And now let Dr. Johnson's _Noetica_, or First Principles of Human Knowledge, containing a Logic, or Art of Reasoning, &c. be read by the Youth, and the Difficulties that may occur to them be explained by the Master. The Reading of History, and the Exercises of good Reading and just Speaking, still continued. SIXTH CLASS In this Class, besides continuing the Studies of the preceding, in History, Rhetoric, Logic, Moral and Natural Philosophy, the best _English_ Authors may be read and explain'd; as _Tillotson_, _Milton_, _Locke_, _Addison_, _Pope_, _Swift_, the higher Papers in the _Spectator_ and _Guardian_, the best Translations of _Homer_, _Virgil_, and _Horace_, of _Telemachus_, _Travels of Cyrus_, &c.[37] Once a Year let there be publick Exercises in the Hall, the Trustees and Citizens present. Then let fine gilt Books be given as Prizes to such Boys as distinguish themselves and excel the others in any Branch of Learning, making three Degrees of Comparison; giving the best Prize to him that performs best; a less valuable One to him that comes up next to the best; and another to the third. Commendations, Encouragement and Advice to the rest; keeping up their Hopes, that by Industry they may excel another Time. The Names of those that obtain the Prizes to be yearly printed in a List. The Hours of each Day are to be divided and dispos'd in such a Manner, as that some Classes may be with the Writing-Master, improving their Hands, others with the Mathematical Master, learning Arithmetick, Accompts, Geography, Use of the Globes, Drawing, Mechanicks, &c.; while the rest are in the _English_ School, under the _English_ Master's Care. Thus instructed, Youth will come out of this School fitted for learning any Business, Calling or Profession, except such wherein Languages are required; and tho' unacquainted with any antient or foreign Tongue, they will be Masters of their own, which is of more immediate and general Use; and withal will have attain'd many other valuable Accomplishments; the Time usually spent in acquiring those Languages, often without Success, being here employ'd in laying such a Foundation of Knowledge and Ability, as, properly improv'd, may qualify them to pass thro' and execute the several Offices of civil Life, with Advantage and Reputation to themselves and Country. B.F. TO C[ADWALLADER] C[OLDEN] ESQ. AT NEW YORK Communicated to Mr. Collinson [Philadelphia] 1751. SIR, I inclose you answers, such as my present hurry of business will permit me to make, to the principal queries contained in yours of the 28th instant, and beg leave to refer you to the latter piece in the printed collection of my papers, for farther explanation of the difference between what are called _electrics per se_, and _non-electrics_. When you have had time to read and consider these papers, I will endeavour to make any new experiments you shall propose, that you think may afford farther light or satisfaction to either of us; and shall be much obliged to you for such remarks, objections, &c., as may occur to you. I forget whether I wrote you that I have melted brass pins and steel needles, inverted the poles of the magnetic needle, given a magnetism and polarity to needles that had none, and fired dry gunpowder by the electric spark. I have five bottles that contain 8 or 9 gallons each, two of which charg'd, are sufficient for those purposes: but I can charge and discharge them altogether. There are no bounds (but what expence and labour give) to the force man may raise and use in the electrical way: for bottle may be added to bottle _in infinitum_, and all united and discharged together as one, the force and effect proportioned to their number and size. The greatest known effects of common lightning may, I think, without much difficulty, be exceeded in this way, which a few years since could not have been believed, and even now may seem to many a little extravagant to suppose. So we are got beyond the skill of _Rabelais's_ devils of two years old, who, he humorously says, had only learnt to thunder and lighten a little round the head of a cabbage.[38] I am, with sincere respect, Your most obliged humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. EXPORTING OF FELONS TO THE COLONIES [From the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 9, 1751.] TO THE PRINTERS OF THE GAZETTE By a Passage in one of your late Papers, I understand that the Government at home will not suffer our mistaken Assemblies to make any Law for preventing or discouraging the Importation of Convicts from Great Britain, for this kind Reason, '_That such Laws are against the Publick Utility, as they tend to prevent the_ IMPROVEMENT _and_ WELL PEOPLING _of the Colonies_.' Such a tender _parental_ Concern in our _Mother Country_ for the _Welfare_ of her _Children_, calls aloud for the highest _Returns_ of Gratitude and Duty. This every one must be sensible of: But 'tis said, that in our present Circumstances it is absolutely impossible for us to make _such_ as are adequate to the Favour. I own it; but nevertheless let us do our Endeavour. 'Tis something to show a grateful Disposition. In some of the uninhabited Parts of these Provinces, there are Numbers of these venomous Reptiles we call RATTLE-SNAKES; Felons-convict from the Beginning of the World: These, whenever we meet with them, we put to Death, by Virtue of an old Law, _Thou shalt bruise his Head_. But as this is a sanguinary Law, and may seem too cruel; and as however mischievous those Creatures are with us, they may possibly change their Natures, if they were to change the Climate; I would humbly propose, that this general Sentence of _Death_ be changed for _Transportation_. In the Spring of the Year, when they first creep out of their Holes, they are feeble, heavy, slow, and easily taken; and if a small Bounty were allow'd _per_ Head, some Thousands might be collected annually, and _transported_ to _Britain_. There I would propose to have them carefully distributed in _St. James's Park_, in the _Spring-Gardens_ and other Places of Pleasure about _London_; in the Gardens of all the Nobility and Gentry throughout the Nation; but particularly in the Gardens of the _Prime Ministers_, the _Lords of Trade_ and _Members of Parliament_; for to them we are _most particularly_ obliged. There is no human Scheme so perfect, but some Inconveniencies may be objected to it: Yet when the Conveniencies far exceed, the Scheme is judg'd rational, and fit to be executed. Thus Inconveniencies have been objected to that _good_ and _wise_ Act of Parliament, by virtue of which all the _Newgates_ and _Dungeons_ in _Britain_ are emptied into the Colonies. It has been said, that these Thieves and Villains introduc'd among us, spoil the Morals of Youth in the Neighbourhoods that entertain them, and perpetrate many horrid Crimes: But let not _private Interests_ obstruct _publick_ Utility. Our _Mother_ knows what is best for us. What is a little _Housebreaking_, _Shoplifting_, or _Highway Robbing_; what is a _Son_ now and then _corrupted_ and _hang'd_, a Daughter _debauch'd_ and _pox'd_, a Wife _stabb'd_, a Husband's _Throat cut_, or a Child's _Brains beat out_ with an Axe, compar'd with this 'IMPROVEMENT and WELL PEOPLING of the Colonies!' Thus it may perhaps be objected to my Scheme, that the _Rattle-Snake_ is a mischievous Creature, and that his changing his Nature with the Clime is a mere Supposition, not yet confirm'd by sufficient Facts. What then? Is not Example more prevalent than Precept? And may not the honest rough British Gentry, by a Familiarity with these Reptiles, learn to _creep_, and to _insinuate_, and to _slaver_, and to _wriggle_ into Place (and perhaps to _poison_ such as stand in their Way) Qualities of no small Advantage to Courtiers! In comparison of which 'IMPROVEMENT and PUBLICK UTILITY,' what is a _Child_ now and then kill'd by their venomous Bite, ... or even a favourite _Lap Dog_? I would only add, that this exporting of Felons to the Colonies, may be consider'd as a _Trade_, as well as in the Light of a _Favour_. Now all Commerce implies Returns: Justice requires them: There can be no Trade without them. And _Rattle-Snakes_ seem the most _suitable Returns_ for the _Human Serpents_ sent us by our _Mother_ Country. In this, however, as in every other Branch of Trade, she will have the Advantage of us. She will reap _equal_ Benefits without equal Risque of the Inconveniencies and Dangers. For the _Rattle-Snake_ gives Warning before he attempts his Mischief; which the Convict does not. I am _Yours_, &c. AMERICANUS. OBSERVATIONS CONCERNING THE INCREASE OF MANKIND, PEOPLING OF COUNTRIES, ETC. Written in Pensilvania, 1751[39] 1. Tables of the Proportion of Marriages to Births, of Deaths to Births, of Marriages to the Numbers of Inhabitants, &c., form'd on Observaions [_sic_] made upon the Bills of Mortality, Christnings, &c., of populous Cities, will not suit Countries; nor will Tables form'd on Observations made on full-settled old Countries, as _Europe_, suit new Countries, as _America_. 2. For People increase in Proportion to the Number of Marriages, and that is greater in Proportion to the Ease and Convenience of supporting a Family. When families can be easily supported, more Persons marry, and earlier in Life. 3. In Cities, where all Trades, Occupations, and Offices are full, many delay marrying till they can see how to bear the Charges of a Family; which Charges are greater in Cities, as Luxury is more common: many live single during Life, and continue Servants to Families, Journeymen to Trades; &c. hence Cities do not by natural Generation supply themselves with Inhabitants; the Deaths are more than the Births. 4. In Countries full settled, the Case must be nearly the same; all Lands being occupied and improved to the Heighth; those who cannot get Land, must Labour for others that have it; when Labourers are plenty, their Wages will be low; by low Wages a family is supported with Difficulty; this Difficulty deters many from Marriage, who therefore long continue Servants and single. Only as the Cities take Supplies of People from the Country, and thereby make a little more Room in the Country; Marriage is a little more encourag'd there, and the Births exceed the Deaths. 5. _Europe_ is generally full settled with Husbandmen, Manufacturers, &c., and therefore cannot now much increase in People: _America_ is chiefly occupied by Indians, who subsist mostly by Hunting. But as the Hunter, of all Men, requires the greatest Quantity of Land from whence to draw his Subsistence, (the Husbandman subsisting on much less, the Gardner on still less, and the Manufacturer requiring least of all), the _Europeans_ found _America_ as fully settled as it well could be by Hunters; yet these, having large Tracks, were easily prevail'd on to part with Portions of Territory to the new Comers, who did not much interfere with the Natives in Hunting, and furnish'd them with many Things they wanted. 6. Land being thus plenty in _America_, and so cheap as that a labouring man, that understands Husbandry, can in a short Time save Money enough to purchase a Piece of new Land sufficient for a Plantation, whereon he may subsist a Family, such are not afraid to marry; for, if they even look far enough forward to consider how their Children, when grown up, are to be provided for, they see that more Land is to be had at rates equally easy, all Circumstances considered. 7. Hence Marriages in _America_ are more general, and more generally early, than in _Europe_. And if it is reckoned there, that there is but one Marriage per Annum among 100 persons, perhaps we may here reckon two; and if in _Europe_ they have but 4 Births to a Marriage (many of their Marriages being late), we may here reckon 8, of which if one half grow up, and our Marriages are made, reckoning one with another at 20 Years of Age, our People must at least be doubled every 20 Years. 8. But notwithstanding this Increase, so vast is the Territory of _North America_, that it will require many Ages to settle it fully; and, till it is fully settled, Labour will never be cheap here, where no Man continues long a Labourer for others, but gets a Plantation of his own, no Man continues long a Journeyman to a Trade, but goes among those new Settlers, and sets up for himself, &c. Hence Labour is no cheaper now in _Pennsylvania_, than it was 30 Years ago, tho' so many Thousand labouring People have been imported. 9. The Danger therefore of these Colonies interfering with their Mother Country in Trades that depend on Labour, Manufactures, &c., is too remote to require the attention of _Great Britain_. 10. But in Proportion to the Increase of the Colonies, a vast Demand is growing for British Manufactures, a glorious Market wholly in the Power of _Britain_, in which Foreigners cannot interfere, which will increase in a short Time even beyond her Power of supplying, tho' her whole Trade should be to her Colonies: Therefore _Britain_ should not too much restrain Manufactures in her Colonies. A wise and good Mother will not do it. To distress, is to weaken, and weakening the Children weakens the whole Family. 11. Besides if the Manufactures of _Britain_ (by reason of the _American_ Demands) should rise too high in Price, Foreigners who can sell cheaper will drive her Merchants out of Foreign Markets; Foreign Manufactures will thereby be encouraged and increased, and consequently foreign Nations, perhaps her Rivals in Power, grow more populous and more powerful; while her own Colonies, kept too low, are unable to assist her, or add to her Strength. 12. 'Tis an ill-grounded Opinion that by the Labour of slaves, _America_ may possibly vie in Cheapness of Manufactures with _Britain_. The Labour of Slaves can never be so cheap here as the Labour of working Men is in _Britain_. Any one may compute it. Interest of Money is in the Colonies from 6 to 10 per Cent. Slaves one with another cost 30£ Sterling per Head. Reckon then the Interest of the first Purchase of a Slave, the Insurance or Risque on his Life, his Cloathing and Diet, Expences in his Sickness and Loss of Time, Loss by his Neglect of Business (Neglect is natural to the Man who is not to be benefited by his own Care or Diligence), Expence of a Driver to keep him at Work, and his Pilfering from Time to Time, almost every Slave being _by Nature_ a Thief, and compare the whole Amount with the Wages of a Manufacturer of Iron or Wood in _England_, you will see that Labour is much cheaper there than it ever can be by Negroes here. Why then will _Americans_ purchase Slaves? Because Slaves may be kept as long as a _Man_ pleases, or has Occasion for their Labour; while hired Men are continually leaving their masters (often in the midst of his Business,) and setting up for themselves.--Sec. 8. 13. As the Increase of People depends on the Encouragement of Marriages, the following Things must diminish a Nation, viz. 1. _The being conquered_; for the Conquerors will engross as many Offices, and exact as much Tribute or Profit on the Labour of the conquered, as will maintain them in their new Establishment, and this diminishing the Subsistence of the Natives, discourages their Marriages, and so gradually diminishes them, while the foreigners increase. 2. _Loss of Territory._ Thus, the _Britons_ being driven into _Wales_, and crowded together in a barren Country insufficient to support such great Numbers, diminished 'till the People bore a Proportion to the Produce, while the _Saxons_ increas'd on their abandoned lands; till the Island became full of _English_. And, were the _English_ now driven into _Wales_ by some foreign Nation, there would in a few Years, be no more Englishmen in _Britain_, than there are now people in _Wales_. 3. _Loss of Trade._ Manufactures exported, draw Subsistence from Foreign Countries for Numbers; who are thereby enabled to marry and raise Families. If the Nation be deprived of any Branch of Trade, and no new Employment is found for the People occupy'd in that Branch, it will also be soon deprived of so many People. 4. _Loss of Food._ Suppose a Nation has a Fishery, which not only employs great Numbers, but makes the Food and Subsistence of the People cheaper. If another Nation becomes Master of the Seas, and prevents the Fishery, the People will diminish in Proportion as the Loss of Employ and Dearness of Provision, makes it more difficult to subsist a Family. 5. _Bad Government and insecure Property._ People not only leave such a Country, and settling Abroad incorporate with other Nations, lose their native Language, and become Foreigners, but, the Industry of those that remain being discourag'd, the Quantity of Subsistence in the Country is lessen'd, and the Support of a Family becomes more difficult. So heavy Taxes tend to diminish a People. 6. _The Introduction of Slaves._ The Negroes brought into the _English_ Sugar _Islands_ have greatly diminish'd the Whites there; the Poor are by this Means deprived of Employment, while a few Families acquire vast Estates; which they spend on Foreign Luxuries, and educating their Children in the Habit of those Luxuries; the same Income is needed for the Support of one that might have maintain'd 100. The Whites who have Slaves, not labouring, are enfeebled, and therefore not so generally prolific; the Slaves being work'd too hard, and ill fed, their Constitutions are broken, and the Deaths among them are more than the Births; so that a continual Supply is needed from _Africa_. The Northern Colonies, having few Slaves, increase in Whites. Slaves also pejorate[40] the Families that use them; the white Children become proud, disgusted with Labour, and being educated in Idleness, are rendered unfit to get a Living by Industry. 14. Hence the Prince that acquires new Territory, if he finds it vacant, or removes the Natives to give his own People Room; the Legislator that makes effectual Laws for promoting of Trade, increasing Employment, improving Land by more or better Tillage, providing more Food by Fisheries; securing Property, &c. and the Man that invents new Trades, Arts, or Manufactures, or new Improvements in Husbandry, may be properly called _Fathers_ of their Nation, as they are the Cause of the Generation of Multitudes, by the Encouragement they afford to Marriage. 15. As to Privileges granted to the married, (such as the _Jus trium Liberorum_ among the _Romans_,) they may hasten the filling of a Country that has been thinned by War or Pestilence, or that has otherwise vacant Territory; but cannot increase a People beyond the Means provided for their Subsistence. 16. Foreign Luxuries and needless Manufactures, imported and used in a Nation, do, by the same Reasoning, increase the People of the Nation that furnishes them, and diminish the People of the Nation that uses them. Laws, therefore, that prevent such Importations, and on the contrary promote the Exportation of Manufactures to be consumed in Foreign Countries, may be called (with Respect to the People that make them) _generative Laws_, as, by increasing Subsistence they encourage Marriage. Such Laws likewise strengthen a Country, doubly, by increasing its own People and diminishing its Neighbours. 17. Some _European_ Nations prudently refuse to consume the Manufactures of _East-India_:--They should likewise forbid them to their Colonies; for the Gain to the Merchant is not to be compar'd with the Loss, by this Means, of People to the Nation. 18. Home Luxury in the Great increases the Nation's Manufacturers employ'd by it, who are many, and only tends to diminish the Families that indulge in it, who are few. The greater the common fashionable Expence of any Rank of People, the more cautious they are of Marriage. Therefore Luxury should never be suffer'd to become common. 19. The great Increase of Offspring in particular Families is not always owing to greater Fecundity of Nature, but sometimes to Examples of Industry in the Heads, and industrious Education; by which the Children are enabled to provide better for themselves, and their marrying early is encouraged from the Prospect of good Subsistence. 20. If there be a Sect, therefore, in our Nation, that regard Frugality and Industry as religious Duties, and educate their Children therein, more than others commonly do; such Sect must consequently increase more by natural Generation, than any other sect in _Britain_. 21. The Importation of Foreigners into a Country, that has as many Inhabitants as the present Employments and Provisions for Subsistence will bear, will be in the End no Increase of People; unless the New Comers have more Industry and Frugality than the Natives, and then they will provide more Subsistence, and increase in the Country; but they will gradually eat the Natives out. Nor is it necessary to bring in Foreigners to fill up any occasional Vacancy in a Country; for such Vacancy (if the Laws are good, sec. 14, 16,) will soon be filled by natural Generation. Who can now find the Vacancy made in _Sweden_, _France_, or other Warlike Nations, by the Plague of Heroism, 40 years ago; in _France_, by the Expulsion of the Protestants, in _England_, by the Settlement of her Colonies; or in _Guinea_, by 100 Years Exportation of Slaves, that has blacken'd half _America_? The thinness of Inhabitants in _Spain_ is owing to National Pride and Idleness, and other Causes, rather than to the Expulsion of the Moors, or to the making of new Settlements. 22. There is, in short, no Bound to the prolific Nature of Plants or Animals, but what is made by their crowding and interfering with each other's means of Subsistence. Was the Face of the Earth vacant of other Plants, it might be gradually sowed and overspread with one Kind only; as, for Instance, with Fennel; and were it empty of other Inhabitants, it might in a few Ages be replenish'd from one Nation only; as, for Instance, with _Englishmen_. Thus there are suppos'd to be now upwards of One Million _English_ Souls in _North-America_, (tho' 'tis thought scarce 80,000 have been brought over Sea,) and yet perhaps there is not one the fewer in _Britain_, but rather many more, on Account of the Employment the Colonies afford to Manufacturers at Home. This Million doubling, suppose but once in 25 Years, will, in another Century, be more than the People of _England_, and the greatest Number of _Englishmen_ will be on this Side the Water. What an Accession of Power to the _British_ Empire by Sea as well as Land! What Increase of Trade and Navigation! What Numbers of Ships and Seamen! We have been here but little more than 100 years, and yet the Force of our Privateers in the late War, united, was greater, both in Men and Guns, than that of the whole _British_ Navy in Queen _Elizabeth's_ Time. How important an Affair then to _Britain_ is the present Treaty for settling the Bounds between her Colonies and the _French_, and how careful should she be to secure Room enough, since on the Room depends so much the Increase of her People. 23. In fine, a Nation well regulated is like a Polypus; take away a Limb, its Place is soon supply'd; cut it in two, and each deficient Part shall speedily grow out of the Part remaining. Thus if you have Room and Subsistence enough, as you may by dividing, make ten Polypes out of one, you may of one make ten Nations, equally populous and powerful; or rather increase a Nation ten fold in Numbers and Strength.[41] And since Detachments of _English_ from _Britain_, sent to _America_, will have their Places at Home so soon supply'd and increase so largely here; why should the _Palatine Boors_ be suffered to swarm into our Settlements and, by herding together, establish their Language and Manners, to the Exclusion of ours? Why should _Pennsylvania_, founded by the _English_, become a Colony of _Aliens_, who will shortly be so numerous as to Germanize us instead of our Anglifying them, and will never adopt our Language or Customs any more than they can acquire our Complexion? 24. Which leads me to add one Remark, that the Number of purely white People in the World is proportionably very small. All _Africa_ is black or tawny; _Asia_ chiefly tawny; _America_ (exclusive of the new Comers) wholly so. And in _Europe_, the _Spaniards_, _Italians_, _French_, _Russians_, and _Swedes_, are generally of what we call a swarthy Complexion; as are the _Germans_ also, the _Saxons_ only excepted, who, with the _English_, make the principal Body of White People on the Face of the Earth. I could wish their Numbers were increased. And while we are, as I may call it, _Scouring_ our Planet, by _clearing America_ of Woods, and so making this Side of our Globe reflect a brighter Light to the Eyes of Inhabitants in _Mars_ or _Venus_, why should we, in the Sight of Superior Beings, darken its People? Why increase the Sons of _Africa_, by planting them in _America_, where we have so fair an Opportunity, by excluding all Blacks and Tawneys, of increasing the lovely White and Red? But perhaps I am partial to the Complexion of my Country, for such Kind of Partiality is natural to Mankind. TO PETER COLLINSON[42] Electrical Kite [Philadelphia] Oct. 19, 1752. SIR, As frequent mention is made in public papers from _Europe_ of the success of the _Philadelphia_ experiment for drawing the electric fire from clouds by means of pointed rods of iron erected on high buildings, &c., it may be agreeable to the curious to be informed, that the same experiment has succeeded in _Philadelphia_, though made in a different and more easy manner, which is as follows: Make a small cross of two light strips of cedar, the arms so long as to reach to the four corners of a large thin silk handkerchief when extended; tie the corners of the handkerchief to the extremities of the cross, so you have the body of a kite; which being properly accommodated with a tail, loop, and string, will rise in the air, like those made of paper; but this being of silk, is fitter to bear the wet and wind of a thunder-gust without tearing. To the top of the upright stick of the cross is to be fixed a very sharp-pointed wire, rising a foot or more above the wood. To the end of the twine, next the hand, is to be tied a silk ribbon, and where the silk and twine join, a key may be fastened. This kite is to be raised when a thunder-gust appears to be coming on, and the person who holds the string must stand within a door or window, or under some cover, so that the silk ribbon may not be wet; and care must be taken that the twine does not touch the frame of the door or window. As soon as any of the thunder-clouds come over the kite, the pointed wire will draw the electric fire from them, and the kite, with all the twine, will be electrified, and the loose filaments of the twine will stand out every way, and be attracted by an approaching finger. And when the rain has wet the kite and twine, so that it can conduct the electric fire freely, you will find it stream out plentifully from the key on the approach of your knuckle. At this key the phial may be charged; and from electric fire thus obtained, spirits may be kindled, and all the other electric experiments be performed, which are usually done by the help of a rubbed glass globe or tube, and thereby the sameness of the electric matter with that of lightning completely demonstrated. B. FRANKLIN. [NOTE.--The _Almanack_ for 1753 which follows is an exact facsimile of the copy in the W. S. Mason Collection, here reproduced through the kindness of Mr. Mason. See note [43].] * * * * * Transcriber's Notes: (For "Poor Richard Improved" only) As this section is intended to be a facsimile representation of the original Poor Richards Almanack of 1753; 1. Inconsistencies in capitalization, column header names, punctuation, typography and incomplete words have all been retained. 2. Black line page borders have been omitted, page breaks are indicated for the reader as *(page break)*. A long ellipses line "--" indicates a horizontal line across a single page dividing it into sections. 3. Where the "Hymn" and "Article" texts "skip" pages, the first word of the continued text has been retained for reference and placed in [square brackets], excepting that words originally split between pages have been joined and the next word selected as the marker word. 4. The use of planet and aspect smybols occasionally affects the alignment of table columns, therefore this section is best viewed using a monospace font such as "Courier New" or another with the word "mono" in it's title. 5. Where Sun and Moon data tables were too wide to fit in this e-text format, the table has been divided into "pieces". An arrow --> indicates that the table or text immediately BELOW originally appeared to the right. * * * * * Poor =RICHARD= improved: ---------------------- =BEING AN= =ALMANACK= =AND= =_EPHEMERIS_= =OF THE= MOTIONS of the =SUN= and =MOON=; =THE TRUE= PLACES and ASPECTS of the PLANETS; =THE= =_RISING_= and =_SETTING_= of the =_SUN_=; =AND THE= Rising, Setting _and_ Southing _of the_ Moon, =FOR THE= YEAR of our =LORD= 1753: Being the First after LEAP-YEAR. Containing also, The Lunations, Conjunctions, Eclipses, Judgment of the Weather, Rising and Setting of the Planets, Length of Days and Nights, Fairs, Courts, Roads, &c. Together with useful Tables, chronological Observations, and entertaining Remarks. ---------------------- Fitted to the Latitude of Forty Degrees, and a Meridian of near fire Hours West from _London_; but may, without sensible Error, serve all the NORTHERN COLONIES. ---------------------- By =_RICHARD SAUNDERS_=, Philom. ---------------------- ---------------------- =_PHILADELPHIA_=: Printed and Sold by =B. FRANKLIN=, and =D. HALL=. *(page break)* The Anatomy of Man's Body as govern'd by the Twelve Constellations. ---------------------- ♈ The Head and Face. ♊ ♉ Arms Neck ♌ ♋ Heart Breast [Illustration] ♎ ♍ Reins Bowels ♐ ♏ Thighs Secrets ♒ ♑ Legs Knees ♓ The Feet. _To know where the Sign is._ First Find the Day of the Month, and against the Day you have the Sign or Place of the Moon in the 5th Column. Then finding the Sign here, it shews the Part of the Body it governs. ---------------------- _The Names and Characters of the Seven Planets._ ☉ Sol, ♄ Saturn, ♃ Jupiter, ♂ Mars, ♀ Venus, ☿ Mercury, ☽ Luna, ☊ Dragons Head and ☋ Tail. ---------------------- _The Five Aspects._ ☌ Conjunction, ☍ Opposition, ✱ Sextile, △ Trine, □ Quartile. ---------------------- _Common Notes for the Year 1753. N. S._ Golden Number 6 } { Dominical Letter G Epact 25 } { Cycle of the Sun 26 *(page break)* COURTEOUS READER, =This= is the twentieth Time of my addressing thee in this Manner, and I have reason to flatter myself my Labours have not been unacceptable to the Publick. I am particularly pleas'd to understand that my _Predictions of the Weather_ give such general Satisfaction; and indeed, such Care is taken in the Calculations, on which those Predictions are founded, that I could almost venture to say, there's not a single One of them, promising _Snow_, _Rain_, _Hail_, _Heat_, _Frost_, _Fogs_, _Wind_, or _Thunder_, but what comes to pass _punctually_ and _precisely_ on the very Day, in some Place or other on this little _diminutive_ Globe of ours; (and when you consider the vast Distance of the Stars from whence we take our Aim, you must allow it no small Degree of Exactness to hit any Part of it) I say on this Globe; for tho' in other Matters I confine the Usefulness of my _Ephemeris_ to the _Northern Colonies_, yet in that important Matter of the Weather, which is of such _general Concern_, I would have it more extensively useful, and therefore take in both Hemispheres, and all Latitudes from _Hudson's Bay_ to _Cape Horn_. You will find this Almanack in my former Method, only conformable to the _New-Stile_ established by the Act of Parliament, which I gave you in my last at length; the new Act since made for Amendment of that first Act, not affecting us in the least, being intended only to regulate some Corporation Matters in _England_, before unprovided for. I have only added a Column in the second Page of each Month, containing the Days of the _Old Stile_ opposite to their corresponding Days in the _New_, which may, in many Cases, be of Use; and so conclude (believing you will excuse a short Preface, when it is to make Room for something better) _Thy Friend and Servant_, =R. SAUNDERS.= ---------------------- =HYMN= _to the_ CREATOR, _from_ Psalm CIV. =Awake=, my Soul! with Joy thy God adore; Declare his Greatness; celebrate his Pow'r; Who, cloath'd with Honour, and with Glory crown'd, Shines forth, and cheers his Universe around. Who with a radiant Veil of heavenly Light Himself conceals from all created Sight. Who rais'd the spacious Firmament on high, And spread the azure Curtain of the Sky. Whose awful Throne Heav'n's starry Arch sustains, Whose Presence not Heav'n's vast Expanse restrains. Whose Ways unsearchable no Eye can find, The Clouds his Chariot, and his Wings the Wind Whom Hosts of mighty Angels own their Lord, And flaming Seraphim fulfil his Word. Whose Pow'r of old the solid Earth did found, Self-pois'd, self-center'd, and with Strength girt round; *(page break)* From her appointed Sphere forbid to fly, Or rush unbalanc'd thro' the trackless Sky. To reas'ning Man the sov'reign Rule assign'd, His Delegate o'er each inferior Kind; Too soon to fall from that distinguish'd Place, His Honours stain'd with Guilt and foul Disgrace. He saw the Pride of Earth's aspiring Lord, And in his Fury gave the dreadful Word: Straight o'er her peopled Plains his Floods were pour'd, And o'er the Mountains the proud Billows roar'd. Athwart the Face of Earth the Deluge sweeps, And whelms the impious Nations in the Deeps: Again God spake----and at his pow'rful Call The raging Floods asswage, the Waters fall, The Tempests hear his Voice, and straight obey, And at his Thunder's Roar they haste away: From off the lofty Mountains they subside, And gently thro' the winding Vallies glide, Till in the spacious Caverns of the Deep They sink together, and in Silence sleep. There he hath stretch'd abroad their liquid Plains, And there Omnipotence their Rage restrains, That Earth no more her Ruins may deplore, And guilty Mortals dread their Wrath no more. He bids the living Fountains burst the Ground, And bounteous spread their Silver Streams around: Down from the Hills they draw their shining Train, Diffusing Health and Beauty o'er the Plain. There the fair Flocks allay the Summer's Rage, And panting Savages their Flame asswage. On their sweet winding Banks th' aerial Race In artless Numbers warble forth his Praise, Or chant the harmless Raptures of their Loves, And cheer the Plains, and wake the vocal Groves. Forth from his Treasures in the Skies he pours His precious Blessings in refreshing Show'rs. Each dying Plant with Joy new Life receives, And thankful Nature smiles, and Earth revives. The fruitful Fields with Verdure he bespreads, The Table of the Race that haunts the Meads, And bids each Forest, and each flow'ry Plain Send forth their native Physic for the Swain. *(page break)* Thus doth the various Bounty of the Earth Support each Species crowding into Birth. In purple Streams she bids her Vintage flow, And Olives on her Hills luxuriant grow, One with its generous Juice to cheer the Heart, And one illustrious Beauty to impart; And Bread of all Heav'n's precious Gifts the chief From desolating Want the sure Relief. Which with new Life the feeble Limbs inspires, And all the Man with Health and Courage fires. The Cloud-topt Hills with waving Woods are crown'd, Which wide extend their sacred Shades around, There _Lebanon_'s proud Cedars nod their Heads; There _Bashan_'s lofty Oaks extend their Shades: The pointed Firs rise tow'ring to the Clouds, And Life and warbling Numbers fill the Woods. Nor gentle Shades alone, nor verdant Plains, Nor fair enamell'd Meads, nor flow'ry Lawns, But e'en rude Rocks and dreary Desarts yield Retreats for the wild Wand'rers of the Field. Thy Pow'r with Life and Sense all Nature fills, Each Element with varied Being swells, Race after Race arising view the Light, Then silent pass away, and sink in Night. The Gift of Life thus boundlesly bestow'd, Proclaims th' exhaustless Hand, the Hand of God. Nor less thy Glory in the etherial Spheres, Nor less thy ruling Providence appears. There from on high the gentle Moon by Night In solemn Silence sheds her Silver Light, And thence the glorious Sun pours forth his Beams, Thence copious spreads around his quick'ning Streams. Each various Orb enjoys the golden Day, And Worlds of Life hang on his chearful Ray. Thus Light and Darkness their fix'd Course maintain, And still the kind Vicissitudes remain: For when pale Night her sable Curtain spreads, And wraps all Nature in her awful Shades, Soft Slumbers gently seal each mortal Eye, Stretch'd at their Ease the weary Lab'rers lie. The restless Soul 'midst Life's vain Tumults tost, Forgets her Woes, and ev'ry Care is lost. *(page break)* =JANUARY.= _I Month._ Then from their Dens the rav'nous Monsters creep, Whilst in their Folds the harmless Bestial sleep. The furious Lion roams in quest of Prey, To gorge his Hunger till the Dawn of Day; His hideous Roar with Terror shakes the Wood, As from his Maker's Hand he asks his Food. Again the Sun his Morning Beams displays, And fires the eastern Mountain with his Rays. [Before] +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ri.|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | 1|2|=CIRCUMCISION.= |7 24 |4 36 |♐ 11 | ☽ with ♂ | 2|3| _Clouds and_ |7 24 |4 36 | 23 | ☽ with ♄ | 3|4| _cold, with_ |7 23 |4 37 |♑ 5 | ♃ rise 4 23 | 4|5| _snow;_ |7 23 |4 37 | 17 | _Tis against_ | 5|6|Days inc. 4 m. |7 23 |4 37 | 29 | ☽ with ☿ _some_ | 6|7|=EPIPHANY.= |7 22 |4 38 |♒ 10 | ♂ rise 4 44 | 7|G|1 p. Epiph. |7 22 |4 38 | 22 | ☽ w. ♀ _Mens_ | 8|2| _wind and_ |7 21 |4 39 |♓ 4 | _Principle to pay_ | 9|3| _falling_ |7 21 |4 39 | 16 | _Interest, and_ |10|4|Days inc. 10 m. |7 20 |4 40 | 28 | _seems against_ |11|5| _weather,_ |7 19 |4 41 |♈ 10 | ♃ s. 11 6 _others_ |12|6| _then_ |7 18 |4 42 | 23 | ♄ rise 5 42 |13|7| _very cold,_ |7 17 |4 43 |♉ 6 | Sirius so. 10 52 |14|G|2 p. Epiph. |7 16 |4 44 | 19 | ✱ ♄ ♀ _Interest_ |15|2|Day incr. 18 m. |7 16 |4 44 |♊ 2 | 7 *s so. 7 42 |16|3| _wintry_ |7 15 |4 45 | 16 | ♃ so. 10 39 |17|4| _weather;_ |7 14 |4 46 |♋ 0 | ♂ rise 4 36 |18|5| _but grows more_ |7 13 |4 47 | 15 | ☽ with ♃ to |19|6|Day 9 36 long. |7 12 |4 48 |♌ 1 | ☉ in ♒ _pay_ |20|7| _moderate,_ |7 12 |4 48 | 17 | △ ♃ ♀ _the_ |21|G|3 p. Epiph. |7 11 |4 49 |♍ 3 | _Principal._ |22|2| _followed by_ |7 10 |4 50 | 18 | ♀ sets 8 2 |23|3| _clouds, wind_ |7 9 |4 51 |♎ 2 | _Philosophy as_ |24|4| _and_ |7 8 |4 52 | 15 | _well as Foppery_ |25|5|Conv. St. =PAUL.= |7 7 |4 53 | 28 | ✱ ♂ ☿ _often_ |26|6|Day incr. 38 m. |7 6 |4 54 |♏ 11 | _changes Fashion._ |27|7| _cold, with_ |7 5 |4 55 | 24 | ♄ rise 4 48 |28|G|4 p. Epiph. |7 4 |4 56 |♐ 7 | 7 *s sou. 6 47 |29|2| _snow or_ |7 3 |4 57 | 19 | Sirius sou. 9 44 |30|3|K. Char. behead. |7 2 |4 58 |♑ 1 | ☽ with ♄ & ♂ |31|4| _rain._ |7 1 |4 59 | 13 | ☽ with ☿ +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ *(page break)* =JANUARY= hath XXXI Days. +----------------------------------------------+ D. H. | Planets Places. New ☽ 4 8 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ First Q. 12 at noon. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. Full ● 19 10 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ Last Q. 26 4 mor. | | ♑ | ♐ | ♋ | ♐ | ♒ | ♑ | | 1| 12 | 29 | 11 | 7 | 15 | 26 | N. 2 {12 ♏ 12 Deg. | 6| 17 | 30 | 10 | 11 | 21 | 24 | 5 ☊ {22 11 |12| 23 | ♑ 0 | 9 | 15 | 29 | 19 | 2 {31 10 |17| 28 | 1 | 8 | 19 | ♓ 5 | 14 | S. 4 |22| ♒ 3 | 1 | 8 | 22 | 11 | 13 | 4 |27| 8 | 2 | 7 | 26 | 17 | 15 | N. 1 +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ [Illustration] +--+----------+----------+----+------+ |D.| ☽ rise | ☽ sou: | T. | O S | --> +--+----------+----------+----+ l t | | 1| 4 39 | 9 M 41 | 12 | d i | | 2| 5 33 | 10 30 | 1 | l | | 3| Moon | 11 19 | 2 | e.| | 4| sets. | 12 6 | 3 | 24 | | 5| A. | A. 53 | 3 | 25 | | 6| 7 0 | 1 36 | 4 | 26 | | 7| 8 0 | 2 18 | 5 | 27 | | 8| 8 54 | 3 0 | 6 | 28 | | 9| 9 50 | 3 43 | 6 | 29 | |10| 10 47 | 4 27 | 7 | 30 | |11| 11 46 | 5 10 | 8 | 31 | |12| 12 50 | 5 55 | 8 | Jan. | |13| M. 50 | 6 44 | 9 | | |14| 1 51 | 7 34 | 10 | 3 | |15| 2 52 | 8 28 | 11 | 4 | |16| 3 56 | 9 23 | 12 | 5 | |17| 4 57 | 10 22 | 1 | 6 | |18| Moon | 11 21 | 2 | 7 | |19| rises | 12 25 | 3 | 8 | |20| A. | Morn. | 3 | 9 | |21| 7 56 | 1 30 | 4 | 10 | |22| 9 11 | 2 26 | 5 | 11 | |23| 10 18 | 3 16 | 6 | 12 | |24| 11 19 | 4 5 | 7 | 13 | |25| 12 22 | 4 54 | 7 | 14 | |26| M 22 | 5 43 | 8 | 15 | |27| 1 17 | 6 34 | 9 | 16 | |28| 2 21 | 7 26 | 10 | 17 | |29| 3 16 | 8 14 | 11 | 18 | |30| 4 3 | 9 3 | 12 | 19 | |31| 4 44 | 9 51 | 12 | 20 | +--+----------+----------+----+------+ =The= Greatness of that Power, which has been exerted in the Creation, though every Object in Nature shews it, will best appear by considering a little the =GREAT= Works, properly so called, of Nature; the Sun, and Planets, and the fixed Stars. The Sun and Moon, the most conspicuous to us of all the celestial Bodies, are the only ones mentioned in the sacred Text: But the Invention of that noblest of Instruments the Telescope, and the Sagacity of the Astronomers of later Ages, whose Observations have improved and corrected those of the foregoing, afford us a very different Idea of the Solar System, from what the single Consideration of those two most conspicuous Bodies gives us. As this may probably fall into the Hands of some, who have not Leisure or Opportunities of reading Books of Astronomy, the following brief View of our System, and of the Immensity of the Creation, according to the Theory of the Moderns, may not be unacceptable. It is proper, in the first Place, just to mention, That the real Magnitudes, Distances, Orbits, and other Affections of the Bodies of our System are determined by what Astronomers call their Parallaxes, and by their Elongations from the Sun, and their apparent Magnitudes, and other analogical Methods, which would take up by far too much Time to explain here; by which it is possible to determine [their] *(page break)* =FEBRUARY.= _II Month._ Before him fly the Horrors of the Night; He looks upon the World--and all is Light. Then the lone Wand'rers of the dreary Waste Affrighted to their Holds return in Haste, To Man give up the World, his native Reign, Who then resumes his Pow'r, and rules the Plain. How various are thy Works, Creator wise! How to the Sight Beauties on Beauties rise! [Where] +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | 1|5|Days 10 h. long. |7 0 |5 0 |♑ 25 | ♃ sou. 9 28 | 2|6|Purification _V. M._ |6 59 |5 1 |♒ 7 | ♂ rise 4 20 | 3|7| _Clouds_ |6 58 |5 2 | 19 | _Setting too good_ | 4|G|5 p. Epiph. |6 56 |5 4 |♓ 1 | _an Example_ | 5|2| _and wind,_ |6 55 |5 5 | 13 | ☿ rise 5 34 | 6|3| _with_ |6 54 |5 6 | 25 | ☌ ☽ ♀ ☌ ♄ ♂ | 7|4| _falling_ |6 53 |5 7 |♈ 7 | ♀ sets 8 2 _is a_ | 8|5|Days incr. 1 6 |6 52 |5 8 | 20 | _Kind of Slander_ | 9|6| _weather,_ |6 51 |5 9 |♉ 3 | _seldom forgiven;_ |10|7| _then fair_ |6 50 |5 10 | 16 | _'tis_ Scandalum |11|G|6 p. Epiph. |6 48 |5 12 | 29 | Magnatum. |12|2| _and cold;_ |6 47 |5 13 |♊ 13 | □ ♃ ♀ _A great_ |13|3| _changeable_ |6 46 |5 14 | 27 | ♄ rise 3 49 |14|4|=VALENTINE.= |6 45 |5 15 |♋ 12 | ☽ W. ♃ _Talker_ |15|5|Days inc. 1 22 |6 43 |5 17 | 27 | □ ♂ ♀ _may be_ |16|6| _and like for_ |6 42 |5 18 |♌ 12 | 7 *s sets 1 0 |17|7| _rain, or snow,_ |6 41 |5 19 | 27 | ♃ sou. 8 21 |18|G|Septuagesima. |6 40 |5 20 |♏ 12 | ☉ in ♓ _no Fool,_ |19|2| _then follows_ |6 38 |5 22 | 26 | Sirius sou. 8 21 |20|3|Day 10 46 long. |6 37 |5 23 |♎ 10 | ♂ rise 4 5 |21|4| _clear and cold_ |6 36 |5 24 | 24 | ♀ sets 9 0 |22|5| _weather; but_ |6 35 |5 25 |♏ 8 | ✱ ☉ ♄ _but he_ |23|6| _soon changes to_ |6 33 |5 27 | 21 | _is one that_ |24|7|St. Matthias. |6 32 |5 28 |♐ 3 | △ ☉ ♃ _relies_ |25|G|Sexagesima. |6 31 |5 29 | 15 | _on him._ |26|2| _snow_ |6 30 |5 30 | 27 | ♄ rises 3 0 |27|3| _or cold rain._ |6 28 |5 32 |♑ 9 | ☽ with ♄ |28|4|Day inc. 1 56 m. |6 27 |5 33 | 21 | ☽ with ♂ +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ *(page break)* =FEBRUARY= hath XXVIII Days. +----------------------------------------------+ D. H. | Planets Places. New ☽ 3 3 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ First Q. 10 12 aft. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. Full ● 17 3 aft. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ Last Q. 24 7 aft. | | ♒ | ♑ | ♋ | ♑ | ♓ | ♑ | | 1| 13 | 2 | 7 | 0 | 23 | 19 | N. 5 {12 ♏ 9 Deg. | 6| 18 | 3 | 7 | 3 | 29 | 24 | 4 ☊ {22 8 |12| 24 | 3 | 6 | 7 | ♈ 6 | ♒ 0 | S. 3 {28 7 |17| 29 | 4 | 6 | 11 | 12 | 7 | 5 |22| ♓ 4 | 4 | 6 | 14 | 17 | 14 | 0 |27| 19 | 4 | 6 | 18 | 23 | 22 | N. 4 +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ [Illustration] +--+----------+----------+----+------+ |D.| ☽ rise | ☽ sou: | T. | | --> +--+----------+----------+----+ | | 1| 5 29 | 10 39 | 1 | 21 | | 2| Moon | 12 24 | 2 | 22 | | 3| sets | A. 9 | 3 | 23 | | 4| A. | 12 52 | 3 | 24 | | 5| 7 45 | 1 35 | 4 | 25 | | 6| 8 39 | 2 18 | 5 | 26 | | 7| 9 39 | 3 1 | 6 | 27 | | 8| 10 41 | 3 50 | 6 | 28 | | 9| 11 44 | 4 38 | 7 | 29 | |10| 12 47 | 5 29 | 8 | 30 | |11| M. 47 | 6 19 | 9 | 31 | |12| 1 43 | 7 18 | 10 | Feb. | |13| 2 46 | 8 17 | 11 | | |14| 3 41 | 9 16 | 12 | 3 | |15| 4 34 | 10 15 | 1 | 4 | |16| Moon | 11 14 | 2 | 5 | |17| rises | 12 10 | 3 | 6 | |18| A. | Morn | 3 | 7 | |19| 7 53 | 1 6 | 4 | 8 | |20| 9 2 | 1 57 | 4 | 9 | |21| 10 9 | 2 48 | 5 | 10 | |22| 11 19 | 3 40 | 6 | 11 | |23| 12 17 | 4 32 | 7 | 12 | |24| M. 17 | 5 20 | 8 | 13 | |25| 1 8 | 6 8 | 9 | 14 | |26| 2 0 | 6 58 | 9 | 15 | |27| 2 48 | 7 47 | 10 | 16 | |28| 3 27 | 8 34 | 11 | 17 | +--+----------+----------+----+------+ their Magnitudes and Distances, when those Distances are not too great to yield a Parallax. Astronomers, for Example, know certainly the Distance of the Moon from the Earth, _viz._ 240 thousand Miles, because the Moon yields a very sensible Parallax; and they know, that the Sun's Distance from the Earth is very probably, at least, ten thousand Times the Diameter or Thickness of the Earth, which is about eight thousand Miles, and brings the whole Distance to about eighty Millions of Miles. It is, I say, hardly to be doubted, that the Distance from the Sun to the Earth is, at least, eighty Millions of Miles; but it is not certainly known, whether it is not a great deal more. In the Year 1761, the Distance of all the Planets from the Sun will be determined to a great Degree of Exactness by Observations on a Transit of the Planet _Venus_ over the Face of the Sun, which is to happen the 6th of _May_, O.S. in that Year. But, according to the present Theory, the Sun, to appear of the Magnitude he does to our Eyes at the Distance of eighty Millions of Miles, must be a Body a great many hundred thousand Times larger than the Earth, so that if his Centre were placed where that of the Earth is, his outward Surface would extend one hundred and forty thousand Miles higher than the Orbit of the Moon, his Diameter or Thickness being seven hundred and sixty thousand Miles, whereas that of the Earth is but about eight thousand. This amazing World [of] *(page break)* =MARCH.= _III Month._ Where Goodness worthy of a God bestows His Gifts on all, and without Bounds o'erflows; Where Wisdom bright appears, and Pow'r divine, And where Infinitude itself doth shine; Where Excellence invisible's exprest, And in his glorious Works the God appears confest. With Life thy Hand hath stock'd this earthly Plain, Nor less the spacious Empire of the Main. [There] +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | 1|5|St. =DAVID.= |6 26 |5 34 |♒ 3 | ✱ ♀ ☿ _When_ | 2|6| _Cool and_ |6 24 |5 36 | 15 | 7 *s set 12 0 | 3|7| _windy,_ |6 23 |5 37 | 27 | ☽ w. ☿ _Reason_ | 4|G|Shrove Sunday. |6 22 |5 38 |♓ 9 | ♃ sou. 7 25 | 5|2| _then snow_ |6 20 |5 40 | 21 | ♀ sets 9 28 | 6|3|Shrove Tuesday. |6 19 |5 41 |♈ 4 | _preaches, if you_ | 7|4|Ash Wednesday. |6 18 |5 42 | 17 | ✱ ♄ ☿ _won't_ | 8|5|Days 11 28 long |6 16 |5 44 |♉ 0 | ☽ w. ♀ _hear her_ | 9|6| _follow'd by sharp_|6 15 |5 45 | 13 | ♂ ri. 3 50 _she'll_ |10|7| _nipping weather;_ |6 14 |5 46 | 26 | △ ♄ ♀ _box your_ |11|G|1st in Lent. |6 12 |5 48 |♊ 9 | Sirius so. 7 6. |12|2|Day inc. 2 28 m. |6 11 |5 49 | 23 | ☍ ♄ ♃ _Ears._ |13|3| _now fine and_ |6 10 |5 50 |♋ 7 | ☽ with ♃ |14|4|Ember Week. |6 8 |5 52 | 21 | ♄ rise 2 4 |15|5| _pleasant for_ |6 7 |5 53 |♌ 6 | ♃ set 2 9 |16|6| _the season;_ |6 6 |5 54 | 21 | Sirius set 11 51 |17|7|St. =PATRICK.= |6 4 |5 56 |♍ 6 | ♂ rise 3 43 |18|G|2d in Lent. |6 3 |5 57 | 21 | 7 *s set 11 4 |19|2| _then_ |6 2 |5 58 |♎ 5 | ☌ ☉ ☿ Equal |20|3|Days 12 long. |6 0 |6 0 | 19 | ☉ in ♈ Day and |21|4| _clouds_ |5 59 |6 1 |♏ 3 | □ ♄ ☿ Night. |22|5| _and_ |5 58 |6 2 | 17 | ✱ ♂ ☿ _It is not_ |23|6| _high winds_ |5 56 |6 4 |♐ 0 | □ ♃ ☿ _Leisure_ |24|7|Days inc. 3 h. |5 55 |6 5 | 12 | ♀ sets 9 57 |25|G|Annunciation. |5 54 |6 6 | 24 | □ ☉ ♄ _that is_ |26|2| _with rain and_ |5 52 |6 8 |♑ 6 | ☽ with ♄ _not_ |27|3| _cold, but_ |5 51 |6 9 | 18 | □ ☉ ♃ _used._ |28|4| _grows_ |5 50 |6 10 |♒ 0 | ♄ rise 1 17 |29|5| _more_ |5 48 |6 12 | 12 | ☽ with ♂ |30|6| _moderate._ |5 47 |6 13 | 24 | Sirius set 11 0 |31|7|Day 12 30 long. |5 45 |6 15 |♓ 6 | ♃ sets 1 15 +--+--+----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ *(page break)* =MARCH= hath XXXI Days. +----------------------------------------------+ D. H. | Planets Places. New ☽ 4 11 aft. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ First Q. 12 10 mor. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. Full ● 19 1 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ Last Q. 26 at noon. | | ♓ | ♑ | ♋ | ♑ | ♈ | ♓ | | 4| 14 | 5 | 6 | 22 | 29 | 0 | N. 4 {12 ♏ 7 Deg. | 9| 19 | 5 | 6 | 26 | ♉ 4 | 9 | S. 1 ☊ {22 6 |12| 22 | 5 | 6 | 28 | 7 | 15 | 4 {31 6 |17| 27 | 5 | 6 | ♒ 2 | 12 | 25 | 4 |22| ♈ 2 | 5 | 7 | 6 | 17 | ♈ 6 | N. 1 |27| 7 | 6 | 7 | 19 | 23 | 16 | 5 +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ [Illustration] +--+----------+----------+----+------+ |D.| ☽ rise | ☽ sou: | T. | | --> +--+----------+----------+----+ | | 1| 4 4 | 9 M 21 | 12 | 18 | | 2| 4 44 | 10 6 | 1 | 19 | | 3| Moon | 10 50 | 1 | 20 | | 4| sets. | 11 34 | 2 | 21 | | 5| A. | A. 17 | 3 | 22 | | 6| 7 35 | 1 4 | 4 | 23 | | 7| 8 35 | 1 51 | 4 | 24 | | 8| 9 40 | 2 41 | 5 | 25 | | 9| 10 39 | 3 30 | 6 | 26 | |10| 11 44 | 4 22 | 7 | 27 | |11| 12 43 | 5 15 | 8 | 28 | |12| M. 43 | 6 13 | 9 | Mar. | |13| 1 36 | 7 10 | 10 | | |14| 2 27 | 8 7 | 11 | 3 | |15| 3 19 | 9 4 | 12 | 4 | |16| 4 2 | 10 1 | 1 | 5 | |17| 4 42 | 10 58 | 1 | 6 | |18| Moon | 11 54 | 2 | 7 | |19| rises | 12 44 | 3 | 8 | |20| A. | M. 44 | 3 | 9 | |21| 9 3 | 1 37 | 4 | 10 | |22| 10 12 | 2 30 | 5 | 11 | |23| 11 15 | 3 24 | 6 | 12 | |24| 12 4 | 4 12 | 7 | 13 | |25| M. 4 | 5 0 | 8 | 14 | |26| 0 43 | 5 49 | 8 | 15 | |27| 1 29 | 6 38 | 9 | 16 | |28| 2 12 | 7 24 | 10 | 17 | |29| 2 47 | 8 10 | 11 | 18 | |30| 3 21 | 8 54 | 11 | 19 | |31| 3 50 | 9 38 | 12 | 20 | +--+----------+----------+-----------+ of Fire turns once round in about twenty-five Days. This is known by a Number of dusky Spots, which appear upon the Sun's Face, so as to be seen sometimes with the naked Eye, when he shines through a thin Cloud or Mist; but are always observable with the Help of a Telescope, with a dark Glass for the Security of the Eye. These Spots could not be visible at the Distance of the Sun, if they were not as large as the whole Earth; but such of them as appear of a considerable Breadth, as they often do, must be still vastly larger. They never continue long to make the same Appearance; but are always rising and vanishing again. They are probably Exhalations floating in the Sun's Atmosphere at some Distance from his Body, or Masses of Cynder fallen from that Atmosphere upon his Surface. This glorious Luminary, the Centre of our System, has six opaque Globes, commonly called the Planets, going round him at different Distances, and in different Periods, but all from West to East, as follows. 1. _Mercury_, a Body considerably inferior in Size to the Earth, performs his Course in about three Months, which is his Year, at the Distance of thirty Millions of Miles from the Sun. The Heat of the Sun in _Mercury_ (if there be no Provision made for mitigating it) must be such, as, if it were the same on the Earth, would keep all the Waters upon it constantly boiling; And the Brightness of the [Sun's] *(page break)* =APRIL.= _IV Month._ There the tall Ships the rolling Billows sweep, And bound triumphant o'er th' unfathom'd Deep. There great Leviathan in regal Pride, The scaly Nations crouding by his Side, Far in the dark Recesses of the Main O'er Nature's Wastes extends his boundless Reign. Round the dark Bottoms of the Mountains roves, The hoary Deep swells dreadful as he moves. [Now] +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | 1|G|4th in Lent. |5 44 |6 16 |♓ 18 | ♂ rise 3 22 | 2|2| _Rain, and_ |5 43 |6 17 |♈ 0 | _The Good-will_ | 3|3| _mild_ |5 42 |6 18 | 13 | _of the Governed_ | 4|4| _weather,_ |5 40 |6 20 | 26 | ☽ w. ☿ _will be_ | 5|5|Days inc. 3 32 m. |5 39 |6 21 |♉ 19 | ✱ ☉ ♂ _starv'd,_ | 6|6| _grows windy_ |5 38 |6 22 | 22 | ♀ sets 10 26 _if_ | 7|7| _and cool, then_ |5 37 |6 23 |♊ 6 | ☽ w. ♀ _not fed_ | 8|G|5th in Lent. |5 35 |6 25 | 20 | 7 *s sets 9 50 _by_ | 9|2| _warm and_ |5 34 |6 26 |♋ 4 | ☽ with ♃ _the_ |10|3| _springing,_ |5 33 |6 27 | 18 | _good Deeds of_ |11|4|Days 12 56 long. |5 32 |6 28 |♌ 2 | _the Governors._ |12|5| _follow'd_ |5 30 |6 30 | 16 | ♄ rise 12 21 |13|6| _by clouds_ |5 29 |6 31 |♍ 1 | 7 *s sets 9 30 |14|7| _and rain,_ |5 28 |6 32 | 15 | ♃ set 12 26 |15|G|Palm Sunday. |5 26 |6 34 | 29 | Sirius set 10 2 |16|2| _then fair and_ |5 25 |6 35 |♎ 13 | ♂ rise 2 55 |17|3| _pleasant again;_ |5 24 |6 36 | 27 | ♀ sets 10 37 |18|4|Days 13 16 long. |5 23 |6 37 |♏ 10 | _Paintings and_ |19|5|Maund. Thursday |5 22 |6 38 | 23 | ☉ in ♉ _Fightings_ |20|6|Good Friday. |5 20 |6 40 |♐ 6 | _are best_ |21|7| _now rain_ |5 19 |6 41 | 19 |7 *s set 9 0 |22|G|Easter-day. |5 18 |6 42 |♑ 2 | ☽ with ♄ |23|2|St. George. |5 17 |6 43 | 14 | Sirius sets 9 33 |24|3| _and cool,_ |5 16 |6 44 | 26 | _seen at a_ |25|4|St. Mark. |5 15 |6 45 |♒ 8 | △ ☉ ♄ |26|5|Pr. Will. b. 1721 |5 13 |6 47 | 20 | _distance._ |27|6| _then clouds_ |5 12 |6 48 |♓ 2 | ☽ with ♂ |28|7|Day 13 38 long. |5 11 |6 49 | 14 | ♄ rise 11 20 |29|G|1 past Easter. |5 10 |6 50 | 26 | ✱ ☉ ♃ |30|2| _and wind._ |5 8 |6 52 |♈ 9 | ♃ sets 11 37 +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ *(page break)* =APRIL= hath XXX Days. +----------------------------------------------+ D. H. | Planets Places. New ☽ 3 2 aft. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ First Q. 10 5 aft. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. Full ● 17 2 aft. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ Last Q. 25 8 mor. | | ♈ | ♑ | ♋ | ♒ | ♉ | ♈ | | 1| 12 | 6 | 7 | 13 | 28 | 26 | N. 4 {12 ♏ 6 Deg. | 6| 17 | 6 | 8 | 16 | ♊ 3 | ♉ 4 | S. 1 ☊ {22 6 |12| 23 | 6 | 8 | 21 | 8 | 12 | 5 {30 6 |17| 28 | 6 | 9 | 24 | 12 | 17 | 1 |22| ♉ 3 | 6 | 9 | 28 | 15 | 19 | N. 4 |27| 8 | 6 | 10 | ♓ 1 | 18 | 19 | 4 +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ [Illustration] +--+----------+----------+----+------+ |D.| ☽ rise | ☽ sou: | T. | | --> +--+---------+-----------+----+ | | 1| 4 19 | 10 21 | 1 | 21 | | 2| Moon | 11 4 | 2 | 22 | | 3| sets. | 11 53 | 2 | 23 | | 4| A. | A. 41 | 3 | 24 | | 5| 8 38 | 1 32 | 4 | 25 | | 6| 9 41 | 2 22 | 5 | 26 | | 7| 10 48 | 3 19 | 6 | 27 | | 8| 11 51 | 4 16 | 7 | 28 | | 9| 12 40 | 5 14 | 8 | 29 | |10| M. 40 | 6 11 | 9 | 30 | |11| 1 25 | 7 6 | 10 | 31 | |12| 2 6 | 8 0 | 11 | Apr. | |13| 2 46 | 8 53 | 11 | | |14| 3 25 | 9 46 | 12 | 3 | |15| 4 0 | 10 38 | 1 | 4 | |16| Moon | 11 29 | 2 | 5 | |17| rises | 12 21 | 3 | 6 | |18| A. | M. 21 | 3 | 7 | |19| 8 52 | 1 12 | 4 | 8 | |20| 9 56 | 2 6 | 5 | 9 | |21| 10 53 | 3 0 | 6 | 10 | |22| 11 39 | 3 49 | 6 | 11 | |23| 12 17 | 4 37 | 7 | 12 | |24| M. 17 | 5 28 | 8 | 13 | |25| 0 49 | 6 20 | 9 | 14 | |26| 1 23 | 7 0 | 10 | 15 | |27| 1 58 | 7 40 | 10 | 16 | |28| 2 30 | 8 23 | 11 | 17 | |29| 3 1 | 9 6 | 12 | 18 | |30| 3 28 | 9 55 | 12 | 19 | +--+----------+----------+-----------+ Sun's Light must be such as would be quite intolerable to Eyes like ours. But it does not follow, that _Mercury_ is therefore uninhabitable; since it can be no Difficulty for the Divine Power and Wisdom to accommodate the Inhabitants to the Place they are to inhabit; as the Cold we see Frogs and Fishes bear very well, would soon deprive any of our Species of Life. To an Eye such as ours, the Sun, seen from this Planet, would appear seven times as large as he does to us. He is always so near the Sun, that we have no Opportunity of discovering whether he turns round upon his own Axis, or not, and consequently cannot determine what Length the Days and Nights in _Mercury_ are. He is seen sometimes with Telescopes horned like the Moon, and sometimes like a Half moon, but never fully illuminated, because that Side of the Planet, on which the Sun shines, is never turned full towards us, except when he is so near the Sun, as to be lost in the Brightness of his Beams. His enlightned Side is always towards the Sun, which shews, that he only shines with the borrowed Light of the Sun. That this Planet revolves round the Sun in an Orbit nearer to him, than that of the Earth, is plain, because he is never seen opposite to the Sun, but always in the West, when he is seen at Sun-setting, and in the East, when he is seen at Sun-rising; and that never beyond the Distance of twenty-eight degrees from the Sun (a Degree is about [twice] *(page break)* =MAY.= _V Month._ Now views the awful Throne of antient Night, Then mounts exulting to the Realms of Light; Now launches to the Deep, now stems the Shore, An Ocean scarce contains the wild Uproar. Whate'er of Life replenishes the Flood, Or walks the Earth, or warbles thro' the Wood, In Nature's various Wants to thee complains, The Hand, which gave the Life, the Life sustains. [To] +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | 1|3|=PHILIP & JACOB.= |5 7 |6 53 |♈ 22 | ♂ rise 2 30 | 2|4| _Rain and_ |5 6 |6 54 |♉ 5 | ♀ set 10 28 | 3|5|Day inc. 4 40 |5 5 |6 55 | 18 | ☽ w ☿ ✱ ♄ ♂ | 4|6| _gusts_ |5 3 |6 57 |♊ 2 | _If you would_ | 5|7| _in some_ |5 2 |6 58 | 16 | ☽ with ♀ _reap_ | 6|G|2 past Easter. |5 1 |6 59 |♋ 0 | ☌ ☉ ☿ _Praise_ | 7|2| _places, with_ |5 0 |7 0 | 14 | ☽ with ♃ _you_ | 8|3| _thunder,_ |4 59 |7 1 | 28 | 7 *s set 7 56 | 9|4|Day 14 4 long. |4 58 |7 2 |♌ 13 | _must sow the_ |10|5| _then fine_ |4 57 |7 3 | 27 | Sirius set 8 27 |11|6| _growing_ |4 56 |7 4 |♍ 11 | ✱ ♂ ☿ _Seeds,_ |12|7| _weather,_ |4 56 |7 4 | 25 | ♄ rise 10 28 |13|G|3 past Easter. |4 55 |7 5 |♎ 9 | ✱ ♃ ☿ _Gentle_ |14|2| _pleasant,_ |4 54 |7 6 | 23 | ♃ set 10 49 |15|3| _with_ |4 53 |7 7 |♏ 6 | ♂ rise 2 3 |16|4|Day inc. 5 6 |4 52 |7 8 | 19 | _Words and_ |17|5| _wind and_ |4 51 |7 9 |♐ 2 | ♀ set 9 46 |18|6| _flying_ |4 50 |7 10 | 15 | _useful Deeds._ |19|7| _clouds,_ |4 49 |7 11 | 28 | _Ignorance leads_ |20|G|4 past Easter. |4 48 |7 12 |♑ 10 | ☉ in ♊ ☌ ☽ ♄ |21|2| _follow'd_ |4 47 |7 13 | 22 | _Men into a_ |22|3|Days 14 28 long. |4 46 |7 14 |♒ 4 | _Party, and_ |23|4| _by heat,_ |4 45 |7 15 | 16 | _Shame keeps_ |24|5| _then_ |4 44 |7 16 | 28 | _them from getting_ |25|6| _rain and_ |4 44 |7 16 |♓ 10 | _out again._ |26|7| _thunder,_ |4 43 |7 17 | 22 | ☽ with ♂ |27|G|Rogation Sunday |4 42 |7 18 |♈ 4 | ♄ rise 9 26 |28|2|Day inc. 5 26 |4 42 |7 18 | 17 | ♃ set 10 6 |29|3|K. Cha. resto. |4 41 |7 19 |♉ 0 | ♂ rise 1 32 |30|4| _pleasant._ |4 41 |7 19 | 13 | ☽ with ☿ _Haste_ |31|5|Ascension Day. |4 40 |7 20 | 27 | _makes Waste._ +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ *(page break)* =MAY= hath XXXI Days. +----------------------------------------------+ D. H. | Planets Places. New ☽ 3 2 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ First Q. 9 10 aft. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. Full ● 17 2 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ Last Q. 24 12 aft. | | ♉ | ♑ | ♋ | ♓ | ♊ | ♉ | | 2| 12 | 6 | 10 | 5 | 21 | 17 | N. 0 {12 ♏ 6 Deg. | 7| 17 | 6 | 11 | 9 | 23 | 14 | S. 5 ☊ {22 6 |12| 22 | 6 | 11 | 13 | 25 | 12 | 3 {31 5 |17| 27 | 5 | 12 | 17 | 27 | 11 | N. 2 |22| ♊ 2 | 5 | 14 | 20 | 26 | 11 | 5 |27| 6 | 5 | 15 | 24 | 25 | 14 | 3 +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ [Illustration] +--+----------+----------+----+------+ |D.| ☽ rise | ☽ sou: | T. | | --> +--+----------+----------+----+ | | 1| 4 0 | 10 44 | 1 | 20 | | 2| Moon | 11 31 | 2 | 21 | | 3| sets. | A. 21 | 3 | 22 | | 4| A. | 1 17 | 4 | 23 | | 5| 9 43 | 2 14 | 5 | 24 | | 6| 10 40 | 3 12 | 6 | 25 | | 7| 11 29 | 4 10 | 7 | 26 | | 8| 12 3 | 5 6 | 8 | 27 | | 9| M. 3 | 6 2 | 9 | 28 | |10| 0 48 | 6 54 | 9 | 29 | |11| 1 23 | 7 45 | 10 | 30 | |12| 2 2 | 8 37 | 11 | May | |13| 2 36 | 9 29 | 12 | | |14| 3 12 | 10 20 | 1 | 3 | |15| 3 45 | 11 8 | 2 | 4 | |16| Moon | 11 56 | 2 | 5 | |17| rises | 12 48 | 3 | 6 | |18| A. | M. 48 | 3 | 7 | |19| 9 31 | 1 42 | 4 | 8 | |20| 10 14 | 2 30 | 5 | 9 | |21| 10 51 | 3 19 | 6 | 10 | |22| 11 29 | 4 6 | 7 | 11 | |23| 12 0 | 4 53 | 7 | 12 | |24| Morn | 5 36 | 8 | 13 | |25| 0 27 | 6 19 | 9 | 14 | |26| 0 56 | 7 2 | 10 | 15 | |27| 1 27 | 7 45 | 10 | 16 | |28| 1 58 | 8 32 | 11 | 17 | |29| 2 30 | 9 20 | 12 | 18 | |30| 3 8 | 10 13 | 1 | 19 | |31| Moon | 11 6 | 2 | 20 | +--+----------+----------+-----------+ twice the apparent Breadth of the Moon.) The same Considerations prove, that the next Planet, _viz._ 2. _Venus_ revolves round the Sun in an Orbit including that of _Mercury_ within it: For she is always seen in the Neighbourhood of the Sun, and never appears in the West when the Sun is in the East, nor contrariwise; nor ever removes above forty-eight Degrees from him. When she is on one Side of her Orbit, she it our Morning- and on the other, our Evening Star. This Planet turns round upon its own Axis in twenty-three Hours, as the Earth does in twenty-four. _Venus_ performs her annual Revolution round the Sun in two hundred twenty-four Days, at the Distance of about fifty-nine Millions of Miles from the Sun. She is nearly of the Size of the Earth. She appears through a Telescope exactly as the Moon does to the naked Eye, partly enlightened, and partly dark, and with the same Inequalities on her Face as on that of the Moon. Some Astronomers fancy they have seen a Satellite or Moon near _Venus_, like that belonging to the Earth: But it is not yet certain whether they have deceived themselves or not. 3. The Earth, which we inhabit, possesses the next Place in the Solar System, and, at the Distance of about eighty Millions of Miles, as above, performs her yearly Revolution round the Sun in about three hundred sixty-five Days, and at the same time, as a Bowl upon a [Bowling-] *(page break)* =JUNE= _VI Month._ To each th' appointed Sustenance bestows, To each the noxious and the healthful shows. Thou spread'st thy Bounty--meagre Famine flies: Thou hid'st thy Face--their vital Vigour dies. Thy pow'ful Word again restores their Breath; Renew'd Creation triumphs over Death. Th' Almighty o'er his Works casts down his Eye, And views their various Excellence with joy; [His] +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | | |Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | 1|6| _Clouds and_ |4 40 |7 20 |♊ 11 | ♀ set 8 17 | 2|7| _like for_ |4 39 |7 21 | 25 | ☽ with ♀ _Many_ | 3|G|6 past Easter. |4 39 |7 21 |♋ 9 | ☽ with ♃ _have_ | 4|2| _rain, with_ |4 39 |7 21 | 24 | _quarrel'd about_ | 5|3|Day 14 44 long. |4 38 |7 22 |♌ 9 | _Religion, that_ | 6|4| _wind and_ |4 38 |7 22 | 23 | ☿ rise 3 28 | 7|5| _thunder;_ |4 38 |7 22 |♍ 7 | _never practis'd_ | 8|6|Days inc 5 36 |4 37 |7 23 | 21 | ☌ ☉ ♀ _it._ | 9|7| _flying_ |4 37 |7 23 |♎ 5 | Sudden Power |10|G|Whitsunday. |4 37 |7 23 | 19 | □ ♄ ♂ _is apt to_ |11|2|St. =BARNABAS.= |4 36 |7 24 |♏ 2 | _be insolent_, Sudden |12|6| _clouds, warm_ |4 36 |7 24 | 15 | ♄ ri. 8 13 |13|4|Ember Week. |4 36 |7 24 | 28 | ♃ set 9 8 |14|5|Days 14 50 |4 35 |7 25 |♐ 11 | ♂ rise 12 52 |15|6| _and inclin'd_ |4 35 |7 25 | 24 | Liberty _saucy;_ |16|7| _to rain,_ |4 35 |7 25 |♑ 6 | ☌ ☽ ♄ ✱ ♂ ☿ |17|G|Trinity Sunday |4 35 |7 25 | 18 | _that behaves best_ |18|2|Days inc. 5 40 |4 35 |7 25 |♒ 0 | ☌ ♀ ☿ _which_ |19|3| _with wind_ |4 35 |7 25 | 12 | _has grown gradually._ |20|4| _and_ |4 35 |7 25 | 24 | ✱ ♂ ♀ |21|5|Corp Christ. |4 35 |7 25 |♓ 6 | ☉ in ♋ |22|6|K. Geo. Acces. |4 35 |7 25 | 18 | _He that best_ |23|7| _thunder,_ |4 35 |7 25 |♈ 0 | _understands the_ |24|G|St. =JOHN.= |4 35 |7 25 | 12 | ☌ ☽ ♂ ☍ ☉ ♄ |25|2| Baptist. _then_ |4 35 |7 25 | 25 | _World, least_ |26|3| _cooler,_ |4 35 |7 25 |♉ 8 | ♃ set 8 32 _likes_ |27|4| _but soon_ |4 35 |7 25 | 21 | ♄ rise 7 8 _it._ |28|5|Days 14 50 |4 35 |7 25 |♊ 5 | ☌ ☽ ♀ ☍ ♄ ☿ |29|6| _grows hot again._ |4 36 |7 24 | 19 | ♂ rise 12 14 |30|7|St. =PETER.= |4 36 |7 24 |♋ 4 | ☽ with ☿ |King =GEORGE='s 27th Year begins the 22d Day +----+-----------------------+-----+-----+------------------------------+ *(page break)* =JUNE= hath XXX Days. +----------------------------------------------+ D. H. | Planets Places. New ☽ 1 at noon. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ First Q. 8 6 mor. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. Full ● 15 at noon. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ Last Q. 23 4 aft. | | ♊ | ♑ | ♋ | ♓ | ♊ | ♉ | New ☽ 30 9 aft. | 1| 11 | 5 | 16 | 27 | 23 | 18 | S. 3 | 6| 16 | 4 | 18 | ♈ 1 | 20 | 23 | 5 {12 ♏ 5 Deg. |12| 22 | 4 | 19 | 5 | 15 | ♊ 1 | N. 1 ☊ {22 4 |17| 26 | 4 | 20 | 9 | 13 | 10 | 5 {30 3 |22| ♋ 1 | 3 | 21 | 13 | 11 | 20 | 4 |27| 6 | 3 | 22 | 16 | 10 | ♋ 1 | S. 1 +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ [Illustration] +--+----------+----------+----+------+ |D.| ☽ Set. | ☽ sou: | T. | | --> +--+----------+----------+----+ | | 1| sets. | A. 3 | 3 | 21 | | 2| A. | 1 0 | 4 | 22 | | 3| 9 15 | 1 58 | 4 | 23 | | 4| 10 7 | 2 56 | 5 | 24 | | 5| 10 49 | 3 52 | 6 | 25 | | 6| 11 25 | 4 47 | 7 | 26 | | 7| 12 0 | 5 38 | 8 | 27 | | 8| Morn | 6 28 | 9 | 28 | | 9| 0 34 | 7 20 | 10 | 29 | |10| 1 8 | 8 11 | 11 | 30 | |11| 1 42 | 8 58 | 11 | 31 | |12| 2 16 | 9 46 | 12 | June | |13| 2 57 | 10 38 | 1 | | |14| Moon | 11 29 | 2 | 3 | |15| rises | 12 23 | 3 | 4 | |16| A. | M. 23 | 3 | 5 | |17| 8 51 | 1 9 | 4 | 6 | |18| 9 26 | 1 55 | 4 | 7 | |19| 10 0 | 2 40 | 5 | 8 | |20| 10 27 | 3 24 | 6 | 9 | |21| 10 53 | 4 8 | 7 | 10 | |22| 11 23 | 4 50 | 7 | 11 | |23| 11 51 | 5 32 | 8 | 12 | |24| 12 22 | 6 18 | 9 | 13 | |25| M 22 | 7 4 | 10 | 14 | |26| 0 55 | 7 53 | 10 | 15 | |27| 1 32 | 8 42 | 11 | 16 | |28| 2 14 | 9 39 | 12 | 17 | |29| Moon | 10 36 | 1 | 18 | |30| sets | 11 37 | 2 | 19 | +--+----------+----------+----+------+ Bowling-green not only proceeds forward, but likewise turns round upon its own Axis, so does the Earth turn once round upon its Axis as it goes along, every twenty-four Hours. It is astonishing, and even frightful to think, that this vast and cumbrous Globe of Earth and Sea, which is almost twenty-five thousand Miles in Circumference, has received such an Impulse from the Almighty Arm, as has carried it constantly for above these five thousand Years, that we know of, round the Sun at the Rate of at least fifty thousand Miles every Hour, which it must absolutely do, to go round the Sun in a Year at the Distance of eighty Millions of Miles from him. So that, if an Angel were to come from some other World, and to place himself near the Earth's Way, he would see it pass by him with a Swiftness, to which that of a Cannon Ball is but as one to one hundred, and would be left behind by it no less than the above Number of Miles in the Space of one Hour. There is no more Reason to doubt, that the Earth goes in this Manner round the Sun, than there would be for a Passenger in a Ship on smooth Water, who saw the Objects upon Land continually passing by, to doubt whether the Vessel he was in, or the Shore, was in Motion. We see the Sun continually changes his Place with respect to the fixed Stars, and must own it to be highly improbable that this Change of Place is owing to any Change in the whole Heavens, [which,] *(page break)* =JULY.= _VII Month._ His Works with Rev'rence own his pow'rful Hand, And humble Nature waits his dread Command, He looks upon the Earth--her Pillars shake, And from her Centre her Foundations quake. The Hills he touches--Clouds of Smoke arise, And sulph'rous Streams mount heavy to the Skies. Whilst Life informs this Frame, that Life shall be (O First and Greatest!) sacred all to Thee. [Thy] +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | 1|G|2 past Trin. |4 30 |7 24 |♋ 19 | ☽ with ♃ | 2|2|Days dec. 2 m. |4 36 |7 24 |♌ 4 | ☌ ☉ ☿ Anger | 3|3| _Clouds_ |4 37 |7 23 | 19 | _is never without_ | 4|4| _and_ |4 37 |7 23 |♍ 4 | _a Reason, but_ | 5|5| _wind,_ |4 37 |7 23 | 19 | _seldom with a_ | 6|6| _then hot, |4 38 |7 22 |♎ 2 | _good One._ | 7|7|Days dec. 6 m. |4 38 |7 22 | 16 | ♀ rise 2 27 | 8|G|3 past Trin. |4 39 |7 21 | 29 | _He that is of_ | 9|2| _follow'd by_ |4 39 |7 21 |♏ 12 | □ ♃ ♂ ☌ ♃ ☿ |10|3| _rain and_ |4 40 |7 20 | 25 | _Opinion Money_ |11|4| _thunder-gusts_ |4 40 |7 20 |♐ 8 | _will do every_ |12|5| |4 41 |7 19 | 20 | ♄ sou. 10 42 |13|6| _in many_ |4 41 |7 19 |♑ 2 | ☽ w. ♄ _Thing,_ |14|7|Days dec. 14 m. |4 42 |7 18 | 14 | ♂ rise 11 38 |15|G|4 past Trin. |4 43 |7 17 | 26 | _may well be_ |16|2| _places, then_ |4 43 |7 17 |♒ 8 | _suspected of_ |17|3| _more_ |4 44 |7 16 | 20 | ♀ rise 2 3 |18|4| _settled and_ |4 45 |7 15 |♓ 2 | ☌ ☉ ♃ _doing_ |19|5|Days dec 20 m. |4 45 |7 15 | 14 | ✱ ♀ ☿ _every_ |20|6| _somewhat_ |4 46 |7 14 | 26 | 7 *s rise 12 6 |21|7| _cooler; but_ |4 47 |7 13 |♈ 8 | △ ♄ ♂ _Thing_ |22|G|5 past Trin. |4 48 |7 12 | 21 | ☉ in ♌ _for_ |23|2| _grows hot_ |4 49 |7 11 |♉ 4 | ☽ w. ♂ _Money._ |24|3|Dog Days begin |4 50 |7 10 | 17 | _An ill Wound,_ |25|4|St. =JAMES.= |4 50 |7 10 |♊ 0 | _but not an ill_ |26|5| _again, and_ |4 51 |7 9 | 14 | ☽ w. ♀ _Name,_ |27|6|Day 14 16 long. |4 52 |7 8 | 28 | □ ☉ ♂ _may be_ |28|7| _thunder_ |4 53 |7 7 |♋ 13 | ♄ sou. 9 30 |29|G|6 past Trin. |4 54 |7 6 | 28 | ☽ w. ♃ _healed._ |30|2| _follows with_ |4 55 |7 5 |♌ 13 | ♂ rise 10 58 |31|3| _rain._ |4 56 |7 4 | 28 | ☽ with ☿ +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ *(page break)* =JULY= hath XXXI Days. +----------------------------------------------+ D. H. | Planets Places. | First Q. 7 at noon. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ Full ● 15 6 mor. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. Last Q. 23 6 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ New ☽ 30 1 mor. | | ♋ | ♑ | ♋ | ♈ | ♊ | ♋ | | 2| 11 | 3 | 23 | 20 | 10 | 11 | S. 5 {12 ♏ 2 Deg. | 7| 16 | 2 | 24 | 23 | 11 | 21 | 1 ☊ {22 1 |12| 20 | 2 | 25 | 26 | 12 | ♌ 1 | N. 4 {31 0 |17| 25 | 2 | 26 | 29 | 14 | 11 | 5 |22| ♌ 0 | 1 | 27 | ♉ 2 | 17 | 20 | 1 |27| 5 | 1 | 29 | 5 | 20 | 28 | S. 4 +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ [Illustration] +--+----------+----------+----+------+ |D.| ☽ sets | ☽ sou. | T. | | --> +--+----------+---------+----+------+ | 1| A. | A. 38 | 3 | 20 | | 2| 8 38 | 1 35 | 4 | 21 | | 3| 9 19 | 2 32 | 5 | 22 | | 4| 9 57 | 3 27 | 6 | 23 | | 5| 10 30 | 4 19 | 7 | 24 | | 6| 11 5 | 5 9 | 8 | 25 | | 7| 11 37 | 5 59 | 8 | 26 | | 8| 12 13 | 6 48 | 9 | 27 | | 9| M. 13 | 7 37 | 10 | 28 | |10| 0 53 | 8 29 | 11 | 29 | |11| 1 33 | 9 19 | 12 | 30 | |12| 2 24 | 10 12 | 1 | July | |13| 3 15 | 10 59 | 1 | | |14| Moon | 11 45 | 2 | 3 | |15| rise | 12 34 | 3 | 4 | |16| A. | M. 34 | 3 | 5 | |17| 8 21 | 1 12 | 4 | 6 | |18| 8 50 | 1 55 | 4 | 7 | |19| 9 20 | 2 38 | 5 | 8 | |20| 9 49 | 3 22 | 6 | 9 | |21| 10 18 | 4 6 | 7 | 10 | |22| 10 50 | 4 54 | 7 | 11 | |23| 11 26 | 5 42 | 8 | 12 | |24| 12 7 | 6 30 | 9 | 13 | |25| M. 7 | 7 23 | 10 | 14 | |26| 0 50 | 8 20 | 11 | 15 | |27| 1 45 | 9 18 | 12 | 16 | |28| 2 47 | 10 18 | 1 | 17 | |29| 4 0 | 11 18 | 2 | 18 | |30| Moon | A. 16 | 3 | 19 | |31| sets | 1 15 | 4 | 20 | +--+----------+----------+----+------+ which, considering the Distance of the starry Heavens, would require a Motion infinitely more rapid than that above ascribed to the Earth. As for the common Objection against the Earth's Motion, that we are not sensible of it, and that a Stone thrown up from the Earth ought not to fall down upon the same Place again; it is answered at once by the above Comparison of a Ship, from which (as has been often found by Experiment) a Ball fired directly up in the Air, does not fall behind the Ship, let her Motion be ever so swift, but, partaking of the Ship's Motion, is carried forward in the Air, and falls down again upon the Deck. And as to the Objections taken from some Scripture Expressions, which seem to contradict the Theory of the Earth's Motion, it is plain, from innumerable Instances, that Revelation was not given to Mankind to make them Philosophers or deep Reasoners, but to improve them in Virtue and Piety; and that it was therefore proper it should be expressed in a Manner accommodated to common Capacities and popular Opinions in all Points merely speculative, and which were not to have any direct Influence upon the Hearts and Lives of Men. The Truth of the Matter is, that the Demonstrations given by the incomparable Sir _Isaac Newton_, have established the Doctrine of the Motion of the Earth and other Planets, and the Comets round the Sun, and of the [secondary] *(page break)* =AUGUST.= _VIII Month._ Thy Praise my Morning Song, my daily Theme, My Ev'ning Subject, and my Midnight Dream, When Grief oppresses, and when Pain assails; When all the Man, and all the Stoic fails; When fierce Tentation's stormy Billows roll; When Guilt and Horror overwhelm my Soul; With outward Ills contending Passions join'd, To shake frail Virtue, and unhinge the Mind; [When] +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | 1|4|Lammas Day. |4 57 |7 3 |♍ 13 | ♀ rise 1 40 | 2|5| _More temperate_ |4 58 |7 2 | 27 | _When out of Favour,_ | 3|6|Days dec. 46 m. |4 58 |7 2 |♎ 11 | _none know_ | 4|7| _then_ |4 59 |7 1 | 25 | _thee; when in,_ | 5|G|7 past Trin. |5 0 |7 0 |♏ 9 | _thou dost not_ | 6|2| _clouds, with_ |5 1 |6 59 | 22 | △ ♂ ☿ _know_ | 7|3| _rain_ |5 2 |6 58 |♐ 5 | 7 *s rise 10 55 | 8|4|Day 13 54 long. |5 3 |6 57 | 17 | _thyself._ | 9|5| _and_ |5 4 |6 56 | 29 | ☽ with ♄ |10|6|St. Lawrence. |5 5 |6 55 |♑ 11 | _A lean Award_ |11|7| _thunder;_ |5 6 |6 54 | 23 | ☿ sets 7 54 |12|G|8 past Trin. |5 8 |6 52 |♒ 5 | ♄ sou. 8 30 |13|2| _sultry weather,_ |5 9 |6 51 | 17 | ♃ rises 3 32 |14|3| _clouds, and_ |5 10 |6 50 | 29 | ♂ rise 10 25 |15|4|Assum. V. =MARY.= |5 11 |6 49 |♓ 11 | 7 *s rise 10 25 |16|5| _rain;_ |5 13 |6 47 | 23 | _is better than a_ |17|6|Days dec. 1 18 |5 14 |6 46 |♈ 5 | ♀ rise 1 37 |18|7| _then more_ |5 15 |6 45 | 17 | _fat Judgment._ |19|G|9 past Trin. |5 16 |6 44 | 29 | _God, Parents,_ |20|2|Day 13 26 long. |5 17 |6 43 |♉ 12 | _and Instructors,_ |21|3| _temperate,_ |5 18 |6 42 | 25 | ☽ with ♂ _can_ |22|4| _clear_ |5 20 |6 40 |♊ 8 | ☉ in ♍ △ ☉ ♄ |23|5| _and fair;_ |5 21 |6 39 | 22 | _never be_ |24|6|St. =BARTHOL.= |5 22 |6 38 |♋ 6 | 7 *s rise 9 52 |25|7| _flying_ |5 24 |6 36 | 21 | ☽ with ♀ _requited._ |26|G|10 past Trin. |5 25 |6 35 |♌ 6 | ☽ w. ♃ |27|2|Days dec. 1 42 |5 26 |6 34 | 21 | ♄ sou. 7 36 |28|3| _clouds and_ |5 27 |6 33 |♍ 6 | ♃ rise 2 54 |29|4| _perhaps_ |5 28 |6 32 | 21 | ☽ with ☿ |30|5|Day 13 h. long |5 30 |6 30 |♎ 6 | △ ♂ ☿ |31|6| _rain._ |5 31 |6 29 | 21 | ♂ rise 9 54 +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ *(page break)* =AUGUST= hath XXXI Days. +----------------------------------------------+ D. H. | Planets Places. First Q. 5 8 aft. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ Full ● 13 9 aft. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. Last Q. 21 9 aft. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ New ☽ 28 10 mor. | | ♌ | ♑ | ♌ | ♉ | ♊ | ♍ | | 1| 9 | 1 | 0 | 8 | 24 | 5 | S. 4 {12 ♎ 29 Deg. | 6| 14 | 1 | 1 | 11 | 28 | 11 | N. 2 ☊ {22 29 |12| 20 | 0 | 2 | 15 | ♋ 4 | 17 | 5 {31 28 |17| 25 | 0 | 3 | 17 | 9 | 22 | 2 |22| ♍ 0 | 0 | 4 | 20 | 14 | 24 | S. 3 |27| 4 | 0 | 5 | 23 | 19 | 25 | 5 +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ [Illustration] +--+----------+----------+----+------+ |D.| ☽ sets | ☽ sou. | T. | | --> +--+----------+----------+----+------+ | 1| 8 A. 25 | 2 A. 9 | 5 | 21 | | 2| 9 3 | 3 1 | 6 | 22 | | 3| 9 37 | 3 53 | 6 | 23 | | 4| 10 12 | 4 44 | 7 | 24 | | 5| 10 56 | 5 36 | 8 | 25 | | 6| 11 37 | 6 28 | 9 | 26 | | 7| 12 22 | 7 18 | 10 | 27 | | 8| M. 22 | 8 18 | 11 | 28 | | 9| 1 12 | 8 57 | 11 | 29 | |10| 2 2 | 9 45 | 12 | 30 | |11| 2 52 | 10 33 | 1 | 31 | |12| Moon | 11 18 | 2 | Aug. | |13| rises | 12 3 | 2 | | |14| A. | M. 3 | 3 | 3 | |15| 7 25 | 0 36 | 3 | 4 | |16| 7 43 | 1 20 | 4 | 5 | |17| 8 22 | 2 4 | 5 | 6 | |18| 8 51 | 2 49 | 5 | 7 | |19| 9 25 | 3 33 | 6 | 8 | |20| 10 3 | 4 23 | 7 | 9 | |21| 10 47 | 5 13 | 8 | 10 | |22| 11 42 | 6 10 | 9 | 11 | |23| 12 37 | 7 6 | 10 | 12 | |24| M. 37 | 8 6 | 11 | 13 | |25| 1 39 | 9 6 | 12 | 14 | |26| 2 51 | 10 4 | 1 | 15 | |27| 4 5 | 11 1 | 2 | 16 | |28| Moon | 11 58 | 2 | 17 | |29| sets. | A. 55 | 3 | 18 | |30| 7 A. 46 | 1 50 | 4 | 19 | |31| 8 23 | 2 45 | 5 | 20 | +--+----------+----------+----+------+ secondary Planets or Satellites round their Primaries, in such a Manner, as leaves no Room for any, but such as do not understand them, to hesitate about it. The Sun's apparent Rising and Setting is therefore owing to the Earth's turning round upon its own Axis; and his apparent Change of Place among the fixed Stars, to our real Change of Situation round the Sun. The different Seasons of the Year, with all their delightful Varieties, are owing to the most simple Contrivance that can be imagined, _viz._ The Inclination of the Earth's Axis to the Plane of the Ecliptic. Any Person who has not an Opportunity of seeing an Orrery, may easily represent this by an Apple or any other round Body with a Wire thrust through the Middle of it, and carried round a Table having a Candle placed on the Middle; if the lower End of the Wire be made to touch the Table all the Way round, and to lean a little, the upper End still pointing towards the same Side of the Room, by turning the Skewer round, as it is carried along, it will be easy to understand how the Earth's Turning once round upon her own Axis, makes a Day and a Night; and by carrying the Apple round the Table, it will be easy to shew how the Sun (represented by the Candle) must seem to change Place with regard to the fixed Stars; and by observing how differently the Light of the Candle enlightens the different Parts of the Apple as the Wire points toward [it] *(page break)* =SEPTEMBER.= _IX Month._ When Nature sinks; when Death's dark Shades arise, And this World's Glories vanish from these Eyes; Then may the Thought of Thee be ever near, To calm the Tumult, and compose the Fear. In all my Woes thy Favour my Defence; Safe in thy Mercy, not my Innocence, And through what future Scenes thy Hand may guide My wond'ring Soul, and thro' what States untry'd, [What] +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | 1|7|Dog Days end |5 32 |6 28 |♏ 5 | ✱ ♀ ☿ _He that_ | 2|G|11 past Trin. |5 33 |6 27 | 18 | ✱ ♂ ♀ _builds_ | 3|2| _Clouds_ |5 34 |6 26 |♐ 1 | ♀ rises 1 51 | 4|3| _and_ |5 35 |6 25 | 14 | _before he counts_ | 5|4|Days dec. 22 |5 36 |6 24 | 27 | ☽ with ♄ _the_ | 6|5| _like for_ |5 38 |6 22 |♑ 9 | _Cost, acts foolishly;_ | 7|6| _rain; then_ |5 39 |6 21 | 21 | 7 *s rise 9 0 | 8|7|Nativ. V. =MARY.= |5 40 |6 20 |♒ 3 | _and he_ | 9|G|12 past Trin |5 41 |6 19 | 15 | _that counts before_ |10|2| _wind,_ |5 43 |6 17 | 27 | _he builds,_ |11|3|Days 12 32 long. |5 44 |6 16 |♓ 8 | _finds he did not_ |12|4|Days dec. 2 22 |5 46 |6 14 | 20 | ♄ set 11 16 |13|5| _fair and_ |5 47 |6 13 |♈ 2 | 7 *s rise 8 40 |14|6|Holy Rood. |5 49 |6 11 | 14 | ♃ ri. 2 11 _count_ |15|7| _pleasant_ |5 50 |6 10 | 26 | ☌ ♃ ♀ _wisely_. |16|G|13 past Trin. |5 51 |6 9 |♉ 9 | ♂ rise 9 11 |17|2|Days 12 16 long. |5 53 |6 7 | 22 | ♀ rise 2 14 |18|3| _for some_ |5 54 |6 6 |♊ 5 | ☽ with ♂ |19|4|Ember Week. |5 56 |6 4 | 18 | Patience _in_ |20|5| _days;_ |5 57 |6 3 |♋ 2 | _Market, is_ |21|6|St. =MATTHEW.= |5 58 |6 2 | 16 | _worth Pounds_ |22|7| _then clouds_ |6 0 |6 0 |♌ 0 | ☉ in ♎ □ ☉ ♄ |23|G|14 past Trin. |6 1 |5 59 | 14 | ☽ w. ♃ & ♀ _in a_ |24|2| _with wind_ |6 3 |5 57 | 29 | △ ☉ _Year._ |25|3| _and_ |6 4 |5 56 |♍ 14 | ☽ w. ☿ _Danger_ |26|4| _rain_ |6 5 |5 55 | 29 | 7 *s rise 7 52 _is_ |27|5|Days decr. 3 h. |6 7 |5 53 |♎ 14 | ♄ set 10 21 |28|6| _towards the end._ |6 9 |5 51 | 28 | ♃ rise 1 30 |29|7|St. =MICHAEL.= |6 9 |5 51 |♏ 12 | ♂ r. 8 32 _Sauce_ |30|G|Day 13 h. long |5 30 |6 30 | 26 | _for Prayers._ +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ *(page break)* =SEPTEMBER= hath XXX Days. +----------------------------------------------+ D. H. | Planets Places. First Q. 4 8 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ Full ● 12 at noon. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. Last Q. 20 4 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ New ☽ 26 9 aft. | | ♍ | ♑ | ♌ | ♉ | ♋ | ♍ | | 1| 9 | 0 | 6 | 25 | 24 | 24 | N. 1 {12 ♎ 28 Deg. | 6| 14 | 0 | 7 | 27 | 29 | 20 | 5 ☊ {22 28 |12| 20 | 0 | 9 | 29 | ♌ 6 | 14 | 3 {30 28 |17| 25 | 0 | 9 | ♊ 0 | 11 | 12 | S. 2 |22| ♎ 0 | 0 | 10 | 2 | 17 | 13 | 5 |27| 5 | 0 | 11 | 2 | 23 | 17 | 1 +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ [Illustration] +--+----------+----------+----+------+ |D.| ☽ sets | ☽ sou. | T. | | --> +--+----------+----------+----+------+ | 1| 9 1 | 3 36 | 6 | 21 | | 2| 9 41 | 4 27 | 7 | 22 | | 3| 10 23 | 5 17 | 8 | 23 | | 4| 11 16 | 6 6 | 9 | 24 | | 5| 12 10 | 7 1 | 10 | 25 | | 6| M. 10 | 7 56 | 10 | 26 | | 7| 0 54 | 8 41 | 8 | 26 | | 8| 1 50 | 9 26 | 12 | 28 | | 9| 2 48 | 10 11 | 1 | 29 | |10| 3 48 | 10 57 | 1 | 30 | |11| 4 37 | 11 37 | 2 | 31 | |12| Moon | 12 22 | 3 |Sept. | |13| rises. | M. 22 | 3 | | |14| 7 A. 7 | 0 57 | 4 | 3 | |15| 7 39 | 1 43 | 4 | 4 | |16| 8 14 | 2 30 | 5 | 5 | |17| 8 57 | 3 22 | 6 | 6 | |18| 9 43 | 4 14 | 7 | 7 | |19| 10 37 | 5 8 | 8 | 8 | |20| 11 39 | 6 2 | 9 | 9 | |21| 12 41 | 6 59 | 9 | 10 | |22| M. 41 | 7 55 | 10 | 11 | |23| 1 44 | 8 52 | 11 | 12 | |24| 2 53 | 9 48 | 12 | 13 | |25| Moon | 10 43 | 1 | 14 | |26| sets | 11 37 | 2 | 15 | |27| A. | A. 31 | 3 | 16 | |28| 7 0 | 1 25 | 4 | 17 | |29| 7 39 | 2 19 | 5 | 18 | |30| 8 23 | 3 13 | 6 | 19 | +--+----------+----------+----+------+ it, or from it, the Cause of the Difference of the Seasons, of the Length of the Days and Nights, of the Sun's shining more directly or more obliquely upon different Parts of the Earth, and of the Heat of Summer, and Cold of Winter, may be made plain to any Capacity. That the Earth is of a round, or nearly round Figure, is plain from the Shadow it casts upon the Face of the Moon in a partial Eclipse of the Moon, which is always round, and never of any other Figure. It is also manifest from what it always observed at Sea, _viz._ That a Ship, as it approaches, first shews its Masts and Sails, and by Degrees its lower Parts, till it becomes all visible; and, as it goes off, its Hulk is first lost, and then its Sails and upper Parts, till it be quite hid by the Convexity or Roundness of the Surface of the Ocean. As the Earth is carried round the Sun once in a Year, so is the Moon carried round the Earth once in about twenty-seven Days, accompanying her in her whole Revolution, at the above-mentioned Distance of two hundred and forty thousand Miles, and keeping always the same Face towards the Earth. That the Moon goes round the Earth, as her Centre, is evident to the Eye. For, when she is between the Sun and the Earth, she is invisible to us, her dark Side being turned toward us. When she goes a little Way forward in her Revolution, so as to come from between [us] *(page break)* =OCTOBER.= _X Month._ What distant Seats soe'er I may explore, When frail Mortality shall be no more; If aught of meek or contrite in thy Sight Shall fit me for the Realms of Bliss and Light, Be this the Bliss of all my future Days, To view thy Glories, and to sing thy Praise. When the dread Hour, ordain'd of old, shall come, Which brings on stubborn Guilt its righteous Doom, [When] +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | 1|2| _Moderate_ |6 12 |5 48 |♐ 10 | _If you have_ | 2|3| _and pleasant,_ |6 13 |5 47 | 23 | ♀ rise 3 45 | 3|4|Days 11 32 long. |6 14 |5 46 |♑ 5 | ☽ with ♄ _no_ | 4|5| but_ |6 15 |5 45 | 17 | _Honey in your_ | 5|6| _soon turns_ |6 16 |5 44 | 29 | 7 *s rise 7 20 | 6|7|Days dec. 3 26 |6 18 |5 42 |♒ 11 | ✱ ☉ ♃ □ ♂ ♀ | 7|G|16 past Trin. |6 19 |5 41 | 23 | □ ♄ ☿ _Pot,_ | 8|2| _to rain,_ |6 20 |5 40 |♓ 5 | △ ♂ ☿ _have_ | 9|3| _with high_ |6 21 |5 39 | 17 | _some in your_ |10|4| _wind, and_ |6 22 |5 38 | 29 | _Mouth._ |11|5| _cool,_ |6 23 |5 37 |♈ 11 | _A Pair of_ |12|6|Days dec. 3 40 |6 25 |5 35 | 23 | ♄ sets 9 33 |13|7| _then more_ |6 26 |5 34 |♉ 6 | ✱ ♃ ☿ _good_ |14|G|17 past Trin. |6 27 |5 33 | 19 | 7 *s rise 6 46 |15|2| _settled_ |6 29 |5 31 |♊ 2 | ☽ with ♂ _Ears_ |16|3|Day 11 h. long. |6 30 |5 30 | 15 | ♃ rises 12 42 |17|4| _and fair,_ |6 31 |5 29 | 29 | Sirius ri. 12 0 |18|5|=St. LUKE.= |6 32 |5 28 |♋ 13 | ♂ rises 7 20 |19|6| _warm,_ |6 34 |5 26 | 27 | ♀ rises 3 23 |20|7|Day dec. 4 h. |6 35 |5 25 |♌ 11 | ☽ with ♃ _will_ |21|G|18 past Trin. |6 37 |5 23 | 25 | _drain dry an_ |22|2|K Geo. II. cro. |6 38 |5 22 |♍ 9 | ☌ ☉ ☿ _hundred_ |23|3| _and flying_ |6 39 |5 21 | 24 | ☉ in ♏ ☌ ☽ ♀ |24|4| _clouds,_ |6 40 |5 20 |♎ 9 | ✱ ♄ ☿ |25|5|Crispin. |6 41 |5 19 | 23 | ✱ ☉ ♄ _Tongues._ |26|6| _then_ |6 43 |5 17 |♏ 7 | ☽ with ☿ |27|7|Days 10 32 long. |6 44 |5 16 | 21 | ♄ set 8 40 |28|G|=SIMON= and =JUDE.= |6 45 |5 15 |♐ 4 | Sirius ri. 11 20 |29|2| _cold_ |6 46 |5 14 | 17 | △ ♂ ♀ |30|3| _rain, and wind._ |6 48 |5 12 |♑ 0 | ☌ ☽ ♄ □ ♄ ♀ |31|4| _rain._ |6 49 |5 11 | 13 | ♃ rise 11 55 +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ *(page break)* =OCTOBER= hath XXXI Days. +----------------------------------------------+ D. H. | Planets Places. First Q. 3 11 aft. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ Full ● 12 4 mor. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^s L. Last Q. 19 10 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ New ☽ 26 5 mor. | | ♎ | ♑ | ♌ | ♊ | ♌ | ♍ | | 2| 9 | 1 | 12 | 3 | 28 | 24 | N. 4 {12 ♎ 28 Deg. | 7| 14 | 1 | 13 | 3 | ♍ 4 | ♎ 2 | 5 ☊ {22 28 |12| 19 | 1 | 14 | 4 | 10 | 11 | 0 {31 28 |17| 24 | 1 | 14 | 3 | 16 | 20 | S. 4 |22| 29 | 2 | 15 | 2 | 22 | 29 | 4 |27| ♏ 4 | 2 | 15 | 1 | 28 | ♏ 7 | N. 2 +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ [Illustration] +--+----------+----------+----+------+ |D.| ☽ sets | ☽ sou. | T. | | --> +--+----------+----------+----+------+ | 1| 9 18 | 4 A. 10 | 7 | 20 | | 2| 10 9 | 5 7 | 8 | 21 | | 3| 11 2 | 5 56 | 8 | 22 | | 4| 11 58 | 6 44 | 9 | 23 | | 5| 12 54 | 7 31 | 10 | 24 | | 6| M. 54 | 8 17 | 11 | 25 | | 7| 1 46 | 9 1 | 12 | 26 | | 8| 2 42 | 9 45 | 12 | 27 | | 9| 3 42 | 10 30 | 1 | 28 | |10| 4 36 | 11 14 | 2 | 29 | |11| Moon | 11 57 | 2 | 30 | |12| rises | 12 41 | 3 | Oct. | |13| 6 A. 24 | M. 41 | 3 | | |14| 7 5 | 1 25 | 4 | 3 | |15| 7 48 | 2 19 | 5 | 4 | |16| 8 37 | 3 13 | 6 | 5 | |17| 9 38 | 4 11 | 7 | 6 | |18| 10 46 | 5 9 | 8 | 7 | |19| 11 55 | 6 5 | 9 | 8 | |20| Morn. | 7 0 | 10 | 9 | |21| 1 0 | 7 50 | 10 | 10 | |22| 2 4 | 8 40 | 11 | 11 | |23| 3 14 | 9 36 | 12 | 12 | |24| 4 27 | 10 31 | 1 | 13 | |25| Moon | 11 24 | 2 | 14 | |26| sets | A. 17 | 3 | 15 | |27| A. | 1 10 | 4 | 16 | |28| 7 9 | 2 3 | 5 | 17 | |29| 8 0 | 2 56 | 5 | 18 | |30| 8 56 | 3 48 | 6 | 19 | |31| 9 42 | 4 39 | 7 | 20 | +--+----------+----------+----+------+ us and the Sun, we see a small Part of her Body enlightned, and so on still more and more, till she comes to be in Opposition to the Sun, and then we see all that Side of her which the Sun shines upon, when we say she is full; though the Sun does not, in Reality, enlighten any more of her Body at Full than at new Moon; only her enlightened Side is turned towards us in the one Case, and from us in the other. This whole Matter may be made very plain to any Capacity in the same Manner as is above directed with regard to the Earth's Revolution round the Sun, by carrying a smaller Apple or Ball to represent the Moon round the first, which represents the Earth, and observing how the Light of the Candle shining upon the little Ball must appear to a Fly or other Insect placed upon the large one. Whenever the Moon happens to come exactly between the Earth and the Sun, she stops the Light of the Sun, and then we say, the Sun is eclipsed; and according as the Moon happens to cover a Part or the Whole of the Sun's Face, we call the Eclipse partial or total. Sometimes a total Eclipse of the Sun happens when the Moon is at her greatest Distance from the Earth (for she does not go round the Earth in an exact Circle, as neither do any of the rest of the primary or secondary Planets round their Centers) and then, as all Objects appear smaller according to their Distance, she does not cover the whole Face of the Sun, but a part [of] *(page break)* =NOVEMBER.= _XI Month._ When Storms of Fire on Sinners shall be pour'd, And all th' Obdurate in thy Wrath devour'd; May I then hope to find a lowly Place To stand the meanest or th' etherial Race; Swift at thy Word to wing the liquid Sky, And on thy humblest Messages to fly. Howe'er thy blissful Sight may raise my Soul, While vast Eternity's long Ages roll, [Perfection] +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | 1|5|All Saints. |6 50 |5 10 |♑ 25 | ♂ rise 6 13 | 2|6|Days dec. 4 32 |6 51 |5 9 |♒ 7 | _Serving God is_ | 3|7| _Clouds_ |6 52 |5 8 | 19 | _Doing Good to_ | 4|G|20 past Trin. |6 53 |5 7 |♓ 1 | _Man, but Praying_ | 5|2|Powder Plot. |6 54 |5 6 | 13 | _is thought_ | 6|3|Day 10 10 long. |6 55 |5 5 | 25 | ♀ rise 4 2 _an_ | 7|4| _and threatens_|6 56 |5 4 |♈ 7 | _easier Service,_ | 8|5| _cold_ |6 58 |5 2 | 19 | □ ☉ ♃ _and_ | 9|6| _rain or snow._|6 59 |5 1 |♉ 2 | _therefore more_ |10|7|K.Geo.II. b.1683 |7 0 |5 0 | 15 | Sirius ri. 10 27 |11|G|21 past Trin. |7 1 |4 59 | 28 | ☽ with ♂ _generally_ |12|2| _then_ |7 3 |4 57 |♊ 11 | ✱ ♃ ♀ |13|3| _pleasant_ |7 4 |4 56 | 25 | ♄ sets 7 35 _chosen._ |14|4|Days dec. 5 h. |7 5 |4 55 |♋ 9 | ♃ ri. 11 4 |15|5| _and suita-_ |7 6 |4 54 | 23 | 7 *s sou. 12 4 |16|6| _to the_ |7 7 |4 53 |♌ 7 | ☍ ☉ ♂ _Nothing_ |17|7| _season,_ |7 8 |4 52 | 21 | ☽ w ♃ _humbler_ |18|G|22 past Trin. |7 9 |4 51 |♍ 5 | ♂ sou. 11 51 |19|2| _but follow'd_|7 10 |4 50 | 19 | Sirius rises 9 51 |20|3|Day 9 38 long. |7 11 |4 49 |♎ 3 | ♀ rise 4 29 |21|4| _by cold_ |7 12 |4 48 | 17 | ☉ in ♐ _than_ |22|5| _cloudy,_ |7 12 |4 48 |♏ 1 | ☌ ☽ ♀ △ ♃ ☿ |23|6|Days dec. 5 16 |7 13 |4 47 | 15 | Ambition, _when_ |24|7| _weather,_ |7 14 |4 46 | 29 | _it is about to_ |25|G|23 past Trin. |7 15 |4 45 |♐ 12 | 7 *s sou. 11 26 |26|2| _with snow_ |7 16 |4 44 | 25 | ☌ ☽ ☿ ✱ ♄ ♀ |27|3| _or rain_ |7 16 |4 44 |♑ 8 | ☽ with ♄ |28|4|Days dec. 5 24 |7 17 |4 43 | 21 | ♄ sets 6 37 |29|5| _and wind._ |7 18 |4 42 |♒ 3 | ♃ rises 9 57 |30|6| St. =ANDREW.= |7 18 |4 42 | 15 | _climb._ +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ *(page break)* =NOVEMBER= hath XXX Days. +----------------------------------------------+ D. H. | Planets Places. First Q. 2 6 aft. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ Full ● 10 8 aft. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL Last Q. 17 7 aft. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ New ☽ 24 8 aft. | | ♏ | ♑ | ♌ | ♉ | ♎ | ♏ | | 1| 9 | 2 | 16 | 0 | 4 | 15 | N. 5 { 12 ♎ 27 Deg | 6| 14 | 3 | 16 | 28 | 10 | 23 | 3 ☊ { 22 27 |12| 20 | 3 | 17 | 26 | 17 | ♐ 2 | S. 3 { 30 26 |17| 25 | 4 | 17 | 24 | 23 | 10 | 5 |22| ♐ 1 | 4 | 17 | 22 | 0 | 17 | 0 |27| 6 | 5 | 17 | 21 | ♏ 6 | 24 | N. 5 +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ [Illustration] +--+----------+----------+----+------+ |D.| ☽ sets | ☽ sou. | T. | | --> |--+----------+----------+----+------+ | 1| 10 45 | 5 29 | 8 | 21 | | 2| 11 44 | 6 15 | 9 | 22 | | 3| 12 40 | 7 0 | 10 | 23 | | 4| M. 40 | 7 44 | 10 | 24 | | 5| 1 35 | 8 27 | 11 | 25 | | 6| 2 30 | 9 10 | 12 | 26 | | 7| 3 21 | 9 53 | 12 | 28 | | 9| Moon | 11 25 | 2 | 29 | |10| rises | 12 14 | 3 | 30 | |11| A. | M. 14 | 3 | 31 | |12| 6 37 | 1 6 | 4 | Nov. | |13| 7 32 | 2 4 | 5 | | |14| 8 33 | 3 1 | 6 | 3 | |15| 9 39 | 3 56 | 6 | 4 | |16| 10 48 | 4 51 | 7 | 5 | |17| 11 58 | 5 43 | 8 | 6 | |18| Morn. | 6 35 | 9 | 7 | |19| 1 4 | 7 26 | 10 | 8 | |20| 2 6 | 8 16 | 11 | 9 | |21| 3 15 | 9 8 | 12 | 10 | |22| 4 25 | 10 0 | 1 | 11 | |23| Moon | 10 55 | 1 | 12 | |24| sets | 11 50 | 2 | 13 | |25| A | A. 42 | 3 | 14 | |26| 6 34 | 1 34 | 4 | 15 | |27| 7 31 | 2 27 | 5 | 16 | |28| 8 23 | 3 19 | 6 | 17 | |29| 9 25 | 4 4 | 7 | 18 | |30| 10 20 | 4 49 | 7 | 19 | +--+----------+----------+----+------+ of his Body is seen round the Moon like a shining Ring. But, if the Moon happens to come between the Earth and Sun, when she is at her least Distance from the Earth, she appears then so large as to cover the whole Face of the Sun, and makes, for some Minutes, a Darkness equal to that of Twilight. When the Earth comes exactly between the Sun and the Moon, she darkens a Part of the Whole of the Moon's Face, and makes an Eclipse of the Moon. The Earth being a Body about thirty or forty Times larger than the Moon, casts a Shadow large enough to eclipse the Moon, if her Diameter were three Times greater than it is, whereas the Shadow of the Moon can never eclipse the whole Face of the Earth together. If the Moon revolved round the Earth in the same Plane as the Earth goes round the Sun, there would be constantly an Eclipse of the Sun every New, and of the Moon every full Moon. But to prevent this Inconvenience, the Author of Nature has ordered Matters so, that the Course of the Moon round the Earth is sometimes above and sometimes below that of the Earth round the Sun, so that their Shadows generally miss one another. These Motions are so exactly regulated, that Astronomers can foretel Eclipses to Minutes at an hundred Years Distance, than which there is not a more remarkable Instance either of human Sagacity, or of the Truth of that Expression of [Scripture] *(page break)* =DECEMBER.= _XII Month._ Perfection on Perfection tow'ring high, Glory on Glory rais'd, and Joy on Joy, Each Pow'r improving in the bright'ning Mind, To humble Virtues, lofty Knowledge join'd; Be this my highest Aim, howe'er I soar, Before thy Footstool prostrate to adore, My brightest Crown before thy Feet to lay, My Pride to serve, my Glory to obey. =_END_= +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ | 1|7|Day 9 24 long. |7 19 |4 41 |♒ 27 | _The discontented_ | 2|G|Advent Sunday. |7 19 |4 41 |♓ 9 | ♂ sou. 10 32 | 3|2| _Cold and_ |7 20 |4 40 | 21 | _Man finds no_ | 4|3|Days dec. 5 30. |7 20 |4 40 |♈ 3 | _easy Chair._ | 5|4| _raw, then_ |7 21 |4 39 | 15 | Sirius rise 8 41 | 6|5|Days 9 18 long. |7 22 |4 38 | 27 | ☌ ♄ ☿ □ ♃ ♀ | 7|6| _more pleasant,_ |7 22 |4 38 |♉ 10 | ♀ rises 5 0 | 8|7|Concep. V. M. |7 23 |4 37 | 23 | ☌ ☽ ♂ △ ☉ ♃ | 9|G|2d in Advent. |7 23 |4 37 |♊ 7 | 7 *s sou. 10 28 |10|2| |7 24 |4 36 | 21 | _Virtue and a_ |11|3|Days 9 12 long. |7 24 |4 36 |♋ 5 | _Trade, are_ |12|4| _frost and_ |7 24 |4 36 | 19 | ♃ rise 9 1 |13|5|St. Lucy. |7 24 |4 36 |♌ 3 | Sirius rise 8 7 |14|6|Days decr. 5 40 |7 25 |4 35 | 17 | ☽ with ♃ _a_ |15|7| _flying clouds,_|7 25 |4 35 |♍ 2 | □ ♃ ♂ _Child's_ |16|G|3d in Advent. |7 25 |4 35 | 16 | 7 *s sou. 9 56 |17|2| _then more_ |7 25 |4 35 |♎ 0 | ♂ sou. 9 14 |18|3| _moderate_ |7 25 |4 35 | 14 | ♀ rises 5 23 |19|4|Ember Week. |7 25 |4 35 | 28 | _best Portion._ |20|5| _and clear,_ |7 25 |4 35 |♏ 12 | _Gifts much_ |21|6|St. =THOMAS.= |7 25 |4 35 | 25 | ☉ in ♑ Shor. D |22|7|Days 9 10 long. |7 25 |4 35 |♐ 8 | ☌ ☽ ♀ ☌ ♄ ☿ |23|G|4th in Advent. |7 25 |4 35 | 21 | Sirius rises 7 23 |24|2| _but windy,_ |7 25 |4 35 |♑ 4 | ☽ with ♄ & ☿ |25|3|=CHRIST= born. |7 25 |4 35 | 17 | ☌ ☉ ☿ _expected,_ |26|4|St. =STEPHEN.= |7 25 |4 35 | 29 | _are paid,_ |27|5|St. =JOHN.= |7 25 |4 35 |♒ 11 | ♃ rise 7 51 |28|6|=INNOCENTS.= |7 25 |4 35 | 23 | 7 *s sou. 9 0 |29|7|Days 9 10 long. |7 25 |4 35 |♓ 5 | ☌ ☉ ♄ _not_ |30|G| _cold and cloudy._|7 24 |4 36 | 17 | △ ♃ ♀ _given._ |31|2|Silvester. |7 24 |4 36 | 29 | Sirius rise 6 48 +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ *(page break)* =DECEMBER= hath XXXI Days. +----------------------------------------------+ D. H. | Planets Places First Q. 2 4 aft. +----------------+-----------+---------+-------+ Full ● 10 8 mor. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. Last Q. 17 5 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ New ☽ 24 10 mor. | | ♐ | ♑ | ♌ | ♉ | ♏ | | | 2| 11 | 5 | 17 | 20 | 12 | 1 | N. 4 {12 ♎ 25 Deg | 7| 16 | 6 | 17 | 19 | 18 | 7 | S. 1 ☊ {22 24 |12| 21 | 6 | 17 | 18 | 25 | 11 | 5 {31 23 |17| 26 | 7 | 17 | 17 | ♐ 1 | 12 | 2 |22| ♑ 1 | 8 | 16 | 18 | 7 | 8 | N. 3 |27| 6 | 8 | 16 | 18 | 13 | 1 | 5 +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ [Illustration] +--+----------+----------+----+------+ |D.| ☽ sets | ☽ sou. | T. | | --> +--+----------+----------+----+------+ | 1| 11 20 | 5 30 | 8 | 20 | | 2| 12 14 | 6 10 | 9 | 21 | | 3| M. 14 | 6 54 | 9 | 22 | | 4| 1 7 | 7 38 | 10 | 23 | | 5| 2 6 | 8 21 | 11 | 24 | | 6| 3 0 | 9 4 | 12 | 25 | | 7| 4 0 | 9 54 | 12 | 26 | | 8| 5 0 | 10 43 | 1 | 27 | | 9| Moon | 11 40 | 2 | 28 | |10| rises | 12 36 | 3 | 29 | |11| A. | M. 36 | 3 | 30 | |12| 7 17 | 1 36 | 4 | Dec. | |13| 8 20 | 2 30 | 5 | | |14| 9 30 | 3 24 | 6 | 3 | |15| 10 50 | 4 18 | 7 | 4 | |16| 11 53 | 5 11 | 8 | 5 | |17| 12 55 | 6 2 | 9 | 6 | |18| M. 55 | 6 53 | 9 | 7 | |19| 1 59 | 7 44 | 10 | 8 | |20| 3 8 | 8 36 | 11 | 9 | |21| 4 12 | 9 28 | 12 | 10 | |22| 5 10 | 10 20 | 1 | 11 | |23| Moon | 11 12 | 2 | 12 | |24| sets | A. 4 | 3 | 13 | |25| A. | 12 53 | 3 | 14 | |26| 6 59 | 1 42 | 4 | 15 | |27| 7 58 | 2 27 | 5 | 16 | |28| 8 53 | 3 11 | 6 | 17 | |29| 9 52 | 3 55 | 6 | 18 | |30| 10 49 | 4 39 | 7 | 19 | |31| 11 45 | 5 21 | 8 | 20 | +--+----------+----------+----+------+ Scripture, "That the Works of God are all made in Number, Weight and Measure." It is certain, by Observations made with good Telescopes, that, though the Face of the Moon is covered with innumerable Inequalities like the Mountains upon the Earth, there is no great Collection of Waters upon it, like our Oceans; nor is there any Reason, from her Appearance through those Instruments, to suppose she has any such Appendage belonging to her as our Atmosphere of Air. If the Moon is inhabited (as she may for any Thing we know) those who live on one Side or Hemisphere never can see our World, and those who live on the other can never lose Sight of it, except when the Earth comes between them and the Sun, as she keeps always one Side turned towards us. Those who live about the middle Parts of the Hemisphere that looks towards the Earth, must see it always directly over their Heads with much the same Appearances as the Moon makes to us, sometimes horned, sometimes half, and sometimes wholly illuminated, but of a vastly greater Bulk than the Moon appears to us. It seems highly probable, that the Attraction of the Moon acting more strongly upon the Fluid than the solid Parts of our Terraqueous Globe is the Cause of our Tides, as they answer so exactly to her Motions and Distances from us, and other Circumstances. To enter upon that Theory, however, would be beside my present Purpose. [_Remainder in our next._] *(page break)* =ECLIPSES=, 1753. This Year there will be four Eclipses, two of the _Sun_, and two of the _Moon_. The First Eclipse will be of the _Moon_, on _Tuesday_, the 17th Day of _April_, about Two a Clock in the Afternoon, and therefore it cannot be seen here; but in _London_ the Moon will rise five Digits eclipsed. The Second will be of the _Sun_, on _Thursday_, the 3d of _May_, about Two a Clock in the Morning, therefore invisible. The Third Eclipse will be of the _Moon_, on _Friday_, the 12th Day of _October_, in the Morning, when, if the Air be clear, the Moon will be seen eclipsed almost six Digits; it begins at 26 min. after Two, and ends at 56 min. past Four, so that the whole Duration is two Hours and thirty Minutes. The =TYPE=. North. East. [Illustration] West. South. The Fourth is a _Solar_ Eclipse on _Friday_, the 26th of _October_, about Five a Clock in the Morning, invisible here. *(page break)* On _Sunday_, the 6th Day of _May_, in the Morning, the Planet _Mercury_ may be seen to make a black Spot in the _Sun_'s Body, according to the following Calculation. D. h. m. Middle Time of the true ☌ 1753, _May_ 5 15 43 P. M Equation of Time, add 4 Apparent Time of the true ☌ 5 15 47 Mean Anomaly of the _Sun_, 10 6 21 Mean Anomaly of _Mercury_, 10 19 47 Dist. of the ☉ from the ⊖ Log. 5,004518 ☿ from the ☉ 4,656557 ☿ from the ⊖ 4,745839 Geocentrick Longitude ☉ and ☿ ♉ 15° 53' 0" Geocentrick Latitude, 3 19 Anomaly of Commutation, 6 0 0 Inclination, or Heliocentrick Lat. of ☿ S.A. 4 3 Elongation to fix Hours before the true ☌ 23 24 Difference of Latitude in fix Hours, 4 18 Angle of the visible Way, 10 25 Nearest Approach of their Centers, 3 15 Motion from the Middle to the true ☌ 35 Latitude of ☿ at the Middle, 3 4 Motion of Half the visible Way, 15 24 Motion of Half Duration, 15 9 Diff. of Lat. between the Mid. Begin. & End, 2 47 Geocentrick Latitude at the Beginning, S. A. 0 17 Geocentrick Latitude at the End, S. A. 5 51 Time from the true ☌ to the Middle, 9 4 Time of Half Duration, 3 53 The Arch of the ☉'s Perimeter at the Begin. 1 2 The Arch of the ☉'s Perimeter at the End, 21 48 Apparent Semidiameter of the _Sun_, 15 45 Apparent Semidiameter of ☿ 0 6 _Mercury_ enters the Sun's Disk, _May_ 5, 11 44 P. M. Middle or nearest Approach of the Centers, 15 37 True Conjunction, 15 46 _Mercury_ emerges out of the Disk, 19 31 Total Duration of this Eclipse, 7 47 The astronomical Time when _Mercury_ goes off the _Sun_'s Disk, being reduced to common Time, is _May_ the 6th, at 31 min. after Seven in the Morning. The _Sun_ rises at 1 min. past Five, and if you get up betimes, and put on your Spectacles, you will see _Mercury_ rise in the _Sun_, and will appear like a small black Patch in a Lady's Face. *(page break)* The =TYPE= of this Eclipse at Sun-rising. North. East. [Illustration: SUN, West. Ecliptick, ☿ Orb of _Mercury_.] South. Dr. _Halley_ puts this Conjunction an Hour forwarder than by this Calculation. ---------------------- This is to give Notice to all Persons that shall have Occasion of transporting themselves, Goods, Wares, or Merchandize from Philadelphia to New-York, or from the latter to the former, That by =JOSEPH BORDEN=, junior, there is a Stage-boat, well fitted and kept for that Purpose, Nicholas George, Master, and, if Wind and Weather permit, will attend at the Crooked Billet Wharff, in Philadelphia, every Monday and Tuesday in every Week, and proceed up to Borden-Town (not Burlington) on Wednesday, and on Thursday Morning a Stage-waggon, with a choice good Awning, kept by Joseph Richards, will be ready to receive them, and proceed directly to John Cluck's, opposite the City of Perth-Amboy, who keeps a House of good Entertainment; and on Friday a Stage-boat, with a large commodious Cabbin, kept by Daniel Obryant, will be ready to receive them, and proceed directly to New-York, and give her Attendance at the Whitehall Slip, near the Half Moon Battery. If People be ready at the Stage Days and Places, 'tis believed they may pass quicker by Twenty-four Hours than any other Way as our Land Carriage is ten Miles shorter than by Way of Burlington, and our Waggon does not fail to go thro' in a Day. We expect to give better Satisfaction this Year than last, by reason we are more acquainted with the Nature of the Business, and have more convenient Boats, Waggons and Stages, and will endeavour to use People in the best Manner we are capable of; and hope all good People will give it the Encouragement it deserves, and us, as the Promoters of such a publick Good. =JOSEPH BORDEN=, junior, =JOSEPH RICHARDS=, and =DANIEL OBRYANT=. N. B. Joseph Borden's Shallop, Charles Vandyke, Master, will also be at Philadelphia every Friday and Saturday in every Week; enquire for him at the Queen's Head; he proceeds to Borden-Town (not Burlington) on Sunday, and the Stage-waggon also proceeds to Amboy every Monday in every Week. *(page break)* _Mayor's Courts for the City_ Are held quarterly at _Annapolis_, viz. The last tuesday in _January_, _April_, _July_ and _October_. ---------------------- _How to secure Houses_, &c. _from_ =LIGHTNING=. It has pleased God in his Goodness to Mankind, at length to discover to them the Means of securing their Habitations and other Buildings from Mischief by Thunder and Lightning. The Method is this: Provide a small Iron Rod (it may be made of the Rod-iron used by the Nailers) but of such a Length, that one End being three or four Feet in the moist Ground, the other may be six or eight Feet above the highest Part of the Building. To the upper End of the Rod fasten about a Foot of Brass Wire, the Size of a common Knitting-needle, sharpened to a fine Point; the Rod may be secured to the House by a few small Staples. If the House or Barn be long, there may be a Rod and Point at each End, and a middling Wire along the Ridge from one to the other. A House thus furnished will not be damaged by Lightning, it being attracted by the Points, and passing thro the Metal into the Ground without hurting any Thing. Vessels also, having a sharp pointed Rod fix'd on the Top of their Masts, with a Wire from the Foot of the Rod reaching down, round one of the Shrouds, to the Water, will not be hurt by Lightning. ---------------------- =QUAKERS= _General Meetings are kept_, At Philadelphia, the 3d Sunday in March. At Chester-River, the 2d Sunday in April. At Duck-Creek, the 3d Sunday in April. At Salem, the 4th Sunday in April. At West River on Whitsunday. At Little Egg-Harbour, the 3d Sunday in May. At Flushing, the last Sunday in May, and last in Nov. At Setacket, the 1st Sunday in June. At New-town, (Long-Island) the last Sunday in June. At Newport, the 2d Friday in June. At Westbury, the last Sunday in August, and last in February. At Philadelphia, the 3d Sunday in September. At Nottingham, the last Monday in September. At Cecil, the 1st Saturday in October. At Choptank the 2d Saturday in October. At Little-Creek, the 3d Sunday in October. At Shrewsbury the 4th Sunday in October. At Matinicok the last Sunday in October. ---------------------- =_FAIRS= are kept_, At Noxonton April 29, and October 21. Cohansie May 5, and October 27. Wilmington May 9, and November 4. Salem May 12, and October 31. Newcastle May 14, and Nov. 14. Chester May 16, and Oct. 16. Bristol May 19, and Nov. 9. Burlington May 21, and Nov. 12. Philadelphia May 27, and November 27. Lancaster June 12, and Nov. 12. Marcus-Hook Oct. 10. Annapolis May 12, and Oct. 10. Charlestown May 3, and Oct. 29. *(page break)* _Supreme_ COURTS _in_ Pennsylvania, _are held_, At _Philadelphia_, the tenth Day of _April_, and the twenty-fourth Day of _September_. _Courts of Quarter Sessions, are held_, At _Philadelphia_, the 1st Monday in _March_, _June_, _September_ and _December_. At _Newtown_, for _Bucks_ County, on the 11th Day following (inclusive) in every of the Months aforesaid. At _Chester_, the last Tuesday in _May_, _August_, _November_ and _February_. At _Lancaster_, the 1st Tuesday in each. At York, the last Tuesday in April, July, October and January. At Cumberland, the Tuesdays preceding York Courts. At _Reading_, for _Berks_ County, the Tuesd. next after _Lancaster_ Co. At _Easton_, for _Northampton_ County, the Tuesd. next aft. _Bucks_ Co. _Courts of Common Pleas, are held_, At _Philadelphia_, the 1st Wednesday after the Quarter-Sessions in _March_, _June_, _Sept._ and _Decem._ At _Newtown_, the 9th Day following (inclusive) in every of the Months aforesaid. At _Chester_, the last Tuesday in _May_ _August_, _Novem._ and _Febr._ At _Lancaster_, the 1st Tuesd. in the Months aforesaid. At _Sussex_, the 1st, at _Kent_, the 2d, and at _Newcastle_, the 3d Tuesday in the same Months. _Mayor's Courts in_ Philadelphia, _are held_, The first Tuesday in _January_, _April_, _July_, and the last Tuesday in _October_. _Supreme Courts in_ New-Jersey, _are held_, At _Amboy_, the 3d tuesday in _March_, and the 2d tuesday in _August_. At _Burlington_, the 2d tuesday in _May_, and the 1st tuesday in _November_. _Courts for Trial of Causes brought to issue in the Supreme Court, are held_, For _Salem_ and _Cape May_ Counties the 3d, for _Gloucester_ the 4th tuesday in _April_. For _Hunterdon_, the 1st tuesday in _May_. For _Somerset_ the 2d, For _Bergen_ the 4th tuesday in _October_. For _Essex_, the next tuesd. following. For _Monmouth_, the next tuesday after that. *(page break)* _General Sessions and County Courts, are held_, In _Bergen_ County, the 1st tuesday in _January_ and _October_, and the 2d tuesday in _June_. In _Essex_ the 2d tuesday in _January_ and _May_, the 3d tuesday in _June_, and 4th in _September_. In _Middlesex_ the 3d tuesdays in _January_, _April_ and _July_, and the 2d tuesday in _October_. In _Somerset_, the first tuesdays in _January_, _April_ and _October_, and the 2d tuesdays in _June_. In _Monmouth_, the 4th tuesdays in _January_, _April_ and _July_, and 3d in _October_. In _Hunterdon_, the first tuesdays in _February_ and _August_, the 3d in _May_, and 4th in _October_. In _Burlington_, the 1st tuesdays in _May_ and _November_, and the 2d in _February_ and _August_. In _Gloucester_, the 2d tuesday in _June_, 3d in _September_, and 4th in _December_ and _March_. In _Salem_, the 1st tuesday in _June_, 3d in _February_ and _August_, and 4th in _November_. In _Cape-May_, the 1st tuesday in _February_ and _August_, the 3d in _May_, and the 4th tuesday in _October_. For the Borough-town of _Trenton_, the 1st tuesday in _March_, 1st in _June_, 1st in _September_, and the 1st in _December_. _Supreme Courts in_ New-York, _are held_, At _New-York_, the 3d tuesday in _April_, last in _July_, and 3d in _October_ and _January_. At _Richmond_, the 2d tuesday in _April_. At _Orange_, 1st tuesday in _June_. At _Dutchess_, the 2d tuesday in _June_. At _Ulster_, the thursday following. At _Albany_, the 4th tuesday in _June_. At _Queen's_ County the 1st, at _Suffolk_ the 2d, at _King's_ County the 3d, and at _West Chester_ the 4th tuesday in _September_. _Courts of Sessions and Common Pleas_, At _New-York_, the 1st tuesday in _May_, _August_, _November_ and _February_. At _Albany_ the 1st tuesday in _June_ and _October_, and 3d tuesday in _January_. At _West Chester_, the 4th tuesday in _May_ and _October_. In _Ulster_, the 1st tuesdays in _May_, and 3d in _Sept._ In _Richmond_, the 3d tuesday in _March_, and 4th in _September_. In _King's_, the 3d tuesday in _April_ and _October_. In _Queen's_, the 3d tuesday in _May_ and _September_. In _Suffolk_, the last tuesday in _March_, and first in _October_. In _Orange_, the last tuesday in _April_ and _October_. In _Dutchess_ County, the 3d tuesday in _May_ and _October_. _Provincial Courts in_ Maryland, Two in a Year held at _Annapolis_, viz. The 2d tuesday in _April_ and _September_. County Courts. At _Talbot_, _Baltimore_, _Worcester_, and _St. Mary's_, the 1st tuesday in _March_, _June_, _August_ and _November_. At _Dorchester_, _Cæcil_, _Ann-Arundel_, and _Charles_ Counties, the 2d tuesday in the same Months; at _Kent_, _Calvert_, _Frederick_, and _Somerset_, the 3d tuesday in the same Months; at _Queen Anne_'s and _Prince George_'s the 4th tuesday in the same Months. *(page break)* =ROADS= Northeastward. From _Philadelphia_ to _Bristol_ 20, to _Trenton_ 10, to _Prince-Town_ 12, to _Kingston_ 3, to _Brunswick_ 12, to _Amboy_ 12, to the _Narrows_ 18, to _Flat-Bush_ 5, to _New-York_ 5, to _Kingsbridge_ 18, to _East-Chester_ 6, to _Newrochell_ 4, to _Rye_ 4, to _Horseneck_ 7, to _Stanford_ 7, to _Norwalk_ 10, to _Fairfield_ 12, to _Stratford_ 8, to _Milford_ 4, to _Newhaven_ 10, to _Branford_ 10, to _Gilford_ 12, to _Killingsworth_ 10, to _Seabrook_ 10, to _New-London_ 18, to _Stonington_ 15, to _Pemberton_ 10, to _Darby_ 3, to _Frenchtown_ 24, to _Providence_ 20, to _Woodcock's_ 15, to _Billend's_ 10, to _White's_ 7, to _Dedham_ 6, to _Boston_ 10, to _Lyn_ 9, to _Salem_ 8, to _Ipswich_ 14, to _Newberry_ 11, to _Hampton_ 9, to _Portsmouth_ 13, to _York_ 9, to _Wells_ 14, to _Kennebunk_ 6, to _Biddeford_ 14, to _Scarborough_ 7, to _Falmouth_ 13, to _Yarmouth_ 10, to _Brunswick_ 15, to _Richmond_ 16, to _Taconick_ _Falls_ 33, to _Norridgewock_ 31. In all 600 Miles. =ROADS= Southwestward. From _Philadelphia_ to _Darby_ 7, to _Chester_ 9, to _Brandewyne_ 14, to _Newcastle_ 6, to _Elk River_ 17, to _N. East_ 7, to _Sasquehanna_ 9, to _Gunpowder Ferry_ 25, to _Petapsco Ferry_ 20, to _Annapolis_ 30, to _Queen Ann's Ferry_ 13, to _Upper Marlborough_ 9, to _Port Tobacco_ 30, to _Hoe's Ferry_ 10, to _Southern's Ferry_ 30, to _Arnold's Ferry_ 36, to _Clayborn's Ferry_ 22, to _Freneaux_ 12, to _Williamsburg_ 16, to _Hog-Island_ 7, to _Isle of Wight Court-House_ 18, to _Nansemond Court-House_ 20, to _Bennet's Creek-Bridge_ 30, to _Edenton_ 30, over the _Sound to Bell's Ferry_ 8, to _Bath-Town_, on _Pamlico-River_ 45, to _Grave's Ferry_, on _Neu's River_ 32, to _Whitlock River_ 20, to _New-River Ferry_ 30, to _Newtown_, on _Cape-Fear River_, 45, to _Lockwood's Folly_ 15, to _Shallot River_ 8, to the Eastern End of _Long-Bay_ 22, to the Western End of _Long-Bay_ 25, to _George-Town_, _Wynyaw_, 30, to _Santee Ferry_ 12, to _Jonah Collins's_ 18, to _Hobcaw Ferry_, against _Charles Town_, 30. In all 767 Miles. ---------------------- Bibles, Common-Prayers, Testaments, Spelling-books, Psalters, Primmers, Copy-books for Children, and all Sorts of Stationary, to be sold by =DAVID HALL=, at the _New-Printing-Office_, in _Market-street, Philadelphia_. *(page break)* TO JOSEPH HUEY Philadelphia, June 6, 1753. SIR, I received your kind Letter of the 2d inst., and am glad to hear that you increase in Strength; I hope you will continue mending, 'till you recover your former Health and firmness. Let me know whether you still use the Cold Bath, and what Effect it has. As to the Kindness you mention, I wish it could have been of more Service to you. But if it had, the only Thanks I should desire is, that you would always be equally ready to serve any other Person that may need your Assistance, and so let good Offices go round, for Mankind are all of a Family. For my own Part, when I am employed in serving others, I do not look upon myself as conferring Favours, but as paying Debts. In my Travels, and since my Settlement, I have received much Kindness from Men, to whom I shall never have any Opportunity of making the least direct Return. And numberless Mercies from God, who is infinitely above being benefited by our Services. Those Kindnesses from Men, I can therefore only Return on their Fellow Men; and I can only shew my Gratitude for these mercies from God, by a readiness to help his other Children and my Brethren. For I do not think that Thanks and Compliments, tho' repeated weekly, can discharge our real Obligations to each other, and much less those to our Creator. You will see in this my Notion of good Works, that I am far from expecting [(as you suppose) that I shall ever][44] to merit Heaven by them. By Heaven we understand a State of Happiness, infinite in Degree, and eternal in Duration: I can do nothing to deserve such rewards: He that for giving a Draught of Water to a thirsty Person, should expect to be paid with a good Plantation, would be modest in his Demands, compar'd with those who think they deserve Heaven for the little good they do on Earth. Even the mix'd imperfect Pleasures we enjoy in this World, are rather from God's Goodness than our Merit; how much more such Happiness of Heaven. For my own part I have not the Vanity to think I deserve it, the Folly to expect it, nor the Ambition to desire it; but content myself in submitting to the Will and Disposal of that God who made me, who has hitherto preserv'd and bless'd me, and in whose Fatherly Goodness I may well confide, that he will never make me miserable, and that even the Afflictions I may at any time suffer shall tend to my Benefit. The Faith you mention has doubtless its use in the World. I do not desire to see it diminished, nor would I endeavour to lessen it in any Man. But I wish it were more productive of good Works, than I have generally seen it: I mean real good Works, Works of Kindness, Charity, Mercy, and Publick Spirit; not Holiday-keeping, Sermon-Reading or Hearing; performing Church Ceremonies, or making long Prayers, filled with Flatteries and Compliments, despis'd even by wise Men, and much less capable of pleasing the Deity. The worship of God is a Duty; the hearing and reading of Sermons may be useful; but, if Men rest in Hearing and Praying, as too many do, it is as if a Tree should Value itself on being water'd and putting forth Leaves, tho' it never produc'd any Fruit. Your great Master tho't much less of these outward Appearances and Professions than many of his modern Disciples. He prefer'd the _Doers_ of the Word, to the meer _Hearers_; the Son that seemingly refus'd to obey his Father, and yet perform'd his Commands; to him that profess'd his Readiness, but neglected the Work; the heretical but charitable Samaritan, to the uncharitable tho' orthodox Priest and sanctified Levite; & those who gave Food to the hungry, Drink to the Thirsty, Raiment to the Naked, Entertainment to the Stranger, and Relief to the Sick, tho' they never heard of his Name, he declares shall in the last Day be accepted, when those who cry Lord! Lord! who value themselves on their Faith, tho' great enough to perform Miracles, but have neglected good Works, shall be rejected. He profess'd, that he came not to call the Righteous but Sinners to repentance; which imply'd his modest Opinion, that there were some in his Time so good, that they need not hear even him for Improvement; but now-a-days we have scarce a little Parson, that does not think it the Duty of every Man within his Reach to sit under his petty Ministrations; and that whoever omits them [offends God. I wish to such more humility, and to you health and happiness, being your friend and servant,] B. FRANKLIN. THREE LETTERS TO GOVERNOR SHIRLEY[45] LETTER I Concerning the Voice of the People in Choosing the Rulers by Whom Taxes are Imposed Tuesday Morning [December 17, 1754]. SIR, I return you the loose sheets of the plan, with thanks to your Excellency for communicating them. I apprehend, that excluding the _people_ of the colonies from all share in the choice of the grand council will give extreme dissatisfaction, as well as the taxing them by act of Parliament, where they have no representative. It is very possible, that this general government might be as well and faithfully administered without the people, as with them; but where heavy burthens have been laid on them, it has been found useful to make it, as much as possible, their own act; for they bear better when they have, or think they have some share in the direction; and when any public measures are generally grievous, or even distasteful to the people, the wheels of government move more heavily. LETTER II On the Imposition of Direct Taxes upon the Colonies without Their Consent Wednesday Morning [December 18, 1754]. SIR, I mentioned it yesterday to your Excellency as my opinion, that excluding the _people_ of the colonies from all share in the choice of the grand council, would probably give extreme dissatisfaction, as well as the taxing them by act of Parliament, where they have no representative. In matters of general concern to the people, and especially where burthens are to be laid upon them, it is of use to consider, as well what they will be apt to think and say, as what they ought to think; I shall therefore, as your Excellency requires it of me, briefly mention what of either kind occurs to me on this occasion. First they will say, and perhaps with justice, that the body of the people in the colonies are as loyal, and as firmly attached to the present constitution, and reigning family, as any subjects in the king's dominions. That there is no reason to doubt the readiness and willingness of the representatives they may choose, to grant from time to time such supplies for the defence of the country, as shall be judged necessary, so far as their abilities will allow. That the people in the colonies, who are to feel the immediate mischiefs of invasion and conquest by an enemy in the loss of their estates, lives and liberties, are likely to be better judges of the quantity of forces necessary to be raised and maintained, forts to be built and supported, and of their own abilities to bear the expence, than the parliament of England at so great a distance. That governors often come to the colonies merely to make fortunes, with which they intend to return to Britain; are not always men of the best abilities or integrity; have many of them no estates here, nor any natural connexions with us, that should make them heartily concerned for our welfare; and might possibly be fond of raising and keeping up more forces than necessary, from the profits accruing to themselves, and to make provision for their friends and dependants. That the counsellors in most of the colonies being appointed by the crown, on the recommendation of governors, are often of small estates, frequently dependant on the governors for offices, and therefore too much under influence. That there is therefore great reason to be jealous of a power in such governors and councils, to raise such sums as they shall judge necessary, by draft on the lords of the treasury, to be afterwards laid on the colonies by act of parliament, and paid by the people here; since they might abuse it by projecting useless expeditions, harassing the people, and taking them from their labour to execute such projects, merely to create offices and employments, and gratify their dependants, and divide profits. That the parliament of England is at a great distance, subject to be misinformed and misled by such Governors and Councils, whose united interests might probably secure them against the effect of any complaint from hence. That it is supposed an undoubted right of Englishmen, not to be taxed but by their own consent given through their representatives. That the colonies have no representatives in parliament. That to propose taxing them by parliament, and refuse them the liberty of choosing a representative council, to meet in the colonies, and consider and judge of the necessity of any general tax, and the quantum, shews suspicion of their loyalty to the crown, or of their regard for their country, or of their common sense and understanding, which they have not deserved. That compelling the colonies to pay money without their consent, would be rather like raising contributions in an enemy's country, than taxing of Englishmen for their own public benefit. That it would be treating them as a conquered people, and not as true British subjects. That a tax laid by the representatives of the colonies might easily be lessened as the occasions should lessen, but being once laid by parliament under the influence of the representations made by Governors, would probably be kept up and continued for the benefit of Governors, to the grievous burthen and discouragement of the colonies, and prevention of their growth and increase. That a power in Governors to march the inhabitants from one end of the British and French colonies to the other, being a country of at least 1500 square miles, without the approbation or the consent of their representatives first obtained, such expeditions might be grievous and ruinous to the people, and would put them on footing with the subjects of France in Canada, that now groan under such oppression from their Governor, who for two years past has harassed them with long and destructive marches to Ohio. That if the colonies in a body may be well governed by governors and councils appointed by the crown, without representatives, particular colonies may as well or better be so governed; a tax may be laid upon them all by act of parliament for support of government, and their assemblies may be dismissed as an useless part of the constitution. That the powers proposed by the Albany Plan of Union, to be vested in a grand council representative of the people, even with regard to military matters, are not so great as those the colonies of Rhode Island and Connecticut are entrusted with by their charters, and have never abused; for by this plan, the president-general is appointed by the crown, and controls all by his negative; but in those governments, the people choose the Governor, and yet allow him no negative. That the British colonies bordering on the French are properly frontiers of the British empire; and the frontiers of an empire are properly defended at the joint expence of the body of the people in such empire: It would now be thought hard by act of parliament to oblige the Cinque Ports or seacoasts of Britain to maintain the whole navy, because they are more immediately defended by it, not allowing them at the same time a vote in choosing members of the parliament; and if the frontiers in America bear the expence of their own defence, it seems hard to allow them no share in voting the money, judging of the necessity and sum, or advising the measures. That besides the taxes necessary for the defence of the frontiers, the colonies pay yearly great sums to the mother-country unnoticed: For taxes paid in Britain by the land-holder or artificer, must enter into and increase the price of the produce of land and of manufactures made of it; and great part of this is paid by consumers in the colonies, who thereby pay a considerable part of the British taxes. We are restrained in our trade with foreign nations, and where we could be supplied with any manufacture cheaper from them, but must buy the same dearer from Britain; the difference of price is a clear tax to Britain. We are obliged to carry a great part of our produce directly to Britain; and where the duties laid upon it lessen its price to the planter, or it sells for less than it would in foreign markets; the difference is a tax paid to Britain. Some manufactures we could make, but are forbidden, and must take them of British merchants; the whole price is a tax paid to Britain. By our greatly increasing the demand and consumption of British manufactures, their price is considerably raised of late years; the advantage is clear profit to Britain, and enables its people better to pay great taxes; and much of it being paid by us, is clear tax to Britain. In short, as we are not suffered to regulate our trade, and restrain the importation and consumption of British superfluities (as Britain can the consumption of foreign superfluities) our whole wealth centers finally amongst the merchants and inhabitants of Britain, and if we make them richer, and enable them better to pay their taxes, it is nearly the same as being taxed ourselves, and equally beneficial to the crown. These kind of secondary taxes, however, we do not complain of, though we have no share in the laying, or disposing of them; but to pay immediate heavy taxes, in the laying, appropriation, and disposition of which we have no part, and which perhaps we may know to be as unnecessary, as grievous, must seem hard measure to Englishmen, who cannot conceive, that by hazarding their lives and fortunes, in subduing and settling new countries, extending the dominion, and increasing the commerce of the mother nation, they have forfeited the native rights of Britons, which they think ought rather to be given to them, as due to such merit, if they had been before in a state of slavery. These, and such kind of things as these, I apprehend, will be thought and said by the people, if the proposed alteration of the Albany plan should take place. Then the administration of the board of governors and councils so appointed, not having any representative body of the people to approve and unite in its measures, and conciliate the minds of the people to them, will probably become suspected and odious; dangerous animosities and feuds will arise between the governors and governed; and every thing go into confusion. Perhaps I am too apprehensive in this matter; but having freely given my opinion and reasons, your Excellency can judge better than I whether there be any weight in them, and the shortness of the time allowed me, will, I hope, in some degree excuse the imperfections of this scrawl. With the greatest respect, and fidelity, I have the honour to be, Your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. LETTER III On the Subject of Uniting the Colonies More Intimately with Great Britain, by Allowing Them Representatives in Parliament Boston, Dec. 22, 1754. SIR, Since the conversation your Excellency was pleased to honour me with, on the subject of _uniting the colonies_ more intimately with Great Britain, by allowing them _representatives in parliament_, I have something further considered that matter, and am of opinion, that such a union would be very acceptable to the colonies, provided they had a reasonable number of representatives allowed them; and that all the old acts of Parliament restraining the trade or cramping the manufactures of the colonies be at the same time repealed, and the British subjects _on this side the water_ put, in those respects, on the same footing with those in Great Britain, till the new Parliament, representing the whole, shall think it for the interest of the whole to reënact some or all of them. It is not that I imagine so many representatives will be allowed the colonies, as to have any great weight by their numbers; but I think there might be sufficient to occasion those laws to be better and more impartially considered, and perhaps to overcome the interest of a petty corporation, or of any particular set of artificers or traders in England, who heretofore seem, in some instances, to have been more regarded than all the colonies, or than was consistent with the general interest, or best national good. I think too, that the government of the colonies by a parliament, in which they are fairly represented, would be vastly more agreeable to the people, than the method lately attempted to be introduced by royal instructions, as well as more agreeable to the nature of an English constitution, and to English liberty; and that such laws as now seem to bear hard on the colonies, would (when judged by such a Parliament for the best interest of the whole) be more cheerfully submitted to, and more easily executed. I should hope too, that by such a union, the people of Great Britain, and the people of the colonies, would learn to consider themselves, as not belonging to a different community with different interests, but to one community with one interest; which I imagine would contribute to strengthen the whole, and greatly lessen the danger of future separations. It is, I suppose, agreed to be the general interest of any state, that its people be numerous and rich; men enough to fight in its defence, and enough to pay sufficient taxes to defray the charge; for these circumstances tend to the security of the state, and its protection from foreign power: But it seems not of so much importance, whether the fighting be done by John or Thomas, or the tax paid by William or Charles. The iron manufacture employs and enriches British subjects, but is it of any importance to the state, whether the manufacturers live at Birmingham, or Sheffield, or both, since they are still within its bounds, and their wealth and persons still at its command? Could the Goodwin Sands be laid dry by banks, and land equal to a large country thereby gained to England, and presently filled with English inhabitants, would it be right to deprive such inhabitants of the common privileges enjoyed by other Englishmen, the right of vending their produce in the same ports, or of making their own shoes, because a merchant or a shoemaker, living on the old land, might fancy it more for his advantage to trade or make shoes for them? Would this be right, even if the land were gained at the expence of the state? And would it not seem less right, if the charge and labour of gaining the additional territory to Britain had been borne by the settlers themselves? And would not the hardship appear yet greater, if the people of the new country should be allowed no representatives in the parliament enacting such impositions? Now I look on the colonies as so many counties gained to Great Britain, and more advantageous to it than if they had been gained out of the seas around its coasts, and joined to its land: For being in different climates, they afford greater variety of produce, and being separated by the ocean, they increase much more its shipping and seamen; and since they are all included in the British empire, which has only extended itself by their means; and the strength and wealth of the parts are the strength and wealth of the whole; what imports it to the general state, whether a merchant, a smith, or a hatter, grow rich in Old or New England? And if, through increase of people, two smiths are wanted for one employed before, why may not the _new_ smith be allowed to live and thrive in the _new_ country, as well as the _old_ one in the _old_? In fine, why should the countenance of a state be _partially_ afforded to its people, unless it be most in favour of those who have most merit? And if there be any difference, those who have most contributed to enlarge Britain's empire and commerce, increase her strength, her wealth, and the numbers of her people, at the risk of their own lives and private fortunes in new and strange countries, methinks ought rather to expect some preference. With the greatest respect and esteem, I have the honour to be Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. TO MISS CATHERINE RAY[46] [AT BLOCK ISLAND] Philadelphia, March 4, 1755. DEAR KATY:-- Your kind letter of January 20th is but just come to hand, and I take this first opportunity of acknowledging the favour. It gives me great pleasure to hear, that you got home safe and well that day. I thought too much was hazarded, when I saw you put off to sea in that very little skiff, tossed by every wave. But the call was strong and just, a sick parent. I stood on the shore, and looked after you, till I could no longer distinguish you, even with my glass; then returned to your sister's, praying for your safe passage. Towards evening all agreed that you must certainly be arrived before that time, the weather having been so favourable; which made me more easy and cheerful, for I had been truly concerned for you. I left New England slowly, and with great reluctance.[47] Short day's journeys, and loitering visits on the road, for three or four weeks, manifested my unwillingness to quit a country, in which I drew my first breath, spent my earliest and most pleasant days, and had now received so many fresh marks of the people's goodness and benevolence, in the kind and affectionate treatment I had everywhere met with. I almost forgot I had a _home_, till I was more than halfway towards it; till I had, one by one, parted with all my New England friends, and was got into the western borders of Connecticut, among mere strangers. Then, like an old man, who, having buried all he loved in this world, begins to think of heaven, I began to think of and wish for home; and, as I drew nearer, I found the attraction stronger and stronger. My diligence and speed increased with my impatience. I drove on violently, and made such long stretches, that a very few days brought me to my own house, and to the arms of my good old wife and children, where I remain, thanks to God, at present well and happy. Persons subject to the _hyp_ complain of the northeast wind, as increasing their malady. But since you promised to send me kisses in that wind, and I find you as good as your word, it is to me the gayest wind that blows, and gives me the best spirits. I write this during a northeast storm of snow, the greatest we have had this winter. Your favours come mixed with the snowy fleeces, which are pure as your virgin innocence, white as your lovely bosom, and--as cold. But let it warm towards some worthy young man, and may Heaven bless you both with every kind of happiness. I desired Miss Anna Ward[48] to send you over a little book I left with her, for your amusement in that lonely island. My respects to your good father, and mother, and sister. Let me often hear of your welfare, since it is not likely I shall ever again have the pleasure of seeing you. Accept mine, and my wife's sincere thanks for the many civilities I receive from you and your relations; and do me the justice to believe me, dear girl, your affectionate, faithful friend, and humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. P.S. My respectful compliments to your good brother Ward, and sister; and to the agreeable family of the Wards at Newport, when you see them. Adieu. TO PETER COLLINSON Philadelphia, Aug. 25, 1755. DEAR SIR,-- As you have my former papers on Whirlwinds, &c., I now send you an account of one which I had lately an opportunity of seeing and examining myself. Being in _Maryland_, riding with Colonel _Tasker_, and some other gentlemen to his country-seat, where I and my son were entertained by that amiable and worthy man with great hospitality and kindness, we saw in the vale below us, a small whirlwind beginning in the road, and shewing itself by the dust it raised and contained. It appeared in the form of a sugar-loaf, spinning on its point, moving up the hill towards us, and enlarging as it came forward. When it passed by us, its smaller part near the ground, appeared no bigger than a common barrel, but widening upwards, it seemed, at 40 or 50 feet high, to be 20 or 30 feet in diameter. The rest of the company stood looking after it, but my curiosity being stronger, I followed it, riding close by its side, and observed its licking up, in its progress, all the dust that was under its smaller part. As it is a common opinion that a shot, fired through a water-spout, will break it, I tried to break this little whirlwind, by striking my whip frequently through it, but without any effect. Soon after, it quitted the road and took into the woods, growing every moment larger and stronger, raising, instead of dust, the old dry leaves with which the ground was thick covered, and making a great noise with them and the branches of the trees, bending some tall trees round in a circle swiftly and very surprizingly, though the progressive motion of the whirl was not so swift but that a man on foot might have kept pace with it; but the circular motion was amazingly rapid. By the leaves it was now filled with, I could plainly perceive that the current of air they were driven by, moved upwards in a spiral line; and when I saw the trunks and bodies of large trees invelop'd in the passing whirl, which continued intire after it had left them I no longer wondered that my whip had no effect on it in its smaller state. I accompanied it about three quarters of a mile, till some limbs of dead trees, broken off by the whirl, flying about and falling near me, made me more apprehensive of danger; and then I stopped, looking at the top of it as it went on, which was visible, by means of the leaves contained in it, for a very great height above the trees. Many of the leaves, as they got loose from the upper and widest part, were scattered in the wind; but so great was their height in the air, that they appeared no bigger than flies. My son, who was by this time come up with me, followed the whirlwind till it left the woods, and crossed an old tobacco-field, where, finding neither dust nor leaves to take up, it gradually became invisible below as it went away over that field. The course of the general wind then blowing was along with us as we travelled, and the progressive motion of the whirlwind was in a direction nearly opposite, though it did not keep a strait line, nor was its progressive motion uniform, it making little sallies on either hand as it went, proceeding sometimes faster and sometimes slower, and seeming sometimes for a few seconds almost stationary, then starting forward pretty fast again. When we rejoined the company, they were admiring the vast height of the leaves now brought by the common wind, over our heads. These leaves accompanied us as we travelled, some falling now and then round about us, and some not reaching the ground till we had gone near three miles from the place where we first saw the whirlwind begin. Upon my asking Colonel _Tasker_ if such whirlwinds were common in _Maryland_, he answered pleasantly, "No, not at all common; but we got this on purpose to treat Mr. Franklin." And a very high treat it was, to Dear Sir, Your affectionate friend and humble servant, B. F[RANKLIN]. TO MISS CATHERINE RAY Philadelphia, Sept. 11, 1755. Begone, business, for an hour, at least, and let me chat a little with my Katy. I have now before me, my dear girl, three of your favours, viz. of March the 3d, March the 30th, and May the 1st. The first I received just before I set out on a long journey, and the others while I was on that journey, which held me near six weeks. Since my return, I have been in such a perpetual hurry of public affairs of various kinds, as renders it impracticable for me to keep up my private correspondences, even those that afforded me the greatest pleasure. You ask in your last, how I do, and what I am doing, and whet