The Project Gutenberg eBook of A Narrative of the Mutiny, on Board the Ship Globe, etc., by William Lay & Cyrus Hussey.

Be it remembered, that on the twenty-fourth day of October, A. D. 1827, in the fifty-second year of the independence of the United States of America, WILLIAM LAY and CYRUS M. HUSSEY, of the said District, have deposited in this Office, the title of a Book, the Right whereof they claim as Proprietors, in the words following, to wit:

“A Narrative of the mutiny on board the Ship Globe, of Nantucket, in the Pacific Ocean, Jan. 1824, and a Journal of a residence of two years on the Mulgrave Islands, with observations on the manners and customs of the inhabitants. By William Lay, of Saybrook, Conn. and Cyrus M. Hussey, of Nantucket, the only Survivors from the Massacre of the Ship’s Company, by the Natives.”

In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States entitled “an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the Copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such Copies during the times therein mentioned:” and also to an act entitled “an act supplementary to an act, entitled an act, for the encouragement of learning, by securing the Copies of Maps, Charts, and Books to the Authors and Proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned; and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of Designing, Engraving, and Etching Historical and other Prints.”

TO JOHN PERCIVAL, Esq.
OF THE U. S. NAVY,

Who, under the auspices of Government, visited the Mulgrave Islands, to release the survivors of the Ship Globe’s crew, and extended to them every attention their unhappy situation required—the following Narrative is most respectfully dedicated, by

WILLIAM LAY, &
CYRUS M. HUSSEY,
The Authors.

INTRODUCTION.

Formerly whales were principally taken in the North Seas: the largest were generally found about Spitzbergen, or Greenland, some of them measuring ninety feet in length. At the commencement of the hazardous enterprize of killing whales, before they had been disturbed by man, they were so numerous in the bays and harbours, that when taken the blubber was for the most part boiled into oil upon the contiguous coast.

The pure oil and whale bone were only preserved in those days; consequently a ship could carry home the product of a greater number of whales than a ship of the same size now can.—Indeed, so plentiful were the whales in those seas, and taken with such facility, that the ships employed, were not sufficient to carry home the oil and bone, and other ships were often sent to bring [vi] home the surplus quantity. But the coasts of these countries, were soon visited by ships from Denmark, Hamburgh, and Holland, as well as from England; and from frequently being killed in the shoal water near the coasts, the whales gradually receded from the shores, and have since been found only in deeper water, and at a much greater distance from the land.

In the earlier stages of the whale fishery, of which we are now treating, the ships were generally on the whaling waters, early in May, and whether successful or not, they were obliged to commence their return by the succeeding August, to avoid the early accumulation of ice in those seas. But it not unfrequently happened, that ships procured and returned with a cargo in the months of June and July, making a voyage only about three months, whereas, a voyage to the Pacific Ocean is now often protracted to three years!

Among the early whalers it was customary to have six boats to a ship, and six men to a boat, besides the harpooner. What at that time was considered an improved method in killing whales, consisted in discharging the harpoon, [vii] from a kind of swivel; but it was soon found to be attended with too much inconvenience to be much practised, and the muscular arms and steady nerves of the harpooner, have ever since performed the daring duty, of first striking the whale. The ropes attached to the harpoon, used to be about 200 fathoms in length, and some instances occurred, that all the lines belonging to six boats, were fastened together and ran out by one whale, the animal descending in nearly a perpendicular line from the surface. Instead of going prepared to bring home a ship load of oil, it was customary to bring only the blubber, and instead of trying the oil out and putting it into casks on board, the fat of the whale was cut up into suitable pieces, pressed hard in tubs carried out for the purpose, and in this situation was the return cargo received at home.

Of so great consequence was the whale fishery considered to Great Britain, that a bounty of 40s. for every ton, when the ship was 200 tons, or upwards, was given to the crews of ships engaged in that business in the Greenland seas, under certain conditions. But this bounty was found to draw too largely upon the [viii] treasury; and while the subject was under discussion in the British Parliament, in 1786, it was stated that the sums which that country had paid in bounties to the Greenland fishers, amounted to 1,265,461 pounds sterling. Six thousand seamen were employed in that fishery, and each cost the government £13 10s. per annum. The great encouragement given to that branch of commerce, caused so large a number to engage in it, that the oil market became glutted, and it was found necessary to export considerable quantities.

In 1786, the number of British ships engaged in the whale fishery to Davis’s Strait and the Greenland seas, was 139, besides 15 from Scotland. In 1787, notwithstanding the bounty had been diminished, the number of English ships was 217, and the following year 222.

The charter right of the Island of Nantucket, was bought by Thomas Mayhew, of Watertown, of Joseph Ferrick, steward to Lord Sterling, in 1641; and afterwards sold to Tristram Coffin, and his associates, who settled upon it in 1659. On the 10th of May, 1660, Sachems, Wonnook, and Nickannoose, for and in behalf of the nations of the [ix] Island, in consideration of the sum of 26l. sterling, conveyed by deed, about half of the Island, to the first ten purchasers, who afterwards took in other associates.

Whaling from Nantucket, was first carried on from the shore in boats. In 1672, James Loper entered into a contract with the inhabitants of the Island, for the purpose of prosecuting the whale fishery, by which it appears that James Loper agreed to be one third in the enterprize, and sundry other people of the Island, the other two thirds, in every thing connected with the undertaking. It was further stipulated, that for every whale killed by any one of the contracting party, the town should receive five shillings, and for the encouragement of James Loper, the town granted him ten acres of land in some convenient situation, and liberty for the commonage of three cows, twenty sheep and one horse, with necessary wood and water for his use, on condition that he should follow the trade of whaling for two years, build upon his land, &c. &c.

Thus it will be seen that the commencement of whaling at Nantucket, was on a very small scale, and practised [x] only along the shores of the Island;—whereas, at this time, our ships leave no seas unexplored in pursuit of these monsters of the deep. We might pursue the subject through the various stages of improvement up to this time, but it would swell this introduction beyond the limits designed. It is proper, however, to observe that the present number of ships employed in the whale fishery from Nantucket, is about 70, averaging about 350 tons each, and manned by about 1500 seamen.

NARRATIVE, &c.

CHAPTER I.

The Ship Globe, on board of which vessel occurred the horrid transactions we are about to relate, belonged to the Island of Nantucket; she was owned by Messrs. C. Mitchell, & Co. and other merchants of that place; and commanded on this voyage by Thomas Worth, of Edgartown, Martha’s Vineyard. William Beetle, (mate,) John Lumbert, (2d mate,) Nathaniel Fisher, (3d mate,) Gilbert Smith, (boat steerer,) Samuel B. Comstock, do. Stephen Kidder, seaman, Peter C. Kidder, do. Columbus Worth, do. Rowland Jones, do. John Cleveland, do. Constant Lewis, do. Holden Henman, do. Jeremiah Ingham, do. Joseph Ignasius Prass, do. [12] Cyrus M. Hussey, cooper, Rowland Coffin, do. George Comstock, seaman, and William Lay, do.

On the 15th day of December, we sailed from Edgarton, on a whaling voyage, to the Pacific Ocean, but in working out, having carried away the cross-jack-yard, we returned to port, and after having refitted and sent aloft another, we sailed again on the 19th, and on the same day anchored in Holmes’ Hole. On the following day a favourable opportunity offering to proceed to sea, we got under way, and after having cleared the land, discharged the pilot, made sail, and performed the necessary duties of stowing the anchors, unbending and coiling away the cables, &c.—On the 1st of January 1823, we experienced a heavy gale from N. W. which was but the first in the catalogue of difficulties we were fated to encounter.—As this was our first trial of a seaman’s life, the scene presented to our view, “mid the howling storm,” was one of terrific grandeur, as well as of real [13] danger. But as the ship scudded well, and the wind was fair, she was kept before it, under a close reefed main-top-sail and fore-sail, although during the gale, which lasted forty-eight hours, the sea frequently threatened to board us, which was prevented by the skillful management of the helm. On the 9th of January we made the Cape Verd Islands, bearing S. W. twenty-five miles distant, and on the 17th, crossed the Equator. On the 29th of the same month we saw sperm whales, lowered our boats, and succeeded in taking one; the blubber of which, when boiled out, yielded us seventy-five barrels of oil. Pursuing our voyage, on the twenty-third of February we passed the Falkland Islands, and about the 5th of March, doubled the great promontory of South America, Cape Horn, and stood to the Northward.

We saw whales once only before we reached the Sandwich Islands, which we made on the first of May early in the morning. When drawing in with the [14] Island of Hawaii about four in the afternoon, the man at the mast head gave notice that he saw a shoal of black fish on the lee bow; which we soon found to be canoes on their way to meet us. It falling calm at this time prevented their getting along side until night fall, which they did, at a distance of more than three leagues from the land. We received from them a very welcome supply of potatoes, sugar cane, yams, cocoanuts, bananas, fish, &c. for which we gave them in return, pieces of iron hoop, nails, and similar articles. We stood off and on during the next day, and after obtaining a sufficient supply of vegetables and fruit, we shaped our course for Oahu, at which place we arrived on the following day, and after lying there twenty hours, sailed for the coast of Japan, in company with the whaling ships Palladium of Boston, and Pocahontas of Falmouth; from which ships we parted company when two days out.—After cruising in the Japan seas several months, and obtaining five [15] hundred and fifty barrels of oil, we again shaped our course for the Sandwich Islands, to obtain a supply of vegetables, &c.

While lying at Oahu, six of the men deserted in the night; two of them having been re-taken were put in irons, but one of them having found means to divest himself of his irons, set the other at liberty, and both escaped.

To supply their places, we shipped the following persons, viz: Silas Payne, John Oliver, Anthony Hanson, a native of Oahu, Wm. Humphries, a black man, and steward, and Thomas Lilliston.—Having accommodated ourselves with as many vegetables and much fruit as could be preserved, we again put to sea, fondly anticipating a successful cruise, and a speedy and happy meeting with our friends. After leaving Oahu we ran to the south of the Equator, and after cruising a short time for whales without much success, we steered for Fannings Island, which lies in lat. 3, 49 N. and long. 158, 29 W. While cruising [16] off this Island an event occurred which, whether we consider the want of motives, or the cold blooded and obstinate cruelty with which it was perpetrated, has not often been equalled.—We speak of the want of motives, because, although some occurrences which we shall mention, had given the crew some ground for dissatisfaction, there had been no abuse or severity which could in the least degree excuse or palliate so barbarous a mode of redress and revenge. During our cruise to Japan the season before, many complaints were uttered by the crew among themselves, with respect to the manner and quantity in which they received their meat, the quantity sometimes being more than sufficient for the number of men, and at others not enough to supply the ship’s company; and it is fair to presume, that the most dissatisfied, deserted the ship at Oahu.

But the reader will no doubt consider it superfluous for us to attempt an unrequired vindication of the conduct [17] of the officers of the Globe whose aim was to maintain a correct discipline, which should result in the furtherance of the voyage and be a benefit to all concerned, more especially when he is informed, that part of the men shipped at Oahu, in the room of the deserters, were abandoned wretches, who frequently were the cause of severe reprimands from the officers, and in one instance one of them received a severe flogging. The reader will also please to bear in mind, that Samuel B. Comstock, the ringleader of the mutiny, was an officer, (being a boat-steerer,) and as is customary, ate in the cabin. The conduct and deportment of the Captain towards this individual, was always decorous and gentlemanly, a proof of intentions long premeditated to destroy the ship. Some of the crew were determined to leave the ship provided she touched at Fannings Island, and we believe had concerted a plan of escape, but of which the perpetration of a deed chilling to humanity, precluded the [18] necessity. We were at this time in company with the ship Lyra, of New-Bedford, the Captain of which, had been on board the Globe during the most of the day, but had returned in the evening to his own ship. An agreement had been made by him with the Captain of the Globe, to set a light at midnight as a signal for tacking. It may not be amiss to acquaint the reader of the manner in which whalemen keep watch during the night. They generally carry three boats, though some carry four, five, and sometimes six, the Globe, however, being of the class carrying three. The Captain, mate, and second mate stand no watch except there is blubber to be boiled; the boat-steerers taking charge of the watch and managing the ship with their respective boats crews, and in this instance dividing the night into three parts, each taking a third. It so happened that Smith after keeping the first watch, was relieved by Comstock, (whom we shall call by his sir name in contradistinction to his brother George) [19] and the waist boat’s crew, and the former watch retired below to their births and hammocks. George Comstock took the helm, and during his trick, received orders from his brother to “keep the ship a good full,” swearing that the ship was too nigh the wind. When his time at the helm had expired he took the rattle, (an instrument used by whalemen, to announce the expiration of the hour, the watch, &c.) and began to shake it, when Comstock came to him, and in the most peremptory manner, ordered him to desist, saying “if you make the least damn bit of noise I’ll send you to hell!” He then lighted a lamp and went into the steerage. George becoming alarmed at this conduct of his unnatural brother, again took the rattle for the purpose of alarming some one; Comstock arrived in time to prevent him, and with threatenings dark and diabolical, so congealed the blood of his trembling brother, that even had he possessed the power of alarming the unconscious and fated victims below, his [20] life would have been the forfeit of his temerity!

Comstock, now laid something heavy upon a small work bench near the cabin gangway, which was afterwards found to be a boarding knife. It is an instrument used by whalers to cut the blubber when hoisting it in, is about four feet in length, two or three inches wide, and necessarily kept very sharp, and for greater convenience when in use, is two edged.

In giving a detail of this chilling transaction, we shall be guided by the description given of it by the younger Comstock, who, as has been observed, was upon deck at the time, and afterwards learned several particulars from his brother, to whom alone they could have been known. Comstock went down into the cabin, accompanied by Silas Payne or Paine, of Sag-Harbour, John Oliver, of Shields, Eng., William Humphries, (the steward) of Philadelphia, and Thomas Lilliston; the latter, however, went no farther than the cabin [21] gangway, and then ran forward and turned in. According to his own story he did not think they would attempt to put their designs in execution, until he saw them actually descending into the cabin, having gone so far, to use his own expression, to show himself as brave as any of them. But we believe he had not the smallest idea of assisting the villains. Comstock entered the cabin so silently as not to be perceived by the man at the helm, who was first apprised of his having begun the work of death, by the sound of a heavy blow with an axe, which he distinctly heard.

The Captain was asleep in a hammock, suspended in the cabin, his state room being uncomfortably warm; Comstock approaching him with the axe, struck him a blow upon the head, which was nearly severed in two by the first stroke! After repeating the blow, he ran to Payne, who it seems was stationed with the before mentioned boarding knife, to attack the mate, as soon as the Captain was killed. At this instant, [22] Payne making a thrust at the mate, he awoke, and terrified, exclaimed, “what! what! what!” “Is this——Oh! Payne! Oh! Comstock!” “Don’t kill me, don’t;” “have I not always——” Here Comstock interrupted him, saying, “Yes! you have always been a d—d rascal; you tell lies of me out of the ship will you? It’s a d—d good time to beg now, but you’re too late,” here the mate sprang, and grasped him by the throat. In the scuffle, the light which Comstock held in his hand was knocked out, and the axe fell from his hand; but the grasp of Mr. Beetle upon his throat, did not prevent him from making Payne understand that his weapon was lost, who felt about until he found it, and having given it to Comstock, he managed to strike him a blow upon the head, which fractured his skull; when he fell into the pantry where he lay groaning until despatched by Comstock! The steward held a light at this time, while Oliver put in a blow as often as possible!

The second and third mates, fastened [23] in their state rooms, lay in their births listening, fearing to speak, and being ignorant of the numerical strength of the mutineers, and unarmed, thought it best to wait the dreadful issue, hoping that their lives might yet be spared.

Comstock leaving a watch at the second mate’s door, went upon deck to light another lamp at the binnacle, it having been again accidentally extinguished. He was there asked by his terrified brother, whose agony of mind we will not attempt to portray, if he intended to hurt Smith, the other boat-steerer. He replied that he did; and inquired where he was. George fearing that Smith would be immediately pursued, said he had not seen him.—Comstock then perceiving his brother to be shedding tears, asked sternly, “What are you crying about?” “I am afraid,” replied George, “that they will hurt me!” “I will hurt you,” said he, “if you talk in that manner!”

But the work of death was not yet finished. Comstock, took his light into [24] the cabin, and made preparations for attacking the second and third mates, Mr. Fisher, and Mr. Lumbert. After loading two muskets, he fired one through the door, in the direction as near as he could judge of the officers, and then inquired if either was shot! Fisher replied, “yes, I am shot in the mouth!” Previous to his shooting Fisher, Lumbert asked if he was going to kill him? To which he answered with apparent unconcern, “Oh no, I guess not.”

They now opened the door, and Comstock making a pass at Mr. Lumbert, missed him, and fell into the state room. Mr. Lumbert collared him, but he escaped from his hands. Mr. Fisher had got the gun, and actually presented the bayonet to the monster’s heart! But Comstock assuring him that his life should be spared if he gave it up, he did so; when Comstock immediately ran Mr. Lumbert through the body several times!!

He then turned to Mr. Fisher, and told him there was no hope for him!!—“You [25] have got to die,” said he, “remember the scrape you got me into, when in company with the Enterprise of Nantucket.” The “scrape” alluded to, was as follows. Comstock came up to Mr. Fisher to wrestle with him.—Fisher being the most athletick of the two, handled him with so much ease, that Comstock in a fit of passion struck him. At this Fisher seized him, and laid him upon deck several times in a pretty rough manner.

Comstock then made some violent threats, which Fisher paid no attention to, but which now fell upon his soul with all the horrors of reality. Finding his cruel enemy deaf to his remonstrances, and entreaties, he said, “If there is no hope, I will at least die like a man!” and having by order of Comstock, turned back too, said in a firm voice, “I am ready!!”

Comstock then put the muzzle of the gun to his head, and fired, which instantly put an end to his existence!—Mr. Lumbert, during this time, was [26] begging for life, although no doubt mortally wounded. Comstock, turned to him and said, “I am a bloody man! I have a bloody hand and will be avenged!” and again run him through the body with a bayonet! He then begged for a little water; “I’ll give you water,” said he, and once more plunging the weapon in his body, left him for dead!

Thus it appears that this more than demon, murdered with his own hand, the whole! Gladly would we wash from “memory’s waste” all remembrance of that bloody night. The compassionate reader, however, whose heart sickens within him, at the perusal, as does ours at the recital, of this tale of woe, will not, we hope, disapprove our publishing these melancholy facts to the world. As, through the boundless mercy of Providence, we have been restored, to the bosom of our families and homes, we deemed it a duty we owe to the world, to record our “unvarnished tale.”

CHAPTER II.

Smith, the other boat-steerer, who had been marked as one of the victims, on hearing the noise in the cabin, went aft, apprehending an altercation between the Captain and some of the other officers, little dreaming that innocent blood was flowing in torrents. But what was his astonishment, when he beheld Comstock, brandishing the boarding knife, and heard him exclaim, “I am the bloody man, and will have revenge!” Horror struck, he hurried forward, and asked the crew in the forecastle, what he should do. Some urged him to secrete himself in the hold, others to go aloft until Comstock’s rage should be abated; but alas! the reflection that the ship afforded no secure hiding place, determined him to confront the ringleader, and if he could not save his life by fair means, to sell it dearly! He was soon [28] called for by Comstock, who upon meeting him, threw his bloody arms around his neck, and embracing him, said, “you are going to be with us, are you not?” The reader will discover the good policy of Smith when he unhesitatingly answered, “Oh, yes, I will do any thing you require.”

All hands were now called to make sail, and a light at the same time was set as a signal for the Lyra to tack;—while the Globe was kept upon the same tack, which very soon caused a separation of the two ships. All the reefs were turned out, top-gallant-sails set, and all sail made on the ship, the wind being quite light.

The mutineers then threw the body of the Captain overboard, after wantonly piercing his bowels with a boarding knife, which was driven with an axe, until the point protruded from his throat!! In Mr. Beetle, the mate, the lamp of life had not entirely gone out, but he was committed to the deep.

Orders were next given to have the [29] bodies of Mr. Fisher, and Mr. Lumbert brought up. A rope was fastened to Fisher’s neck, by which he was hauled upon deck. A rope was made fast to Mr. Lumbert’s feet, and in this way was he got upon deck, but when in the act of being thrown from the ship, he caught the plank-shear; and appealed to Comstock, reminding him of his promise to save him, but in vain; for the monster forced him from his hold, and he fell into the sea! As he appeared to be yet capable of swimming, a boat was ordered to be lowered, to pursue and finish him, fearing he might be picked up by the Lyra; which order was as soon countermanded as given, fearing, no doubt, a desertion of his murderous companions.

We will now present the reader, with a journal of our passage to the Mulgrave Islands, for which groupe we shaped our course.

1824, Jan. 26th. At 2 A. M. from being nearly calm a light breeze sprung up, which increased to a fresh breeze [30] by 4 A. M. This day cleaned out the cabin, which was a scene of blood and destruction of which the recollection at this day chills the blood in our veins.—Every thing bearing marks of the murder, was brought on deck and washed.

Jan. 27th. These twenty-four hours commenced with moderate breezes from the eastward. Middle and latter part calm. Employed in cleaning the small arms which were fifteen in number, and making cartridge boxes.

Jan. 28. This day experienced fine weather, and light breezes from N. by W. The black steward was hung for the following crime.

George Comstock who was appointed steward after the mutiny, and business calling him into the cabin, he saw the former steward, now called the purser, engaged in loading a pistol. He asked him what he was doing that for. His reply was, “I have heard something very strange, and I’m going to be ready [31] for it.” This information was immediately carried to Comstock, who called to Payne, now mate, and bid him follow him.

On entering the cabin they saw Humphreys, still standing with the pistol in his hand. On being demanded what he was going to do with it, he said he had heard something which made him afraid of his life!

Comstock told him if he had heard any thing, that he ought to have come to him, and let him know, before he began loading pistols. He then demanded to know, what he had heard. Humphreys answered at first in a very suspicious and ambiguous manner, but at length said, that Gilbert Smith, the boat-steerer who was saved, and Peter Kidder, were going to re-take the ship. This appeared highly improbable, but they were summoned to attend a council at which Comstock presided, and asked if they had entertained any such intentions. They positively denied ever having had conversation upon the [32] subject. All this took place in the evening. The next morning the parties were summoned, and a jury of two men called. Humphreys under a guard of six men, armed with muskets, was arraigned, and Smith and Kidder, seated upon a chest near him. The prisoner was asked a few questions touching his intentions, which he answered but low and indistinctly. The trial, if it may be so called, had progressed thus far, when Comstock made a speech in the following words. “It appears that William Humphreys has been accused guilty, of a treacherous and base act, in loading a pistol for the purpose of shooting Mr. Payne and myself. Having been tried the jury will now give in their verdict, whether Guilty or Not Guilty. If guilty he shall be hanged to a studding-sail boom, rigged out eight feet upon the fore-yard, but if found not guilty, Smith and Kidder, shall be hung upon the aforementioned gallows!” But the doom of Humphreys had been sealed the night before, and kept secret except from [33] the jury, who returned a verdict of Guilty.—Preparations were immediately made for his execution! His watch was taken from him, and he was then taken forward and seated upon the rail, with a cap drawn over his face, and the rope placed round his neck.

Every man was ordered to take hold of the execution rope, to be ready to run him up when Comstock should give the signal, by ringing the ship’s bell!

He was now asked if he had any thing to say, as he had but fourteen seconds to live! He began by saying, “little did I think I was born to come to this———;” the bell struck! and he was immediately swung to the yard-arm! He died without a struggle; and after he had hung a few minutes, the rope was cut, to let him fall overboard, but getting entangled aloft, the body was towed some distance along side, when a runner hook,[A] was attached to it, to sink it, when the rope was again cut and the body disappeared. His chest was [34] now overhauled, and sixteen dollars in specie found, which he had taken from the Captain’s trunk. Thus ended the life of one of the mutineers, while the blood of innocent victims was scarcely washed from his hands, much less the guilty stain from his soul.

Feb. 7th. These twenty-four hours commenced with thick squally weather. Middle part clear and fine weather.—Hove to at 2 A. M., and at 6 made sail, and steered W. by S. At ½ past 8 made an Island ahead, one of the Kingsmill groupe. Stood in with the land and received a number of canoes along side, the natives in them however having nothing to sell us but a few beads of their own manufacture. We saw some cocoanut, and other trees upon the shore, and discovered many of the natives upon the beach, and some dogs. The principal food of these Islanders is, a kind of bread fruit, which they pound very fine and mix it with fish.

Feb. 8. Commences squally with fresh breezes from the northward.—Took [35] a departure from Kingsmill Island; one of the groupe of that name, in Lat. 1° 27' N. and Long. 175° 14' E. In the morning passed through the channel between Marshall’s and Gilbert’s Islands; luffed to and despatched a boat to Marshall’s Island, but did not land, as the natives appeared hostile, and those who swam off to the boat, endeavoured to steal from her. When about to leave, a volley of musketry was discharged at them, which probably killed or wounded some of them. The boat then gave chase to a canoe, paddled by two of the natives, which were fired upon when within gunshot, when they immediately ceased paddling; and on the boat approaching them, discovered that one of the natives was wounded. In the most supplicating manner they held up a jacket, manufactured from a kind of flag, and some beads, being all they possessed, giving their inhuman pursuers to understand, that all should be theirs if they would spare their lives! The wounded native laid [36] down in the bottom of the boat, and from his convulsed frame and trembling lip, no doubt remained but that the wound was mortal. The boat then returned on board and we made sail for the Mulgrave Islands. Here was another sacrifice; an innocent child of nature shot down, merely to gratify the most wanton and unprovoked cruelty, which could possibly possess the heart of man. The unpolished savage, a stranger to the more tender sympathies of the human heart, which are cultivated and enjoyed by civilized nations, nurtures in his bosom a flame of revenge, which only the blood of those who have injured him, can damp; and when years have rolled away, this act of cruelty will be remembered by these Islanders, and made the pretext to slaughter every white man who may fall into their hands.

Feb. 11th. Commenced with strong breezes from the Northward. At ½ past meridian made the land bearing E. N. E. four leagues distant. Stood in and received a number of canoes [37] along side. Sent a boat on shore; and brought off a number of women, a large quantity of cocoanuts, and some fish.—Stood off shore most of the night, and

Feb. 12th, in the morning stood in shore again and landed the women.—We then stood along shore looking out for an anchorage, and reconnoitering the country, in the hope of finding some spot suitable for cultivation; but in this we were disappointed, or more properly speaking, they, the mutineers; for we had no will of our own, while our bosoms were torn with the most conflicting passions, in which Hope and Despair alternately gained the ascendency.

Feb. 13th. After having stood off all night, we in the morning stood in, and after coasting the shores of several small Islands, we came to one, low and narrow, where it was determined the Ship should be anchored. When nearly ready to let go, a man was sent into the chains to sound, who pronounced twelve fathoms; but at the next cast, could [38] not get bottom. We continued to stand in, until we got regular sounding, and anchored within five rods of the shore, on a coral rock bottom, in seven fathoms water. The ship was then moored with a kedge astern, sails furled, and all hands retired to rest, except an anchor watch.

Feb. 14th, was spent in looking for a landing place. In the morning a boat was sent to the Eastward, but returned with the information that no good landing place could be found, the shore being very rocky. At 2 P. M. she was sent in an opposite direction, but returned at night without having met with better success; when it was determined to land at the place where we lay; notwithstanding it was very rocky.—Nothing of consequence was done, until

Sunday, 15th Feb. 1824, when all hands were set to work to construct a raft out of the spare spars, upon which to convey the provisions, &c. on shore.

The laws by which we were now [39] governed had been made by Comstock, soon after the mutiny, and read as follows:

“That if any one saw a sail and did not report it immediately, he should be put to death! If any one refused to fight a ship he should be put to death; and the manner of their death, this—They shall be bound hand and foot and boiled in the try pots, of boiling oil!” Every man was made to seal and sign this instrument, the seals of the mutineers being black, and the remainder, blue and white. The raft or stage being completed, it was anchored, so that one end rested upon the rocks, the other being kept sea-ward by the anchor. During the first day many articles were brought from the ship in boats, to the raft, and from thence conveyed on shore. Another raft, however, was made, by laying spars upon two boats, and boards again upon them, which at high water would float well up on the shore. The following, as near as can be recollected, were the articles landed from the ship; (and the intention was, [40] when all should have been got on shore, to haul the ship on shore, or as near it as possible and burn her.) One mainsail, one foresail, one mizen-topsail, one spanker, one driver, one maintop gallantsail, two lower studdingsails, two royals, two topmast-studdingsails, two top-gallant-studdingsails, one mizen-staysail, two mizen-top-gallantsails, one fly-gib, (thrown overboard, being a little torn,) three boat’s sails (new,) three or four casks of bread, eight or ten barrels of flour, forty barrels of beef and pork, three or more 60 gal. casks of molasses, one and a half barrels of sugar, one barrel dried apples, one cask vinegar, two casks of rum, one or two barrels domestic coffee, one keg W. I. coffee, one and a half chests of tea, one barrel of pickles, one do. cranberries, one box chocolate, one cask of tow-lines, three or more coils of cordage, one coil rattling, one do. lance warp, ten or fifteen balls spunyarn, one do. worming, one stream cable, one larboard bower anchor, all the spare spars, [41] every chest of clothing, most of the ship’s tools, &c. &c. The ship by this time was considerably unrigged.

On the following day, Monday 16th February, Payne the second in the mutiny, who was on board the ship attending to the discharge of articles from her, sent word to Comstock, who with Gilbert Smith and a number of the crew were on shore, attending to the landing of the raft; “That if he did not act differently with regard to the plunder, such as making presents to the natives of the officers’ fine clothing, &c. he would do no more, but quit the ship and come on shore.” Comstock had been very liberal to the natives in this way, and his object was, no doubt, to attach them as much as possible to his person, as it must have been suggested to his guilty mind, that however he himself might have become a misanthrope, yet there were those around him, whose souls shuddered at the idea of being forever exiled from their country and friends, whose hands were yet unstained [42] by blood, but who might yet imbrue them, for the purpose of escape from lonely exile, and cruel tyranny.

When the foregoing message was received from Payne, Comstock commanded his presence immediately on shore, and interrogated him, as to what he meant by sending such a message. After considerable altercation, which took place in the tent, Comstock was heard to say, “I helped to take the ship, and have navigated her to this place.—I have also done all I could to get the sails and rigging on shore, and now you may do what you please with her; but if any man wants any thing of me, I’ll take a musket with him!”

“That is what I want,” replied Payne, “and am ready!” This was a check upon the murderer, who had now the offer of becoming a duellist; and he only answered by saying, “I will go on board once more, and then you may do as you please.”

He then went on board, and after destroying the paper upon which were [43] recorded the “Laws,” returned, went into the tent with Payne, and putting a sword into a scabbard, exclaimed, “this shall stand by me as long as I live.”

We ought not to omit to mention that during the time he was on board the ship, he challenged the persons there, to fight him, and as he was leaving, exclaimed “I am going to leave you; Look out for yourselves!”

After obtaining from Payne permission to carry with him a cutlass, a knife, and some hooks and lines, he took his departure, and as was afterwards ascertained, immediately joined a gang of natives, and endeavoured to excite them to slay Payne and his companions! At dusk of this day he passed the tent, accompanied by about 50 of the natives, in a direction of their village, upwards of a league distant. Payne came on board, and after expressing apprehensions that Comstock would persuade the natives to kill us all, picked out a number of the crew to go on shore for the night, and stationed sentinels [44] around the tent, with orders to shoot any one, who should attempt to approach without giving the countersign. The night, however, passed, without any one’s appearing; but early on the morning of the

17th Feb.; Comstock was discovered at some distance coming towards the tent. It had been before proposed to Smith by Payne, to shoot him; but poor Smith like ourselves, dare do no other than remain upon the side of neutrality.

Oliver, whom the reader will recollect as one of the wretches concerned in the mutiny, hurried on shore, and with Payne and others, made preparations to put him to death. After loading a number of muskets they stationed themselves in front of the tent, and waited his approach—a bushy spot of ground intervening, he did not make his appearance until within a short distance of the tent, which, as soon as he saw, drew his sword and walked quick towards it, in a menacing manner; but [45] as soon as he saw a number of the muskets levelled at him, he waved his hand, and cried out, “don’t shoot me, don’t shoot me! I will not hurt you!” At this moment they fired, and he fell!—Payne fearing he might pretend to be shot, ran to him with an axe, and nearly severed his head from his body! There were four muskets fired at him, but only two balls took effect, one entered his right breast, and passed out near the back bone, the other through his head.

Thus ended the life, of perhaps as cruel, blood-thirsty, and vindictive a being as ever bore the form of humanity.

All hands were now called to attend his burial, which was conducted in the same inconsistent manner which had marked the proceedings of the actors in this tragedy. While some were engaged in sewing the body in a piece of canvas, others were employed in digging a grave in the sand, adjacent to the place of his decease, which, by order of Payne, was made five feet deep. Every article attached to him, including [46] his cutlass, was buried with him, except his watch; and the ceremonies consisted in reading a chapter from the bible over him, and firing a musket!

Only twenty-two days had elapsed after the perpetration of the massacre on board the ship, when with all his sins upon his head, he was hurried into eternity!

No duty was done during the remainder of the day, except the selection by Payne, of six men, to go on board the ship and take charge of her, under the command of Smith; who had communicated his intentions to a number of running away with the ship. We think we cannot do better than to give an account of their escape in the words of Smith himself. It may be well to remark, that Payne had ordered the two binacle compasses to be brought on shore, they being the only ones remaining on board, except a hanging compass suspended in the cabin. Secreting one of the binacle compasses, he took the hanging compass on shore, [47] and the exchange was not discovered.

“At 7 P. M. we began to make preparations for our escape with the ship.—I went below to prepare some weapons for our defence should we be attacked by Payne, while the others, as silently as possible, were employed in clearing the running rigging, for every thing was in the utmost confusion. Having found one musket, three bayonets, and some whale lances, they were laid handy, to prevent the ship being boarded. A handsaw well greased was laid upon the windlass to saw off the cable, and the only remaining hatchet on board, was placed by the mizen mast, to cut the stern moorings when the ship should have sufficiently swung off. Taking one man with me, we went upon the fore-top-sail-yard, loosed the sail and turned out the reefs, while two others were loosing the main-top-sail and main sail. I will not insult the reader’s good sense, by assuring him, that this was a duty, upon the success of which seemed to hang our very existence. By this [48] time the moon was rising, which rendered it dangerous to delay, for those who had formed a resolution to swim on board, and accompany us. The bunts of the sails being yet confined aloft, by their respective gaskets, I sent a man on the fore-yard and another upon the fore-top-sail-yard, with orders to let fall, when I should give the word; one man being at the helm, and two others at the fore tack.

“It was now half past nine o’clock, when I took the handsaw, and in less than two minutes the cable was off!—The ship payed off very quick, and when her head was off the land, there being a breeze from that quarter, the hawser was cut and all the sail we could make upon the ship immediately set, a fine fair wind blowing. A raft of iron hoops, which was towing along side, was cut adrift, and we congratulated each other upon our fortunate escape; for even with a vast extent of ocean to traverse, hope excited in our bosoms a belief that we should again embrace our friends, [49] and our joy was heightened by the reflection, that we might be the means of rescuing the innocents left behind, and having the guilty punished.”

After a long and boisterous passage the ship arrived at Valparaiso, when she was taken possession of by the American Consul, Michael Hogan, Esq. and the persons on board were put in irons on board a French frigate, there being no American man-of-war in port. Their names were, Gilbert Smith, George Comstock, Stephen Kidder, Joseph Thomas, Peter C. Kidder, and Anthony Henson.

Subsequently they were all examined before the U. S. Consul; and with the following, an examination of Gilbert Smith, we shall commence another chapter.

CHAPTER III.

Gilbert Smith examined on oath, touching the mutiny and murder on board the whale ship Globe, of Nantucket, Massachusetts, in the Pacific Ocean.

Ans. Thomas Worth, Captain; William Beetle, first mate; John Lumbert, second mate; Nathaniel Fisher, third mate.

Q. Did you sail from thence in the ship Globe of Nantucket, 20th Dec. 1822, and in what capacity?

Q. Was there any thing like mutiny on board the ship during her passage [51] to the Sandwich Islands?

A. John Oliver, of Shields, England; Silas Payne, of Rhode Island; Thomas Lilliston, of Virginia; William Steward, of Philadelphia, (black;) Anthony Henson, of Barnstable; and a native of the Sandwich Islands.

A. On Sunday night the 26th of January, this year; in the morning of that day there was a great disturbance, in consequence of Joseph Thomas having insulted the Captain, for which he was whipped by the Captain, with the end of the main buntline. The part of [52] the crew not stationed stood in the hatchway during the punishment.

A. No: I lived aft; I heard nothing about it; Capt. Joy of the Lyra, was on board nearly all day.

A. The Captain, first and second mates, kept no watch during that night; the rest of the crew were stationed in three watches, in charge of the third mate and boat-steerers.

A. I had charge of the watch from 7 to 10 o’clock. At 8 the Captain came on deck, and had two reefs taken in the topsails, and at 9 went down, leaving me the orders for the night, to keep the ship by the wind, until two o’clock, and not to tack until the other watch came up; and on tacking, a light to be set for the Lyra who was in company, to tack also.

[53] At 10 o’clock I went below, being relieved by the boat-steerer Comstock, to whom I passed the orders given me by the Captain,——(Here follows a detailed account of the mutiny, with which the reader has already been made acquainted.)

Q. Do you believe that Joseph Thomas had any knowledge of Comstock’s intent to commit murder that night?

Q. Do you believe that any other person in the ship, besides those persons who committed the murder, knew of the intention?

A. Thomas Lilliston knew about it, because he went to the cabin door with an axe, and a boat knife in his hand, in company with the murderers, but he did not go below.

[54] Q. Name all the persons you left on the Island, where you cut the cable of the ship and escaped.

A. Silas Payne, John Oliver, (being the principal mutineers next to Samuel B. Comstock,) Thomas Lilliston, Rowland Coffin, William Lay, Cyrus M. Hussey, Columbus Worth, Rowland Jones, and the Sandwich Island native, called Joseph Brown. The last five I believe ignorant of any knowledge of the intent to murder.

Q. What became of Samuel B. Comstock, who was the head mutineer after he landed upon the Island?

A. He was shot on the morning of the 17th Feb. by Silas Payne, and John Oliver, his associates in all the mutiny and murderous course they had pursued, and buried five feet deep on the beach near their tent; a chapter was read from the bible by me, acting under the orders of Payne, and muskets were fired by his orders, by the men.

[55] A. For giving away to the natives clothes and other articles before they were divided.

A. Yes; very peaceable, gave away any thing they had; bread fruit, cocoanuts and other things.

Q. How did Joseph Thomas conduct himself during the passage from the Isle to this port?

A. In common, when help was called, he was the first man disobedient, and frequently said he would do as he pleased.

A. I only remember, having heard him twice. I told him when we arrived, I would inform the American Consul of it; to which he replied, he should own all he knew about it.

(Signed) GILBERT SMITH.
Sworn to, before me at Valparaiso,
this eighteenth day of June, 1824.

The examination of the others who came in the ship, was but a repetition of the foregoing. All, however, concurred in believing, that Joseph Thomas was privy to the intention to mutiny, and murder the officers.

The ship was then furnished with necessary sails and rigging, and placed in charge of a Captain King, who brought her to the Island of Nantucket, arriving on Sunday 21st November, 1824. Another examination was held before Josiah Hussey, Esq. and all testified, as before the American Consul at Valparaiso.

Thomas, who was put in irons as soon as the land was discovered, was arraigned before the above named justice, and after an elaborate hearing, the prisoner [57] was committed to jail, to take his trial at the following term of the U. S. District Court, and the witnesses recognised in the sum of three hundred dollars each.

Leaving Thomas, awaiting his trial, and the others in the enjoyment of the society of their families and friends, we will return to the Mulgrave Islands, the scene of no inconsiderable portion of our distresses and adventures.

On the 17th Feb. when night came, the watch was set consisting of two men, whose duty it was to guard against the thefts of the natives. At about 10 P. M. all hands were awakened by the cry; “The ship has gone, the ship has gone!” Every one hastened to the beach and verified the truth of the report for themselves. Some who were ignorant of the intention of Smith and others, to take the ship, were of opinion that the strong breeze then blowing, had caused her to drag her anchor, and that she would return in the morning.

The morning came, but nothing was to be seen upon the broad expanse of [58] ocean, save here and there a solitary seagull, perched upon the crested billow. Payne in a paroxism of rage, vented the most dreadful imprecations; swearing that could he get them once more in his power, he would put them to instant death. Not so with us; a ray of hope shot through our minds, that this circumstance might be the means of rescuing us from our lonely situation.—The writers of this narrative were upon the most intimate terms, and frequently, though carefully, sympathized with each other upon their forlorn situation. We dare not communicate our disaffection to the Government of the two surviving mutineers, (Payne and Oliver,) to the others, fearing they might not agree with us in opinion, and we had too good reason to believe, that there was one, who although unstained by blood, yet from his conduct, seemed to sanction the proceedings of the mutineers.

The natives assembled in great numbers around the tent, expressing great surprise at the ship’s having left,—Payne [59] gave them to understand that the wind had forced her to sea, and that from her want of sails, rigging, &c. she must be lost, and would never return.—The natives received the assurance with satisfaction, but it was evident, Payne apprehended her safe arrival at some port, and his own punishment; for we were immediately set to work, to tear one boat to pieces, for the purpose of raising upon another, which was to have a deck; Payne, alleging as a reason for this, that the natives might compel us to leave the Island. We leave the reader to judge, however, of his motives, while we proceed to give an account of what actually did transpire.

The natives in considerable numbers continued to attend us, and while the work was progressing, exhibited a great deal of curiosity. Their deportment towards us continued to be of the most friendly nature, continuing to barter with us, giving us bread fruit, cocoanuts, &c. for which they received in return, pieces of iron hoop, nails, and such [60] articles as we could conveniently spare.

The small Islands of this groupe are frequently only separated by what are sometimes denominated causeways, or in other words, connected by reefs of coral, extending from the extreme point of one Island and connecting it with another. These reefs are nearly dry at low water, and the communication is easily kept up between them by the natives on foot.

On the 19th, in the morning, having obtained permission, several of us left the tent, travelling to the Eastward.—After crossing upon the causeways to several adjacent islands, we discovered numerous tracks of the natives in the sand, and having followed them about seven miles, came to a village consisting of about twenty or thirty families; and were received by them with great hospitality. They presented us with bread fruit and the milk of cocoanuts, while the wonder and astonishment of those who had not as yet seen us, particularly the women and children, were expressed [61] by the most uncouth grimaces, attended with boisterous laughter, and capering around us. What more particularly excited their astonishment was the whiteness of our skins, and their mirth knew no bounds when they heard us converse.

Early on the morning of the 20th, we were ordered to go to work upon the boat; but at the request of a number, this duty was dispensed with, and we permitted to stroll about the Island. A number went to the village, carrying with them muskets, at the report of which and the effect produced by the balls, the natives were struck with wonder and astonishment. The reader will no doubt agree with us when we pronounce this to have been a bad policy, for they certainly disliked to have visitors possessed of such formidable and destructive weapons. They however continued to visit the tent without discovering any hostile intentions, and we continued to put the utmost confidence in them, or more properly speaking to live without any fear of them.

[62] I (William Lay,) left the tent on a visit to the village, where I was received with the same kindness as before.—An old man between 50 and 60 years of age, pressed me to go to his house and tarry during the night, which I did.—The natives continued in and around the tent until a late hour, gratifying their curiosity by a sight of me. I was provided with some mats to sleep upon, but the rats, with which the Island abounds, prevented my enjoying much sleep.

At 10 o’clock I took my leave of them, with the exception of a number, who accompanied me to the tent.

Silas Payne and John Oliver, together with two or three others, set out in one of the boats, for the purpose of exploring the Island, and making new discoveries, leaving the rest of us to guard the tent. They were absent but one night, when they returned, bringing with them two young women, whom Payne and Oliver took as their wives. The women apparently showing no dissatisfaction, but on the contrary appeared much [63] diverted. Payne now put such confidence in the natives, that he dispensed with having a watch kept during the night, and slept as secure as though he had been in his native country.

Payne, on awaking near morning, found the woman that he had brought to live with him was missing. After searching the tent, and finding nothing of her, concluded she had fled. He accordingly armed himself, together with John Oliver and Thomas Lilliston, (with muskets,) and set out for the nearest village, for the purpose of searching her out. They arrived at the village before it was light, and secreted themselves near an Indian hut, where they awaited the approach of day, in hopes of seeing her. Accordingly at the approach of day-light, they discovered the hut literally thronged with natives, and among the number, they discovered the woman they were in search of. At this moment one of them fired a blank cartridge over their heads, and then presented themselves to their view, which frightened [64] the natives in such a manner that they left the hut and fled. Payne then pursued after, firing over their heads till he caught the one he wanted, and then left the village for his own tent.—On arriving at the tent, he took her, gave her a severe flogging and then put her in irons, and carried on in this kind of style until he was by them killed, and called to render up his accounts to his offended Judge.

This severity on the part of Payne, irritated the natives, and was undoubtedly the cause of their committing depredations and theft, and finally murdering all our remaining crew, excepting myself and Hussey.

Early on the succeeding morning, it was discovered that the tool chest had been broken open, and a hatchet, chisel, and some other articles, purloined by the natives. Payne worked himself into a passion, and said he would be revenged. During the day he informed a number of the natives of what had been done, (who signified much regret [65] at the circumstance,) and vowing vengeance if the articles were not returned. During this day the natives frequented the tent more than they had ever done before; and at night one of them came running with one half of the chisel which had been stolen, it having been broken in two.

Payne told them it was but half of what he required, and put the Indian in irons, signifying to him, that in the morning he must go with him to the village, and produce the rest of the articles, and also point out the persons engaged in breaking open the chest. The poor native seemed much chagrined at his confinement; yet his companions who remained near the tent during the night, manifested no dissatisfaction, which we could observe.

In the morning, Payne selected four men, viz: Rowland Coffin, Rowland Jones, Cyrus M. Hussey, and Thomas Lilliston, giving them each a musket, some powder and fine shot; declining to give them balls, saying, the report of [66] the muskets would be sufficient to intimidate them. The prisoner was placed in charge of these men, who had orders to go to the village, and recover the hatchet and bring back the person whom the prisoner might point out as the thief.

They succeeded in getting the hatchet, but when about to return, the natives in a great body, attacked them with stones. Finding that they retreated, the natives pursued them, and having overtaken Rowland Jones, killed him upon the spot. The remainder, although bruised with the stones which these Islanders had thrown with great precision, arrived at the tent with the alarming intelligence of a difficulty;—while they followed in the rear armed for war!

No time was lost in arming ourselves, while the natives collected from all quarters, and at a short distance from the tent, seemed to hold a kind of council. After deliberating some time, they began to tear to pieces one of the boats.

[67] These were of vital importance to our guilty commander, and he ventured to go to them for the purpose of pacifying them. One of the Chiefs sat down upon the ground with him, and after they had set a few moments, Payne accompanied the Chief into the midst of the natives. After a conference with them which lasted nearly an hour, he returned to the tent, saying that he had pacified the natives upon the following conditions. They were to have every article belonging to us, even to the tent; and Payne had assured them of his willingness, and that of the others to live with, and be governed by them, and to adopt their mode of living! We have reason to doubt the sincerity of Payne in this respect, for what was to us a hope which we cherished with peculiar pleasure, must have been to him, a source of fearful anticipation—we mean the probable safe arrival of the ship, in the U. S. which should result in our deliverance. Our situation at this time was truly alarming; and may we not with [68] propriety say, distressing? Surrounded by a horde of savages, brandishing their war clubs and javelins, our more than savage commanders, (Payne and Oliver) in anxious suspense as to the result of their negociations with them; no refuge from either foe, and what contributed not a little to our unhappiness, was a consciousness of being innocent of having in the least manner wilfully aided the destroyers of the lives of our officers, and the authors of our now, truly unhappy situation.

The natives now began to help themselves to whatever articles suited them, and when some of them began to pull the tent down, an old man and his wife took hold of me, and after conducting me a few rods from the tent, sat down, keeping fast hold of my hands. Under the most fearful apprehensions I endeavoured to get from them, but they insisted upon detaining me. I endeavoured to console myself with the idea, that gratitude had prompted them to take care of me, as I had frequently [69] taken the part of this old woman, when she had been teased by others; but alas! the reflection followed, that if this was the case, there was a probability that not only my bosom friend, was about to be sacrificed, but I should be left alone to drag out a weary existence, with beings, strangers to the endearing ties which bind the hearts of civilized man.

Whether Payne and his associates offered any resistance to the course now pursued by the natives or not, I do not know. Suffice it to say, that all at once my ears were astounded with the most terrifying whoops and yells; when a massacre commenced but little exceeded by the one perpetrated on board the Globe. Our men fled in all directions, but met a foe at every turn. Lilliston and Joe Brown (the Sandwich Islander,) fell within six feet of me, and as soon as down, the natives macerated their heads with large stones. The first whom I saw killed, was Columbus Worth. An old woman, apparently sixty [70] years of age, ran him through with a spear, and finished him with stones!

My protectors, for now they were truly so, shut out the scene by laying down upon the top of me, to hide me from the view of the merciless foe! I was however discovered, and one of the natives attempted to get a blow at me with a handspike, which was prevented by them; when, after a few words, he hurried away.

As soon as the work of death had been completed, the old man took me by the hand and hurried me along towards the village. My feet were very much laccerated in passing over the causeways of sharp coral rock, but my conductor fearing we might be pursued, hurried me onward to the village, where we arrived about noon. In a few minutes the wigwam or hut of the old man, was surrounded, and all seeming to talk at once, and with great excitement, I anticipated death every moment. Believing myself the sole survivor, the reader must pardon any attempt to describe my [71] feelings, when I saw a number of the natives approaching the hut, and in the midst, Cyrus M. Hussey, conducted with great apparent kindness.

Notwithstanding we had both been preserved much after the same manner, we could not divest ourselves of the apprehension, that we perhaps had been preserved, for a short time, to suffer some lingering death.

Our interview was only long enough to satisfy each other that we alone survived the massacre, when we were separated; Hussey being taken away, and it seemed quite uncertain, even if our lives were spared, whether we ever saw each other again.

CHAPTER IV.

On the following day, however, accompanied by natives, we met at the scene of destruction, and truly it was an appalling one to us. The mangled corpses of our companions, rendered more ghastly from the numerous wounds they had received, the provisions, clothing, &c. scattered about the ground, the hideous yells of exultation uttered by the natives, all conspired to render our situation superlatively miserable.

We asked, and obtained leave from our masters, to bury the bodies which lay scattered about. We dug some graves in the sand, and after finishing this melancholy duty, were directed to launch the canoes, preparatory to our departure, (for we had come in canoes) when we begged permission, which was readily granted, to take some flour, bread and pork, and our respective [73] masters assisted us in getting a small quantity of these articles into the largest canoe. We also took a blanket each, some shoes, a number of books, including a bible, and soon arrived at the landing place near the village. As the natives seemed desirous of keeping us apart, we dare not make any inquiries for each other, but at my request, having boiled some pork in a large shell, Hussey was sent for, and we had a meal together; during which time, the natives assembled in great numbers, all anxious to get a sight, not only of our novel mode of cutting the meat and eating it, but of the manner in which we prepared it. One of them brought us some water in a tin cup, as they had seen us drink frequently when eating.

The natives now began to arrive from distant parts of the islands, many of whom had not yet heard of us, and we were continually subjected to the examination of men, women and children. The singular colour of our skin, was the greatest source of their admiration, [74] and we were frequently importuned to adopt their dress.

On the 28th Feb. early in the morning the whole village appeared to be in motion. All the adults commenced ornamenting themselves, which to me appeared to render them hideous. After greasing themselves with cocoanut oil, and hanging about them numerous strings of beads, they set off, taking us with them, to a flat piece of ground, about half a mile distant, where we found collected a great number, and all ornamented in the same fantastic manner.—Knowing that many of the natives inhabiting Islands in the Pacific Ocean, are cannibals, we were not without our fears that we had been preserved to grace a feast! Our apprehensions, however, were dissipated, when we saw them commence a dance, of which we will endeavour to give the reader some idea. The only musical instrument we saw, was a rude kind of drum; and the choristers were all females, say twenty or thirty, each having one of these [75] drums. The music commenced with the women, who began upon a very low key, gradually raising the notes, while the natives accompanied them with the most uncouth gesticulations and grimaces. The precision with which about three hundred of these people, all dancing at a time, regulated their movements, was truly astonishing; while the yelling of the whole body, each trying to exceed the other, rendered the scene to us, not only novel, but terrifick.

The dance ended near night, and those natives who lived in a distant part of the Island, after gratifying their curiosity by gazing upon us, and even feeling of our skins, took their departure.

After our return to the village, we cooked some meat upon the coals, and with some bread, made a hearty meal. One source of regret to us, was, that the natives began to like our bread, which heretofore they had scarcely dared to taste; and particularly the woman whom [76] I called mistress, ate, to use a sea phrase, her full allowance.

The natives expressed great dislike at our conversing together, and prohibited our reading, as much as possible. We never could make them comprehend that the book conveyed ideas to us, expressed in our own language.

Whether from a fear that we might concert some plan of escape, or that we might be the means of doing them some injury while together, we know not;—but about the first of April, we discovered that we were about to be separated! The reader may form some idea of our feelings when we were informed that Hussey was to be taken by his master and family, to a distant part of the Island! Not having as yet become sufficiently acquainted with their language, we were unable to comprehend the distance from our present location.

It now becomes expedient to present the reader with our separate accounts, in which we hope to be able to convey an idea of the manners and customs of [77] these people. We had experienced in a very short time so many vicissitudes, and passed through so many scenes of distress, that no opportunity was afforded to keep a journal, and notwithstanding we had even lost the day of the week and month, yet with such force, were the principal incidents which occurred during our exile, impressed upon our minds, that we can with confidence proceed with our narrative, and will commence the next chapter with an account of the adventures of William Lay.

CHAPTER V.

Early in the morning of the day on which Hussey left me, preparations were made for his embarkation with his new master and family. We were allowed a short interview, and after taking an affectionate leave of each other, we parted with heavy hearts. The tender [78] ties which bound me to my companion in misfortune, seemed now about to be forever broken asunder. No features to gaze upon, but those of my savage masters, and no one with whom I could hold converse, my heart seemed bursting with grief at my lonely situation.—On the departure of my companion, the “star of hope” which had often gleamed brightly mid the night of our miseries, seemed now about to set forever! After watching the canoe which bore him from me, until she was hid from my view in the distance, I returned to the hut with my master, and as I had eaten but little during the day, the calls of nature induced me to broil my last morsel of meat, with which, and some bread, I made a tolerable supper. The natives began to be very fond of the bread, and eat of it as long as it lasted, which unfortunately for me, was but a short time.

I informed my master that I should like to have some more of the meat from the place where the ship had lain. On the following morning, my master, [79] mistress, and four or five others embarked in a canoe, to assist me in procuring some provisions. Observing that they carried with them a number of clubs, and each a spear, I was apprehensive of some design upon my own person; but happily, was soon relieved, by seeing them wade round a shoal of fish, and after having frightened them into shoal water, kill a number with their spears. We then proceeded on, and when we arrived at the tent, they cooked them after the following manner. A large fire was kindled, and after the wood was burned to coals, the fish were thrown on, and snatched and eaten as fast as cooked; although they were kind enough to preserve a share for me, yet the scene around me, prevented my enjoying with them, their meal. The tent which had been torn down, had contained about forty barrels of beef and pork, two hogsheads of molasses, barrels of pickles, all the clothing and stores belonging to the ship, in short, every thing valuable, such as charts, [80] nautical instruments, &c. &c. The latter had been broken and destroyed, to make ornaments, while the beef, pork, molasses and small stores lay scattered promiscuously around. They appeared to set no value upon the clothing, except to tear and destroy it. The pieces of beef and pork, from the barrels, (which had been all stove,) were scattered in every direction, and putrifying in the sun. After putting into the canoe some pork and a few articles of clothing, we commenced our return;—but a strong head wind blowing, we had considerable difficulty in getting back.

For some considerable time, nothing material occurred, and I led as monotonous and lonely a life, as could well be imagined. It is true, I was surrounded by fellow beings; and had all hope of ever seeing my country and friends again, been blasted, it is probable I might have become more reconciled to my condition, but I very much doubt if ever perfectly so, as long as reason and reflection held their empire over my [81] mind. My books having been destroyed from a superstitious notion of their possessing some supernatural power, I was left to brood over my situation unpitied and alone.

Sometime in July, as I judged, Luckiair, son-in-law to my master, Ludjuan, came from a distant part of the groupe, on a visit, and during the week he remained with us, we became much attached to each other. When he told me, that on his return he should pass near the place where Hussey lived, my anxiety to accompany him thus far, was so great, that after much persuasion, Ludjuan gave his consent for me to go. On our way we stopped at the tent, and I procured for the last time, a small quantity of the ship’s provisions, although the meat was some of it in a very decayed state.

In consequence of head winds, we were compelled to stop for the night upon a small Island, where we found an uninhabited hut; and after cooking some meat, and baking some wet flour [82] (for it was no other) in the ashes, we took our mats into the hut, and remained until next day. The wind continuing to blow fresh ahead, we gathered some green bread fruit, and cooked some meat, in the same manner as they cook the largest of their fish, which is this.—A hole is dug in the ground, and after it has been filled with wood, it is set on fire, and then covered with stones. As the wood burns away, the heated stones fall to the bottom, which, when the fire is out, are covered with a thick layer of green leaves, and then the meat or fish is placed upon these leaves, and covered again in a careful and ingenious manner, and the whole covered with earth. This preserves the juices of the fish, and in this way do they cook most of their fish, with hot stones.

In the afternoon the weather proving more favourable, we left our encampment, and at sun down arrived at a place called Tuckawoa; at which place we were treated with the greatest hospitality. When we were about to leave, [83] we were presented with bread fruit and cocoanuts in great abundance. As we approached the place of Hussey’s residence, I discovered him standing on the beach. Our joy at meeting, I will not attempt to describe.—We had a short time, however, allowed us, in which to relate our adventures, and condole with each other; for in an hour we were once more separated; and we pursued our course for the residence of Luck-i-a-ir. After encamping another night upon the beach, we at length arrived at the house of my conductor, which was at a place called Dillybun. His family consisted of his wife and one child, whom we found busily engaged in making a fishing net. When near night Luckiair and myself went out and gathered some breadfruit, and after making a hearty meal, slept soundly upon our mats until morning.

A little before noon on the following day, two natives with their wives, arrived from Luj-no-ne-wort, the place where Hussey lived, and brought me [84] some flour, and a piece of meat. The natives would eat of the bread, but would not taste of the meat. I remained here about a week, when Ludjuan came for me. Nothing occurred of note, during our passage back to Milly, (the place of my residence,) where I was welcomed by the natives with every demonstration of joy. I was sent for by one of the chiefs, who asked many questions, and as a mark of his friendship for me, when I was about to return, presented me with a kind of food called cha-kak-a. My present consisted of a piece about two feet long and six inches in diameter. It is made of a kind of fruit common among these Islands, and called by the inhabitants, bup. The fruit is scraped very fine, and then laid in the sun until perfectly dry. Some of the leaves of the tree bearing the fruit, are then wrapped round a piece of wood, which is the mould or former, and when securely tied with strings, the former is withdrawn, and into this cylinder of leaves is put the [85] bup, which is of a sweet and pleasant taste.

At the urgent request of the natives, I now adopted their dress. Having but one pair of trowsers and a shirt left, I laid them by for bad weather, and put on the costume of a Mulgrave Islander. This dress, if it may be so called, consists in a broad belt fastened round the waist, from which is suspended two broad tassels. The belt is made from the leaves of the bup tree, and very ingeniously braided, to which is attached the tassels, which are made of a coarser material, being the bark of a small vine, in their language called aht-aht. When the dress is worn, one of the tassels hangs before and the other behind. The sun, as I expected, burned my skin very much; which the natives could not account for, as nothing of the kind ever happened among themselves.

One day there was seen approaching a number of canoes, which we found were loaded with fish for the chiefs, and to my great joy, Hussey was one of the [86] passengers. My master accompanied me to see him; and we anticipated at least a mental feast in each other’s society. But of this enjoyment we were deprived by the natives, who were always uneasy when we were conversing together.

I learned, however, from Hussey, that the natives had been kind to him; but before we had an opportunity to communicate to each other our hopes and fears, he was hurried away. Having now gained considerable knowledge of their language, I learned that they were afraid that if we were permitted to hold converse, we should be the means of provoking the Supreme God, Anit, to do them some injury.

The bread fruit beginning to ripen, we were all employed in gathering it; and I will endeavour to give the reader an idea of the process of preserving it. After the fruit was gathered, the outside rind was scraped off, and the seeds taken out; which are in size and appearance like a chesnut. The fruit is then [87] put into a net, the meshes of which are quite small, taken into the salt water, and then beat with a club to pummice. It is then put into baskets made of cocoanut leaves, and in about two days becomes like a rotten apple; after which the cores are taken out, and the remainder after undergoing a process of kneading, is put into a hole in the ground, the bottom and sides of which are neatly inlaid with leaves, and left about two days; when it again undergoes the same process of kneading, and so on, until it becomes perfectly dry.—This occupied us a number of days; and when we were engaged in gathering another, and a larger kind, a small boy came running towards us, and exclaimed, “Uroit a-ro rayta mony la Wirrum,” that is, the chiefs are going to kill William. Ludjuan seeing that I understood what the boy said, he said “reab-reab!” it is false. From the pains taken by the natives to keep Hussey and myself apart, it was evident that they were in some measure afraid of [88] us; but from what cause I had yet to learn. After passing a sleepless night, we again in the morning pursued our labors, but I was continually agitated by fearful apprehensions. About midnight I overheard some of the natives in the tent talking about me, and I was now convinced that some injury was contemplated. I then asked them what I was to be killed for. They seemed surprised when I told them I had been listening; yet they denied that I was to be killed, and one of them who had frequently manifested for me much friendship, came to my mat, and lay down with me, assuring me I should not be injured.

The harvest being ended, a feast was had, and the chiefs were presented with considerable quantities of this fruit, after it had been prepared and baked, which in taste resembled a sweet potatoe, sending presents of it in all directions about the Island.

Having now but little work to do, I confined myself to the hut as much as [89] possible, for I had been observed for some time in a very suspicious manner. In a few days I was informed that Hussey had been brought to the Island, and it was immediately suggested to my anxious mind, that we were now to be sacrificed. Ludjuan went with me to see Hussey, but we were only allowed a few moments conversation, when I was taken back to the hut, and communicated my fears to my old mistress, who sympathized with me, but said if the chiefs had determined it, there was no hope for me. I now was made acquainted with the cause of their dislike, which was no less than a superstitious idea, that we were the cause of a malady, then raging to considerable extent!

This disease consisted in the swelling of the hands and feet, and in many instances the faces of the youth swelled to such a degree, that they were blind for a number of days. Such a disease they had never before been afflicted with. I had now an opportunity of most solemnly protesting my total inability [90] to injure them in this way, and as the disease had as yet caused no death, I had a hope of being spared. I learned that a majority of the chiefs in council, were for putting me to death, but one of them in particular, protested against it, fearing it might be the cause of some worse calamity. As the vote to carry into effect any great measure, must be unanimous, this chief was the means by his dissenting, of saving my life.

The afflicted began to recover, and my fears were greatly lessened; but as these people are of a very unstable and changeful character, I could not entirely divest myself of apprehensions.

As soon as the harvest was completed, great preparations were made for the embarkation of the chiefs, who were going to make their annual visit to the different Islands. They told me that the King, whom they called La-boo-woole-yet, lived on an Island at the N. W. and if he did not receive his yearly present of preserved bread fruit and pero, he would come with a great [91] party to fight them. Twelve canoes were put in the water, each one carrying a part of the provisions, and manned by about two hundred persons.

After an absence of four or five days, during which time we exchanged civilities with numerous chiefs, we returned to Milly, and hauled up the canoes. I now learned that the principal chief, had said that it would have been wrong to kill me, firmly believing that the disease with which they had been afflicted, had been sent by their God, as a punishment for having killed Payne and the others! The malady having now entirely disappeared, they considered that crime as expiated!

About two days after my return, there was great excitement, in consequence of the appearance of a ship! Seeing the natives were very much displeased at the circumstance, I concealed as well as I could, the gladdening emotions which filled my breast; and, surrounded by about three hundred of them, went round a point of land, when I [92] distinctly saw a ship standing for the land. The displeasure of the natives increased, they demanded to know where she came from, how many men she had in her, &c. I was compelled to tell them that she was not coming to get me, and even pretended to be afraid of her approach, which pleased them much, as they appeared determined I should never leave them. At dusk she was so near the land, that I saw them shorten sail, and fondly anticipated the hour of my deliverance as not far distant.

During the night, sleep was a stranger to me, and with the most anxious emotions did I anticipate a welcome reception on board, and above all, a happy and joyful landing on my native shore. In the morning, Ludjuan went with me to the beach, but alas! no ship was in sight. She had vanished, and with her had fled all my hopes of a speedy deliverance. The kind reader can perhaps form some idea of my disappointment.

The natives continued to be kind to [93] me, and I was often complimented by them for my knowledge of their language; and the appearance of my person had very much improved, my hair and beard being long, and my skin turned nearly as black as their own! I was often importuned to have my ears bored and stretched, but never gave my consent, which much surprised them, it being a great mark of beauty. They begin at the age of four years, and perforate the lower part of the ear, with a sharp pointed stick; and as the ear stretches, larger ones are inserted, until it will hang nearly to their shoulders! The larger the ear, the more beauty the person possesses!

About a fortnight after I saw the ship pass, Hussey came with his master, on a visit. His disappointment was great, and we could only cheer each other, by hoping for the best, and wait patiently the pleasure of Heaven.

Hussey again left me, but we parted under less bodings of evil than before, for the kindness of the natives began to [94] increase, and their suspicions to be allayed.

I will here acquaint the reader with some of the means that I was induced to make use of, to satisfy the cravings of appetite. As the Island now was in a state of almost entire famine, my daily subsistence not amounting to more (upon an average) than the substance of one half a cocoanut each day. The chief I lived with, having several cocoanut trees that he was very choice of, and which bore plentifully; I would frequently, (after the natives in the hut were all soundly asleep) take the opportunity and get out of the hut unperceived, and climb one of those trees, (being very careful about making the least noise, or letting any of them drop to the ground, whereby I might be detected,) and take the stem of one cocoanut in my mouth, and one in each hand, and in that manner make out to slide down the tree, and would then (with my prize) make the best of my way to a bunch of bushes, at a considerable [95] distance from the hut, where I would have a sumptuous repast; and if any remained, would secrete them, until by hunger, I was drove to the necessity of revisiting that place.

I made a practice of this for some time, until the chief began to miss his cocoanuts, and keep such watch, that I, for fear of being detected, was obliged to relinquish that mode of satisfying my appetite.

A short time after this, I ventured to take a cocoanut off the ground where the natives had recently buried a person; a deed which is strictly against the laws of their religious principles, (if it can be said that they have any,) and a deed which the natives never dare to do, for fear of displeasing their God (Anit) under a certain length of time after the person had been buried, and then, the spot is only to be approached by males.

Not twenty-four hours had elapsed after I took the cocoanut, before they missed it, and coming immediately to [96] me, charged me with having taken it, telling me that not a native on the Island would have dared so much as to handle it, for fear of the bad spirit, (Anit.)

I then told them that I had taken it, but pleading ignorance in the case, and promising never to do any thing of the like again, and making it appear to them that I was surprised at what they told me of the bad spirit, and also that I believed the same, they left me, after telling me that if I ever handled another of them, it would not only bring sickness and death upon myself, but would bring it upon the whole Island.

The reader will naturally suppose, that my mind was considerably relieved on their leaving me so soon, fearing that something serious might be the result.

After this I was very careful how I did any thing that I thought would in the least displease, or irritate them, and made myself content with the portion they saw fit to give me.

I frequently fired a musket to please [97] them, by their request; and told them if they would let me have some powder, I would fire off the swivel, left by the Globe. They consented, and collected in great numbers, and after I had loaded the gun with a heavy charge, I told them they had better stand back. They said I must set her on fire, and tell them when she was going off, and they would run! I however, touched her off, when they instantly fell on their faces in the greatest panick. When their fears had subsided, they set up howling and yelling with ecstacy!

They said, if they should have a battle, I must carry that gun with me, which would alone vanquish their enemies!

We were visited by eight or ten canoes, from a distant Island, called Alloo. They came to exchange presents with our chiefs, and very soon a great quantity of pero, &c. was baked, and having been inspected by the chiefs, to see that it was in a proper state to be presented to their visitors, it was given them to eat.

[98] As these people had never seen me before, I was much annoyed by them. During their stay, I was constantly surrounded; my skin felt of, and often became the sport of the more witty, because my skin was not of so dark a hue as their own, and more especially, as my ears remained in the same form, as when nature gave them to me. These visitors, to my great satisfaction, did not remain long with us.

Their mode of anchoring their canoes is singular. One of them takes the end of a line, and diving to the bottom, secures it to a rock; and in the same way do they dive down to cast it off. I have seen them do this in five fathoms of water.

CHAPTER VI.

It was not until the 23d of December, 1825, that the prospects of being relieved from my disagreeable situation [99] began to brighten. Early in the morning of that day, I was awakened by a hooting and yelling of the natives, who said, a vessel had anchored at the head of the Island. They seemed alarmed, and I need not assure the reader, that my feelings were of a contrary nature. Their God was immediately consulted, as to the measures to pursue; but as I was not allowed to be present when he was invoked, I cannot say what was the form of this ceremony, except that cocoanut leaves were used. Their God, however, approved the plan, which was, that they should go to the vessel, or near her, and swim on board, a few at a time, until two hundred were on board, and then a signal was to be given, when they were to throw the persons on board into the water, and kill them. Two large canoes which would carry fifty men each, were put in readiness, but at first they refused to let me accompany them, fearing that I would inform of their having killed our men, and they would be punished. I assured [100] them that the vessel, having but two masts, did not belong to my nation, and I was certain I could not speak their language.

They at length consented for me to go. We arrived within a few miles of the vessel at night, and early the following morning, were joined by a number of canoes, which made in all two hundred men. It being squally in the forenoon, we remained where we were, but when it cleared up, the yells of the Indians announced the approach of the vessel. I had only time to see that it was really an armed schooner, when I was secreted with their women, about forty in number, in a hut near the shore, and the women had orders to watch me close, that I did not get away.

A boat at this time from the schooner, was seen approaching the shore. She landed at about a hundred yards distant from where I was confined; but it being near night, I soon found she was making the best of her way towards the schooner. Night came, and I was [101] sent for by the principal chief, and questioned closely concerning the schooner. My fears and apprehensions were now excited to a degree beyond human expression, and the kind reader will pardon all attempts to express them.

The natives seeing the whites so bold, excited in them a fear which induced them to flee the Island. Accordingly, about midnight, the canoes were launched, and I was carried to a remote part of the Island, a distance of about 40 miles, where I remained until my fortunate escape.

29th. Early in the morning, we discovered a boat under sail, standing directly for the place where we were; the natives were considerably agitated with fear, and engaged in planning some method by which to overcome the people in the boat, if they should come where we were; and, as I expected, the natives would hide me, as they had heretofore done, I thought it best to offer my services to assist them—I said I would aid them in fighting the boat’s [102] crew—and that, as I could talk with them, I would go to them, in advance of the natives, deceive the crew, and prevail on them to come on shore and sit down, and for us to appear friendly till in possession of their arms, then rise upon the crew and kill them without difficulty or hazard. Some of the natives suspected that I should revolt to the other party, and turn the current of destruction on them; but the chief Luttuon said he liked my plan much, and would inquire of their God, and if he found that I should be true to them, my plan should be adopted. The inquiry resulted in favor of my plan, and they said I might go. The boat was now within one hundred rods of the shore, and Luttuon called me to him, oiled my head and body with cocoanut oil, and gave me my charge how to conduct. I pledged myself to obey his orders. My joy at this moment was great, as the boat anchored near where we were. I went to the beach, accompanied by about one hundred of the smartest [103] natives, whom I charged not to manifest a hostile appearance. I hailed the boat in English, and told the crew what the calculations of the natives were, and not to land unless they were well armed. The officer of the boat replied that he would be among them directly; and in a few minutes they landed, (13 men and 2 officers,) and when within a rod of us, I ran to Lieut. H. Paulding, who took me by the hand, asked if I was one of the Globe’s crew, and inquired my name, &c. &c. We then retreated to the boat, facing the natives, who all kept their seats, excepting the one I called father, who came down among us, and took hold of me to carry me back, but desisted on having a pistol presented to his breast.

Lieut. Hiram Paulding, of the Navy, for such was the name of this gentlemanly officer, informed me that the vessel, was the U. S. Schooner Dolphin, sent on purpose to rescue us, and commanded by Lieut. Com’t. John Percival.

After expressing my gratitude as well [104] as I was able, to Heaven, which had furnished the means of my deliverance, I acquainted Mr. Paulding, that the only survivor of the Globe, except myself, was Cyrus M. Hussey; who was held in bondage upon a neighbouring Island. After the boat’s crew had taken some refreshment, we left the landing place, and soon arrived at the place where Hussey lived. The natives had concealed him, but after some threatenings from us, restored him, and we were received on board of the Dolphin, and treated in the most kind and hospitable manner.

Our hair was now cut, and we were shaved. Our appearance must have been truly ludicrous, our hair having been growing twenty-two months, untouched by the razor or scissors.

Our joy and happiness on finding ourselves on board an American Man-of-War, and seeing “the star spangled banner,” once more floating in the air, we will not attempt to describe. Suffice it to say, that none can form a true estimate [105] of our feelings, except it be those who have been suddenly and unexpectedly rescued from pain and peril, and threatening death. In the afternoon the Captain wished me to go on shore with him, as an interpreter. We accordingly went, and passed over to the village on the other side of the Island, where we had an interview with a woman of distinction, (the men having fled, being principally absent with the chiefs at Alloo.) The captain informed her he wished to see the chiefs, and requested her to send for them that night, that he might visit them in the morning, and make them some presents. We then returned to the vessel; and the following day, Dec. 1st, went on shore for the purpose of seeing the chiefs, but could not obtain an interview with them. The captain informed the natives that he must see the chiefs, and that he would wait another day, but if disappointed then, he should be compelled to use coercive means. They immediately sent another messenger after [106] them, and we returned on board, accompanied by several of the natives, among whom was Ludjuan. The captain made him several presents, and informed him they were given as a compensation for saving my life. Shortly after, the natives went on shore.

The next morning, Dec. 2d, the captain sent me on shore, to ascertain whether the chiefs had returned, and I was informed by the natives that they had, and were then at a house half a mile distant. This intelligence having been communicated to the captain, he went on shore, and took myself and Hussey for interpreters; but we found on our arrival, that the natives had been practising a piece of deception—the chiefs not having returned. Very much displeased at this perfidious treatment, the captain made a demand of the chiefs before sunset, threatening, if it were not complied with, to go on shore with fifty men, well armed, and destroy every person he could find. This threat threw the natives into consternation, [107] and immediately another messenger was despatched for the chiefs. The natives were so alarmed, that they soon sent off three or four more messengers; and we returned on board to dine. After dinner, I went on shore with Mr. Paulding, the first Lieutenant, and some of the under officers, for the purpose of shooting birds. After rambling round the Island for some time, we discovered a number of natives quickly approaching us from the lower part of the Island; and supposing the chiefs were with them, we sat down to await their arrival; but before they came to us, a signal was set on board the schooner, for us to return, which was immediately obeyed, without waiting for an interview with the natives. Early on the next morning, I was sent ashore to ascertain whether the chiefs had arrived, and soon found that they had, and were in a hut, waiting to receive a visit from the captain, who, I informed them, would come on shore after breakfast, to have a talk with them, and also to bestow some [108] presents. Accordingly, the captain, with myself and Hussey, repaired to the hut, where we found them sitting, and ready to commune with us.

The captain told them he had been sent out by the Head Chief of his country, to look for the men that had been left there by the ship Globe—that he had been informed they murdered all but two—that, as it was their first offence of the kind, their ignorance would plead an excuse—but if they should ever kill or injure another white man, who was from any vessel or wreck, or who might be left among them, our country would send a naval force, and exterminate every soul on the Island; and also destroy their fruit trees, provisions, &c. and that if they would always treat white men kindly, they never would receive any injury from them, but would have their kindness and hospitality reciprocated. He also adverted to the practice of stealing, lying, and other immoralities; stating to the natives that these crimes are abhorred and punished in [109] our country; and that murder is punished with death. He then sent me to the boat, lying at the beach, to bring three tomahawks, one axe, a bag of beads, and a number of cotton handkerchiefs, which were presented to the chiefs. He also gave them two hogs, and a couple of cats, with injunctions not to destroy them, that they might multiply. The captain caused potatoes, corn, pumpkins, and many valuable seeds to be planted, and gave the natives instructions how to raise and preserve them. He then explained to them that these acts of kindness and generosity were extended, because they saved us alive, and had taken care of us while among them. This conversation with the natives being ended, we went on board, dined, and the captain and Hussey went again on shore. The first Lieutenant made preparations for cruising in the launch, round the Island, to make topographical surveys, who took me with him, as interpreter, and about 4 o’clock, we commenced a cruise with [110] a design to sail up an inlet or inland sea; but the wind blowing fresh, and having a head sea, at 12 o’clock we anchored for the night.

Dec. 4th. At sunrise, we found ourselves not more than a mile from the place where we crossed over the evening before; and immediately getting under weigh, and rowing to the westward, we soon came to the place where the Globe’s station had been; anchored, and went on shore, for the purpose of disinterring the bones of Comstock, who had been buried there, and to obtain a cutlass, which was buried with him; but before we had accomplished the undertaking, the schooner got under weigh, and soon anchored abreast of us, at the same place where the Globe’s provisions were landed. The captain and Hussey immediately came on shore to view the place; but as I caught cold the preceding night, by lying exposed in our launch, I was excused from serving further with Mr. Paulding in making surveys, and Hussey [111] supplied my place. Soon after, I went on board with the captain, carrying with me the skull of the person we had dug up, and the cutlass, intending to convey them to America.

After dinner, the captain made a trip in the gig, to Alloo, taking me for his interpreter, where we arrived in half an hour, and soon travelled up to the village. The natives received us with marks of gladness, and in a short time the house at which we stopped was surrounded by them, who came undoubtedly for the purpose of gratifying their curiosity, by gazing at us. We remained at the village about two hours, during which time we had considerable talk with two of the chief women, and made some small presents to the people, such as beads, &c. They did not treat us as they usually do visitors, with fruit, &c. there being at that time what we call a famine, which in their language, is Ingathah.

After having taken leave of the natives, and walked about half the [112] distance to the shore, we stopped to refresh ourselves under a fine cool shade. While in conversation on the manners and customs of the natives, an old man and woman approached us, who had acted towards me, during my residence among them, as father and mother. I immediately made them and their kindness to me known to the captain, who, in consideration of their humane treatment, rewarded them with a few beads and a handkerchief, for which they appeared thankful and grateful—telling them at the same time, the presents were to recompense their hospitality to me, and enjoining on them at all times to be friendly to the whites, and a reward would certainly await them. It being near the close of the day, we left Alloo, and having a fair wind, reached the schooner before dark.

The next morning, Dec. 5th, being very pleasant, all hands were employed in procuring wood for the schooner—some in cutting it down, and others in boating it off. Our carpenter had been [113] engaged for a few days, at Milly; to instruct and assist the natives in repairing a canoe. The distance was four or five miles, and the captain wanting the carpenter, set sail for Milly in his gig, and soon arrived there; where he learned that the carpenter had repaired the canoe, to the great satisfaction of the natives, who expressed a strong desire that he might be permitted to remain among them on the Island; but the captain informed them he could not spare him. When the natives saw the carpenter packing up his tools, they expressed to me an expectation that the tools would be left with them as a present. We left the natives, and reached the schooner a little before sunset; the captain feeling anxious for the fate of the launch, as nothing yet had been heard of the fortune which had attended her, or the men in her.

Dec. 6th. Having procured a sufficient supply of wood, though our supply of provisions was hardly sufficient for the voyage, and the launch having [114] returned, at about 10 A. M. we weighed anchor and proceeded to the place called Milly, where we anchored for the purpose of planting some seeds, and taking a last farewell of the chiefs and their people. The captain went immediately on shore, taking Hussey for his interpreter. He was gone till nearly night, when he returned, bringing with him Luttuon and several other natives. The captain gave orders to beat to quarters, to exhibit the men to the natives, and explain to them the manner of our fighting. Those untutored children of nature, seemed highly gratified with the manoeuvres, but were most delighted with the music, probably the first of the kind they ever heard. We informed them we always have such music when we are fighting an enemy. The natives were then landed, and we immediately made sail for the head of the Island, intending to cruise around the other shores of it, for the purpose of making surveys, and constructing a map of it. We stood eastward till nearly morning, [115] then altered our course and headed towards the Island.

During the following day, Dec. 7th, having favorable winds and weather, we made a regular survey of the whole length of the groupe, before sunset.—The captain now steered N. W. to endeavour to discover other Islands which the natives had often described to me, during my abode with them. They said they had frequently visited ten or twelve different Islands in their canoes, and that the people who inhabit them, all speak the same language, which is the same as their own, and that the Islands lie about one day’s sail from each other.

Dec. 8. The weather pleasant and fair; about 9 o’clock, A. M. we saw land ahead, and passed it on the windward side, then varied our course and sailed to the leeward of the Island; but night coming on, we were obliged to defer landing till morning. The captain then attempted to reach the shore in the gig, but was not able to land, on [116] account of the surf. After he returned on board, we made sail, cruising farther to the leeward, in hopes of finding a place to anchor, but in this we were disappointed, not being able to find bottom thirty yards from the rocks. However, at high water, the captain, at imminent hazard in passing the surf, succeeded in landing. He had previously given orders to me and Hussey, not to let the natives know that we could converse with, or understand them, but to be attentive to every thing that might pass among them, to ascertain whether their intentions and dispositions were hostile or friendly. After landing, the captain and Hussey visited the house where the head chief, or king of all those Islands lived, of whom I had formerly heard so much, while I was on the Mulgraves.—They continued with him about two hours, were treated well, and discovering nothing unfriendly in the natives, the captain told Hussey he might make them acquainted with his knowledge of their language, by conversing with them. [117] The king, on hearing Hussey speaking in the language of the natives, appeared at first so frightened and agitated, that he could scarcely reply; but by degrees became composed, and inquired of Hussey where he learned their language, and why he had not spoken to them immediately on coming ashore. Hussey then informed him he was one of the two persons that had been on the Mulgraves, (in their language, Milly,) and that the other person (myself) was on board the schooner—that the schooner had been there after us, that we left the Mulgraves the day before, and had then visited that Island for the purpose of examining it, &c. &c. The king had long before heard of our being at the Mulgraves, and told Hussey he had been repairing his canoe, in order to go to those Islands, with a view to induce us to live with him, who, had that been the case, would undoubtedly have used us well. The king was about 70 years of age, and had a daughter on the Island where we had resided, wife to Luttuon. [118] He inquired if his daughter was alive and well, with tears in his eyes and trembling form, for it was a long time since he had received any intelligence of her; and hearing of her welfare so unexpectedly, quite overcame the good old father’s feelings. And here the reader will observe, that the pure and unaffected emotions produced by parental affection, are similar among all the human species, whether civilized or savage. The natives of the Island we were then visiting, may be ranked with those that have made the fewest approaches towards the refined improvements of enlightened nations, yet the ground work of humanity was discovered to be the same; and the solicitude of a fond father for a beloved child, was manifested in a manner which would not disgrace those who move in the most elevated circles of civilized life. The old king expressed his regret that he had not visited the Mulgraves during our stay there, was very sorry we were about to return to America, and used [119] all the force of native eloquence, to persuade us to continue with him. He inquired if we had got the whale boat he had heard of our having at the Mulgraves. Hussey informed him it was on board the schooner, and the swivel likewise. The captain then informed the king that he wanted cocoanuts and bup, which were obtained; and in return, the captain gave the natives some beads and handkerchiefs. The captain then went on board the schooner, made sail, standing a N. W. course, in pursuit of another Island.

Dec 9th. About 10 o’clock in the forenoon, we discovered land ahead and off our lee bow. About 2 o’clock, P. M. we arrived near the land, hove the schooner to, and sent two boats ashore, to get provisions. At sunset the boats returned, loaded with cocoanuts and bup. We hoisted up our boats, and with a strong breeze, it being the inclement season of the year, prosecuted our voyage to the Sandwich Islands, & had much boisterous weather during the passage.

[120] On Jan. 8th, 1826, we expected to make one of the Sandwich Islands, called Bird’s Island, but night came on before we discovered it. But early on the following morning, we saw land about four leagues to the leeward, and bore down to the Island for the purpose of sending a boat ashore, to kill seals.—We arrived near the landing place, hove to, and the captain with six men went ashore in the whale boat. We now stood off from the shore for about an hour, then tacked and stood in, for the boat to come off. The wind had increased to almost a gale, and continuing to blow harder, when we were within a quarter of a mile of the Island, not discovering any thing of the boat, we veered off again, and continued tacking till night came on, but saw nothing of the boat or her crew. About 9 or 10 o’clock, the wind abated, and we found ourselves two leagues to the leeward of the Island, where we lay to all night under easy sail, anxiously waiting for the approach of morning, in hopes then to [121] learn the fate of the captain and men who had gone on shore. At length the horizon was lighted by the dawn of day, which was succeeded by the opening of a very pleasant morning. We immediately made all sail for the Island, but having a head wind, we did not arrive at the landing till near the middle of the day. A boat was sent on shore to learn what had befallen the crew of the whale boat, and shortly returned with all the men except the captain and one man that could not swim. We ascertained, that in attempting to come off through the surf, they were swamped and lost their boat. We a second time sent the boat ashore with means to get the captain and other man, who were soon brought on board. We now made sail and steered our course for Woahoo, one of the Sandwich Islands, and nothing very material occurring on our passage, we anchored in the harbour of that Island on the 14th. On the 16th procured a supply of fresh provisions. On the 19th, Hussey and myself went on shore [122] for the purpose of rambling round the Island, but nothing occurred worthy of notice.

Our foremast being found rotten a few feet below the top, it was deemed necessary to take it out for repairs, which required the daily employment of the carpenter and others for some time.—On the 27th, the captain received a letter, giving intelligence that the ship London had been driven ashore at an Island not far distant from Woahoo.—As the Dolphin’s foremast was out, the captain was under the necessity of pressing the brig Convoy, of Boston, and putting on board of her about 90 of his own men, taking with him 2 of his lieutenants and some under officers, he sailed to the assistance of the ship London.

Feb, 3d, the brig Convoy returned laden with a part of the cargo of the London, and the specie which was in her at the time of her going ashore, under the command of our 2d lieutenant, leaving the remainder of her cargo in another vessel, under the command of Capt. Percival.

[123] Feb. 5th. The captain returned with the residue of the London’s cargo, and the officers and crew of that ship. After the cargo of the London had been secured, we were employed in finishing the repairs on our foremast, which were completed on the 21st; and we commenced rigging.

Feb. 26th. On the morning of this day, permission was granted to a number of our crew, to go on shore. In the afternoon, Hussey and myself went and took a walk. About 4 or 5 o’clock, I observed a great collection of natives, and on inquiring the reason, learned that several of the Dolphin’s crew, joined by some from other ships lying in port, had made an assault upon Mr. Bingham, the missionary, in consequence of ill will towards that gentleman, strongly felt by some of the sailors, but for what particular reason, I did not distinctly ascertain. They carried their revenge so far, that they not only inflicted blows upon Mr. Bingham, but attacked the house of a chief. The [124] natives, some with cutlasses, and others with guns, repelled the unjustifiable attack; and during the affray, several of our men were slightly injured, and one badly wounded, whose life was despaired of for some time. The offenders were arrested, sent on board, and put in irons.

On the next day, 27th, Mr. Bingham came on board with the captain and witnesses against the men engaged the preceding day, in the assault on shore. After a fair examination of evidence in the case, the aggressors were properly punished, and ordered to their duty.—The whale ships now began to arrive for the purpose of recruiting, and for some particular reasons, several of the captains of those ships requested captain Percival to remain at the Island as a protection to them, till they could obtain the necessary supplies, and resume their cruises. From the present date, nothing of importance occurred that would be interesting to readers, till April 3d, when great preparations were [125] made on board the Dolphin, to give a splendid entertainment to the young king. The gig and second cutter were employed in the morning, to borrow signals from the different ships in the harbour, in order to dress out the schooner in a fanciful style. About 11 o’clock, the gig and second cutter were sent ashore for the king and several chiefs and natives of distinction, who were soon conveyed on board. The yards were manned, and a general salute fired. After partaking of as good a dinner as our resources and the means within our reach would afford, the king and his attendants were disembarked under the honour of another salute.—During the remainder of this month, the events which transpired, were principally of an ordinary cast, and not thought worthy of record.

May 3d. This day we were employed in bending sails; and from this date to the 11th, the necessary preparations were made to commence our homeward voyage. This day (11th,) the pilot [126] came on board, and for the last time we weighed our anchors in the harbour of Woahoo. While retiring from the shore we were saluted with 21 guns from the fort. We hove about, returned the salute, and then resumed our destined course, and bid a last adieu to Woahoo, after a tedious and protracted stay of about four months.

From the time of our departure, on the 11th of May, from Woahoo, nothing of importance transpired till the 12th of June. On the morning of this day we discovered the Island Toobowy; and at 9 o’clock saw a sail, which proved to be a whale ship. At half past 2 came to anchor at a convenient place near the Island, and sent a boat ashore, which returned at night with two natives, who gave us a description of the harbour, and directions how to enter it; and as our mainmast was injured, we entered it to make the necessary repairs. On the 13th, we beat up the harbour, and at 3 o’clock anchored, where we continued repairing our mast, and [127] procuring wood and water, till the 22d; when we weighed anchor and made sail for Valparaiso, favoured with fine weather and good winds. July 18th, made the Island of Massafuero, and passed it about midnight. On the 19th, in the forenoon, made the Island of Juanfernandez; and at 11 P. M. on the following day, discovered the land at the south of Valparaiso. On the 22d, beat up the harbour, and at 2 o’clock on the morning of the 23d, came to anchor.—At Valparaiso, we learned that the frigate United States was at Callao; and after getting a supply of provisions, we sailed for Callao on the 9th of August, and arrived on the 24th. Here we found the United States, lying under the Island of Lorenzo, with several English ships of war.

On the 26th, the Dolphin in company with the United States, passed over to Callao; and Sept. 1st, I and the crew of the Dolphin were transferred to the United States.

Sept. 10th. All the men that had [128] been transferred from the Dolphin to the United States, had liberty to go to Lima; at 12 o’clock we went on shore, and at 4 P. M. entered the gates of the city. I employed my time while on shore, in roving about the city, and viewing the various objects it presents; and on the 13th returned on board the United States. We were detained here till the 16th of December, when we sailed for Valparaiso, and having a pleasant passage, arrived on the 6th of January, where we were happy to find, for our relief, the Brandywine. From the 8th to the 24th, all hands were engaged in preparing the ship for her homeward voyage; when at 9 o’clock we weighed our larboard anchor, and at 1 P. M. were under sail, passing out of the harbour, when the Cambridge, (an English 74,) then lying in the harbour, gave us 3 cheers, which we returned with 3 times 3; she then saluted us with 13 guns, which we returned with the same number, and then proceeded to sea.

Being favoured with fine weather and [129] good winds, we had a prosperous voyage to Cape Horn, and arrived off the pitch on the 7th of Feb. and passed round with a pleasant breeze. In prosecuting our voyage home, off the mouth of the river Rio de la Plata, and along the coast of Brazil, we had rough weather and thick fogs. On the 6th we made the land and harbour of St. Salvador, and about 9 o’clock came to anchor.—On the 7th we fired a salute for the fort, which was returned.

We were now employed in watering our ship, and making other preparations for continuing our voyage homeward; and on the 15th got under weigh, with a fine breeze.

April 1st. At 10 o’clock, made the Island of Barbadoes, and at 1 P. M. came to anchor, where we lay till 5 P. M. on the 3d, when we got under weigh, and sailed down the Island to St. Thomas, where we sent a boat ashore, and after transacting the business for which we stopped, made sail on the 9th for the port of New-York. On the 21st, [130] made the highland of Neversink; at 2 P. M. took a pilot on board, but owing to fogs and calms, did not arrive to the port of destination till 1 P. M. next day, when we anchored opposite the West Battery, with a thankful heart that I was once more within the United States.

CHAPTER VII.

I will now proceed to give the reader some account of the Islands I visited, and of the manners and customs of the natives, and shall endeavour to be as candid and correct as possible.

The Mulgrave Islands are situated between 5 and 6 degrees north latitude, and between 170 and 174 degrees of east longitude. They are about 50 miles in length, and lie in the form of a semi-circle, forming a kind of inland sea or lake; the distance across it being about 20 miles. The land is narrow, and the widest place is probably not [131] more than half a mile. On the north side of the group are several inlets or passages, of sufficient depth to admit the free navigation of the largest ships; and if explored, excellent harbours would in all probability be found. In the inland sea are numerous beds of coral, which appear to be constantly forming and increasing. These coral beds are seen at low water, but are all overflowed at high tide. The whole group is entirely destitute of mountains, and even hills, the highest land not being more than six feet above the level of the sea at high water. By the accounts given me from the natives, it appears that some parts have been overflowed by the sea. Their being so low, makes the navigation near them very dangerous in the night, both because they would not be easily seen, and because the water is very deep quite to the shores; and a place for anchoring can scarcely be found on the outside of the Island.

The air of these Islands is pure, and [132] the climate hot; but the heat is rendered less oppressive by the trade winds, which blow constantly, and keep the atmosphere healthful and salubrious for so low a latitude.

The soil, in general, is productive of little besides trees and shrubs, and most of it is covered with rough coral stones.

The productions are breadfruit in its proper season, and cocoanuts, which they have throughout the year; and a kind of fruit different from any that grows in America, which the natives call Bup—all growing spontaneously. Of the leaves of the trees the women manufacture very elegant mats, which they wear as blankets and clothing; of the bark of a vine they make men’s clothing; and of the husks of the cocoa they make ropes and rigging for their canoes, and for almost every other purpose. The waters round the Islands abound with fish, and the natives are very expert in catching them.

There are no animals on the Islands, excepting rats; and by these little [133] quadrupeds they are literally overrun.

The number of all the inhabitants, men, women, and children, is probably between five and six hundred.

The following may be given as prominent characteristics of the natives.—They are in general, well made and handsome—very indolent and superstitious. They are morose, treacherous, ferociously passionate, and unfriendly to all other natives. When they are not fishing, or otherwise employed, they are generally travelling about, and visiting each other. They have no salutations when they meet, but sit down without exchanging a word of civility for some minutes; but after a silent pause, the head of the family, if there is any thing in the house to eat, presents it to his guests, who, when they have eaten sufficiently, if there are any fragments left, are very careful to secure them and carry them off when they return home; and the host would regard it as an imposition, if his visitors were to neglect this important trait of politeness, and [134] fashionable item in etiquette. They accustom themselves to frequent bathing; and commence with their children on the day of their birth, and continue the practice twice a day, regularly, till they are two years old. They do this to invigorate the system, and render the skin of their children thick and tough by exposure. Their living consists simply of breadfruit, cocoanuts, and bup; but cocoanuts are all they can depend on the year round—the two other articles being common only a part of the year.

Their diversions consist in singing, dancing, and beating time with their arms, in a manner similar to the amusements of the natives at the Sandwich Islands; in which they appear to take great delight.

They wear their hair long, and tie it up in a kind of bow on the top of the head, and this is all the covering they have for their heads. The men have long beards. One part of their dress makes a singular and ludicrous appearance, which resembles two horse tails [135] suspended from the waist, one before and the other behind. The women’s dress consists of two mats, about the size of a small pocket-handkerchief, which they tie round them like an apron.

I never saw any form of marriage among them, but when a couple are desirous of being united, their parents have a talk together on the subject, and if the parties all agree to the union, the couple commence living together as man and wife; and I never knew of an instance of separation between them after they had any family. In a few instances polygamy prevailed.

The following will give a pretty correct idea of their funeral rites and solemnities:

When a person dies, the inhabitants of the village assemble together, and commence drumming and singing, halloing and yelling; and continue their boisterous lamentations for about 48 hours, day and night, relieving each other as they require. This they do, because they imagine it is diverting to [136] the person deceased. They bury the body at a particular place back of their houses, and use mats for a coffin. After the ceremony of interment is performed, they plant two cocoanut trees, one at the head and the other at the feet of the buried person. But if the trees ever bear fruit, the women are prohibited from eating thereof, for fear of displeasing the bad spirit, Anit. And here it may not be inappropriate to remind the reader that Eve ate of the forbidden fruit, notwithstanding she knew it would displease the Good Spirit.

In their personal appearance, the natives are about the middle size, with broad faces, flat noses, black hair and eyes, and large mouths.

In relation to literature, they are as ignorant as it is possible for people to be, having not the most distant idea of letters.

Concerning the religion of the untaught natives of the Mulgraves, the following remarks will give all the knowledge I am in possession of:

[137] They believe there is an invisible spirit that rules and governs all events, and that he is the cause of all their sickness and distress;—consequently they consider him to be a very bad being.—But they have no belief in a good spirit, nor have they any modes of worship.—It is a prevalent opinion among them, when any are sick, that the bad spirit rests upon them; and they believe that particular manoeuvres and a form of words, performed round and said over the sick, will induce Anit, the bad spirit, to cease from afflicting, and leave the unfortunate sufferers. With regard to a future state of existence, they believe that the shadow, or what survives the body, is, after death, entirely happy; that it roves about at pleasure, and takes much delight in beholding everything that is transacted in this world;—and as they consider the world as an extensive plain, they suppose the disembodied spirits travel quite to the edge of the skies, where they think white people live, and then back again to their native Isles; [138] and at times they fancy they can hear the spirits of departed friends whistling round their houses, and noticing all the transactions of the living. Singular as some of these notions and opinions may appear, there is much to be met with in Christendom equally at variance with reason; and I have heard from the pulpit, in New-England, the following language: “I have no doubt in my own mind that the blessed in Heaven look down on all the friends and scenes they left behind, and are fully sensible of all things that take place on earth!”

CHAPTER VIII.

This chapter, and the concluding remarks of the narrative, will be collated from a Journal kept by Cyrus M. Hussey; and if there appear occasionally some incidents similar to those recorded in the preceding account, it is believed the value and interest of this [139] history will not be diminished by them.—Hussey commences thus:

About the last of April, myself and Lay were separated, destined to different Islands, not knowing whether we should ever see each other again. At night we arrived at an Island, and hauled up our canoe. We found but few natives, but among the number was the mother of the chief with whom I lived. She was very inquisitive respecting me, and talked so incessantly through the night that I could not sleep. The next morning we were employed in gathering breadfruit, for the purpose of curing it for the winter. This employment continued about three months, during which time I was very uneasy about my situation. At intervals of leisure, when the old chief had no particular engagements to engross his attention, he would launch his canoe and go and search for fish; but my shoes having been taken from me, whenever I was employed round the rough shores of the Island, my feet were so wounded that I could [140] hardly walk. The natives now commenced the destruction of my clothing, and not being able to converse with them, I found it very difficult to preserve my apparel. They often requested me to divest myself of my clothing, and dress as they did, or rather not dress at all. I made signs that the sun would burn me, if I should expose myself to its scorching rays. When they found that persuasion would not induce me to divest myself of clothing, they began to destroy my clothes, by tearing them in pieces. It was some time before I could understand their language, so as to inform them that the sun would burn my back; and being robbed of my clothes, the powerful influence of the sun soon scorched me to such a degree that I could scarcely lie down or take any rest.

About the latter part of July, William Lay and others came to the Island in a canoe, to see me, being the first interview we had enjoyed since our separation, which was about three months previous. Lay informed me that the [141] natives had taken his bible from him and torn it up, and threatened his life. He informed me that it seemed to him as though he was robbed of that comfort which none in a christian land are deprived of. We were soon parted; he in a canoe was taken to an Island by the natives called Dilabu, and I went to my employment, repairing a canoe which was on the stocks. After I had finished the canoe, the natives prepared a quantity of bread fruit and fish for the chiefs, and on the following morning we set sail for an Island called Milly, one of the largest in the group, at which resides the principal chief. We arrived just at night and were cordially received by the natives, who had assembled on the beach in great numbers, for the purpose of getting some fish which the old chief had brought with him. He then hauled his canoe on shore; and I had again the pleasure of seeing my fellow sufferer, William Lay, after a month’s separation. Since our first meeting we were not allowed to converse much together.

[142] The old chief tarried at this Island but a short time, and Lay and myself were once more separated. The old chief, his family, and myself, returned to the Island which we had left two or three days before, called, in the language of the natives, Tabarawort; and he and his family commenced gathering bread fruit. As the old man with whom I lived had charge of several small Islands, we found it difficult to gather the fruit as fast as it ripened, so that a considerable part fell to the ground and perished. In the mean time, while we were employed in gathering in the fruits of the earth, news came to the Island, to inform the chief with whom I lived, that it was the intention of the highest chiefs to destroy us both, (that is myself and Lay,) because a severe sickness prevailed among them, and they being superstitious, supposed we were the occasion of it. I informed them that we could not have been the cause of the sickness, as no such sickness prevailed in our country, and that I never before [143] had seen a similar disease. But still they talked very hard about us; and the highest chief sent to the chief I lived with, to have me brought to the Island of Milly, where Lay lived, in order that we might be killed together. Preparations having been made, the old chief, whom I called father, with his family and myself, set sail the next morning for Milly, where we arrived about sun set. He immediately went to see the chief of Milly, to inquire the circumstances relating to the necessity of taking our lives, leaving me and the rest of the family in the canoe. I shortly perceived William Lay and his master coming towards the canoe, which produced sensations hard to be described. Affectionate and sympathizing reader, what must have been our feelings and conversation at that moment, when nothing seemingly was presented to our view but death? We were allowed an interview of only a few minutes, when we were again separated.

My master soon returned to the [144] canoe, and entered into very earnest conversation with his family, which, at the time, I did not fully understand; but found afterwards it was a relation to his family of his interview with the natives on the subject of taking our lives; and that if they killed me, they would first have to kill him, (my master,) which they were unwilling to do. My kind old master told them he had preserved me, and always should. Night now coming on, I lay down to sleep, but fear had taken such possession of my mind, that the night was spent in wakeful anxiety.

The next morning I asked leave of my master to visit Lay, which he readily gave. I set out for the hut in company with my master’s son; but on approaching it, Lay called out to me, to inform me that I must not come—that the natives did not like to have us together. On my turning to go back, Lay’s master called to me to come. I went and sat down, and entered into conversation with Lay, to ascertain what the intention of the natives [145] towards us were. He told me it was the design of the high chief to kill us. I observed to him, that we were in the hands of the natives; still there was a higher and more powerful Hand that could protect us, if it were the Divine pleasure so to do. I then bade him farewell, and returned to the canoe, never expecting to see each other again till we should meet on the tranquil ocean of eternity.

My master being now ready to return to his Island, the canoe was launched, and we set sail, and arrived the same night, having been absent two days.—The natives expressed much joy on seeing me return, and asked many questions respecting the chief of Milly; but as I was unable to speak their language intelligibly, I could give them but little information. We then went on with our work as usual, which was fishing, &c. &c.

After having been at this Island some time, my master’s wife manifested an inclination to go and visit her friends, who lived at an Island called in their [146] language Luguonewort. After a successful excursion in fishing, we cooked a part, and took some breadfruit, and embarked, agreeably to the wishes of my master’s wife, and arrived at Luguonewort in two days. The natives of that Island gave us a cordial reception. We hauled up our canoe and remained some time among them. After our agreeable visit was ended, we returned to the other Island, found the natives well, and that good care had been taken by the chief’s mother, an old woman to whom the superintendence of things had been left.

About six months after the massacre of my shipmates, the brother of the native in whose possession I was, came to the Island, and informed us that a ship had been seen to pass a day or two before, and that it caused great disturbance among the chiefs—that they thought it was the ship that left the Islands, (the Globe,) and that she was in search of us. My old master immediately prepared his canoe to visit the [147] chiefs, and he wanted also to inquire of me what I thought respecting the ship. We loaded our canoe and made sail for Milly, where the chiefs were. We arrived at night, and found a great number of natives collected on the beach, to see if we had any fish. We hauled up our canoe for the night, and the natives began to question me about the ship.—I told them I did not know, concluding it would be good policy to say but little on the subject. The natives crowded round me in great numbers; and I did not see Lay till he came to me. I inquired of him what he had seen, and he informed me that there had been a ship in sight about half an hour before sun set, and that she was near enough for him to see them take in their fore and mizen top gallant sails, but could give no definite account of her, as she was soon out of sight. We were not allowed to be together long; and I went to rest as usual, but could not sleep.—“Hope springs eternal in the human breast”—and hope that the ship which [148] had been seen had come to deliver us from savages and transport us to our native country and dear friends, had an influence on my feelings more powerful than sleep, and imagination was busy through the night in picturing scenes of future happiness.

But the prospect of our being released from our unpleasant situation was not very flattering. Early next morning I asked and obtained permission from my master, to pay a visit to Lay, before passing round to the opposite side of the Island. Accompanied by my master’s son and several others, I went to the hut where Lay lived, and we had the pleasure of another interview; but it was of short duration, for we were not allowed to be together more than a quarter of an hour. I returned to my master’s canoe, and there continued till the middle of the day; we then launched and set sail for Tabanawort, where we arrived the fore part of the night.—Early next morning we prepared for a fishing cruise, had pretty good success, [149] and returned just before night, made a fire, cooked some fish, and ate a delicious supper.

Our canoe being leaky and very much out of repair, my master and I commenced taking her to pieces, for the purpose of re-building her; and we were occasionally employed upon her nearly two months, when we launched her, and commencing fishing business, had alternately good and bad success. One day we had the good fortune to enclose, in a kind of wear made for the purpose, a large quantity of fishes, and with a scoopnet we caught a plentiful supply. After cooking them, we set out with a quantity to dispose of to the chiefs of Milly, where we arrived before night, on the same day of sailing. Very soon after our arrival I saw Lay and his master approaching the canoe, and we once more had a short but pleasant interview. I inquired of Lay how he fared, as to food, &c. His reply was, better than he expected, and that the natives were kind to him, always giving him his part. [150] I informed him I had a basket of fish reserved for him as a present, which he requested me to keep till dark, that he might be enabled to carry them home without having them all begged by the natives. He came at night for the fish, and I retired, agreeably to my master’s wishes to sleep in the canoe, to prevent the natives from stealing the remainder of the fish that were on board. The next morning my master was highly pleased to find that nothing was missing; and gave me liberty to go and see Lay. I went to the hut and found him with his master. They gave me a cordial welcome, and presented me with some cocoanuts in return for the fish. Lay’s master inquired of me very particularly respecting my master, and the quantity of fish we caught. I then returned to the canoe, carrying the cocoanuts, to deposite in the hold. My master asked me where I got them; I told him Lay’s master gave them to me. If this minute detail should appear unimportant to the reader, he may draw a moral from it; [151] for it evinces that my master was like other masters, desirous to know if his servant came honestly in possession of the cocoanuts. He then ordered me and his son to launch the canoe, which we did, got under sail for the Island we left the day before, and arrived back at night. We learned that during our absence the natives had caught a considerable quantity of fish; and in a few days we caught a large quantity more; loaded our canoe, and embarked for one of the head Islands to pay a visit, where we stopped some time. On our return, we commenced catching a kind of fish called by the natives kierick. They are about the size of a small codfish; and the manner of taking them is very curious—they make a line of the husk of cocoanuts, about the size of a cod line; they then in the canoe pass round the fish to the windward of the flat, then lie to till a considerable quantity of them get on the flat, then square away by the wind and run down and go round the flat with this line, and thus catch [152] them, men, women, and children being employed. I have known them catch one hundred at a draught. The fish are afraid of the line, and when enclosed, taken by a scoopnet. After taking a sufficient quantity, they go on shore to prepare for cooking them, which is done by digging a large hole in the earth, filling it with wood, covered with stones. The wood is then consumed, which heats the stones—the fish are wrapped in leaves to prevent them from falling to pieces, then covered with green leaves, and cooked by the heat of the stones. About an hour is required to cook them sufficient for eating. Their manner of curing fish, is, to split them and dry them in the sun, without using salt. Thus cured, they will keep some time. While we were employed in fishing, Lay came to the Island, in company with a native, to visit me; but did not stay long, for the chief sent for him, fearing, as I afterwards found out, that they should lose us. From some hints that had been dropped, a report had got [153] in circulation that my master and Lamawoot, (Lay’s master,) intended to leave their Islands, and embark for an Island to the north west, where the king lived, and carry us with them as a great curiosity. Lay was carried back to the chiefs—the head one sent an express to my master and Lay’s to come and see him—they made preparations and set sail for Milly; where they were closely questioned respecting their going to the other Island, &c. &c. They denied that they had even intimated any such design; which was false, for I had frequently heard them talking on the subject myself, but kept silent, as it appeared to be a great crime for any to desert their Islands; and I feared the consequences of making it known.—They then parted in peace and friendship, and I and my master returned to our habitation.

We then went to an Island to catch fish, and a disagreement taking place between two of the natives, about some trifling affair, the particulars of which I [154] did not learn, one of them took a spear belonging to the other, and after breaking it across his knee, with one half of it killed his antagonist, and left him. The parents of the man killed, being present, laid him out on some mats, and appeared to regret their loss very much. They kept a continual drumming over the body of the deceased for two or three days; after which he received a decent burial on another Island at some distance from the Island where he was killed.

CHAPTER IX.

Having a successful fishing voyage, we loaded our canoe, and carried our cargo to the chiefs of Luguonewort. I had the satisfaction of an interview with Lay; but our provisions being soon exhausted, we were obliged to go again in search of fish. At this time there was a severe drought, and breadfruit trees suffered extremely, many of them [155] entirely died. The superstitious natives supposed the drought was sent upon them as a judgment, because myself and Lay were allowed to live. I informed them that we could neither make it rain nor prevent it; but some of them were so ignorant that they believed we could control the weather. But some of the chiefs thought the drought was visited upon them because they had killed our shipmates, and I was always ready to join with them in that opinion. The drought continued about four months with such severity that most of the breadfruit trees on the small Islands were so completely dried up that they never sprouted again. Many of the ignorant natives still insisted that their sickness and drought were occasioned by suffering us to live upon their Islands; but this gross ignorance was counterbalanced by most of the chiefs, who believed differently, and to their more liberal opinion we are indebted for our lives.

About this time the Islands were [156] refreshed by plentiful showers of rain, and the natives assembled at Milly to sing for the breadfruit to come in abundance. They said their singing would please Anit, and that he would reward them with a very great crop.

A disturbance existed between the high chief and his brother Longerene. The disagreement lasted about nine months, during which time the two brothers did not see or speak to each other. Luttuon, the high chief, then sent a canoe to inform his brother Longerene that he wished to see him. An interview took place, and a treaty of peace was ratified.

During our stay at Milly, I had frequent opportunities of seeing Lay, my fellow sufferer; but the only relief we could afford each other was derived from a sympathy of feelings, and in conversations relating to our homes and native country, by blending our mutual wishes for a safe return, &c. &c. The reader can hardly conceive the unpleasantness of our situation at this time—the famine [157] was so great that the tender branches of trees were cooked, and the nutricious juice drank as food. My strength was so reduced in consequence of being deprived of my usual quantity of provisions, that I was unable to accompany my master on a fishing voyage. When my master returned, he found me lying in the hut, and asked me what was the matter. I informed him my indisposition proceeded from hunger; he cooked a fish and gave me, which, though it afforded me some relief, was not half enough to satisfy the cravings of appetite.

After I had recruited my strength, one day while engaged in fishing, a canoe came to the Island; and as soon as the canoe was near enough for the natives in her to be heard, they commenced hallooing and making dreadful noises, which is their practice when war is declared. They informed us that the high chief had killed several of the lower chiefs who belonged to the Island called Alloo; that Longerene had fled to Alloo, his own Island; and that the [158] high chief was determined to pursue and kill him. We were ordered to go immediately to his assistance; accordingly we set sail for the Island Milly, where we found a great number of natives collected for war. Again I had the satisfaction of being with Lay; who informed me that they were going to fight the other party at Alloo; and that the high chief had told him that he and I must prepare two muskets, and go and fight with them. Luttuon sent for me and Lay, and informed us he was about to have a battle, and that we must prepare to take a part in it. We asked him if he had any powder—he said he had a plenty, and showed us a small box, which contained a little powder and mustard seed mixed together, which, if it had been good powder, would not have made more than five or six charges. We told him it was good for nothing; but he said we must do the best we could with it. As we were afraid to offend him, we went to work with the powder, and dried it in the sun, and [159] prepared our muskets for battle.—The next morning we launched 15 or 16 canoes, containing in all about 200 natives, and set sail for Alloo; where we arrived and landed, and proceeded to a village in order to give battle to the enemy. On learning that the chief of Alloo and his family had fled in a canoe, we returned to our canoes, made sail in pursuit of the chief, but did not overtake him. After returning and spending a day or two at the Island of Alloo, we launched our canoes and went to our respective homes, and heard no more of the war.

Some time after my master returned to the Island where we usually resided, a canoe came and brought the information that a vessel was anchored near one of the head Islands—that she carried guns on each side, and had a hundred men—that they (the natives that brought the news) had been on board of the vessel, and received presents of beads, which they had on their necks. The natives said the vessel was not like [160] our ship which we came in, but had only two masts. I told them we had vessels of all descriptions, some with one mast only. They said the men on board did not look like us, and that they were very saucy. I informed the natives the vessel was a war vessel, and that if molested by the natives, they would shoot them. The natives said they would take the vessel and kill all the men on board. I told them their safety consisted in friendship, and that any hostile attack on the crew of the schooner would lead to their own destruction.—They then set sail for Milly, to inform the chiefs of the arrival of the vessel at the head Island. The chiefs of Milly gave orders to launch the canoes, 15 in number, to go and take the schooner. These canoes were manned by 200 natives. My master’s canoe not being in perfect repair, we could not join the party. On the night of the 25th, (Nov.) we saw several of the canoes returning towards the Island where I was. From one of the canoes landed the high chief, [161] who began to question me respecting the vessel. I told him I had not seen the vessel, and of course could not tell much about her; but that I expected she had come after me and Lay, and that she would have us. He then said he had better kill us both, and then there would be no one to tell that the natives had killed the rest of our crew. I told him that the people on board the schooner knew there were two alive, and if they killed us, the crew of the vessel would kill all the natives. This appeared to perplex his mind, and he shortly left me, and retired to rest.

On the next morning, 26th, the chief again questioned me respecting the vessel, but I could give him no particular information, as I had not seen her.—The natives then commenced knotting up leaves to inquire of their god, who, they said, would inform them what was best to be done. Towards night they departed, leaving me with my master, giving him strict orders not to let me go to the vessel, fearing that I should [162] not only remain on board, but give information that my shipmates had been murdered. I was glad to see them depart, for I feared they would kill me.—The reader can have but a faint idea of my feelings at that time; nor will I attempt to describe them.

Towards the close of the next day, (27th,) a canoe came to the Island which had been boarded by a boat from the schooner. The natives offered the men in the boat some cocoanuts, which they would not accept. The boat then proceeded towards the Island of Milly.—The natives informed me that the men in the boat inquired after the men who were left there by the ship Globe; but they would not give any information where they were. The canoe left the Island, and we went to rest. The next day passed without hearing any thing of the schooner; but the day following, (29th of Nov.) as I was walking in the woods in the afternoon, I heard a dreadful outcry for Hussey. I ran to the hut to learn the cause, and to my unspeakable [163] joy, I discovered that one of the schooner’s boats was on the beach, waiting for me, the men all armed and equipped for battle. As I approached, the Lieutenant spoke to me and told me to come to him. I went and sat down by him. He asked me several questions, but my feelings were so overcome and agitated, that I know not whether I replied in English, or the language of the natives. While we were sitting together, the old man whom I had always called master, but who was now willing to be considered my servant, asked me if the white people were going to kill him. The Lieutenant inquired of me to know the purport of the old man’s question; I told him he was afraid of being killed. The Lieutenant replied that he should not be hurt, if he behaved himself properly.

We then walked round the Island, and I collected what few things I had, a musket, &c. and made preparations for our departure. My old master being unwilling to part with me, asked [164] permission to go with me. I spoke to the Lieutenant on the subject, and he readily consented. We then set sail, accompanied by my master and his son. We soon fell in with the 2d Lieutenant, in another boat, who informed that all the survivors of the Globe’s crew were now rescued. The boats soon lost sight of each other, as night came on, and that in which I was arrived at the Island about 9 o’clock in the evening. We landed, cooked supper, and anchored our boat at a little distance from the shore for the night.

The next morning, (30th,) we got under weigh, accompanied by the other boat, beat to the windward, for the outside passage, and then ran down to the schooner, and got along side at 9 o’clock. I will leave it for the reader, to picture my feelings on entering once more on board of an American vessel, after having been among unmerciful savages 22 months. We soon had some breakfast, after which my hair was cut, which was of two year’s growth, and I [165] was furnished with clothing, and remained on board till the next day.

From this date to the time of our arrival in the United States, all the important incidents and facts which transpired, will be found in the preceding pages, arranged from the journal kept by Lay.

After expressing my thanks to all who assisted to rescue us from savage bondage, and my gratitude to Heaven for a safe return to my friends and native land, I bid the reader a respectful farewell.

A VOCABULARY

Of Words and Phrases, used by the natives of the Mulgrave Islands, with their definitions and so spelt and divided in syllables as to give the Reader a very clear understanding of the pronunciation.

Transcriber's Note

Archaic and uncommon spelling has been preserved as printed—for example, chesnut instead of chestnut, pummice instead of pummace, etc. Inconsistencies in hyphenation have been retained.

Variable spelling has been preserved where it appears due to differences between the two authors, or where there was no way to determine which was correct; instances include Humphreys—Humphries, Edgarton—Edgartown, and Tabanawort—Tabarawort.

Minor punctuation errors have been repaired. The following amendments have been made:

Page 11—Lumbard amended to Lumbert—"... William Beetle, (mate,) John Lumbert, (2d mate,) ..."

Page 15—Liliston amended to Lilliston—"... Wm. Humphries, a black man, and steward, and Thomas Lilliston."

Page 20—Linniston amended to Lilliston—"... William Humphries, (the steward) of Philadelphia, and Thomas Lilliston; ..."

Page 49—There amended to Their—"Their names were, Gilbert Smith, George Comstock, Stephen Kidder, ..."

Page 74—fastastic amended to fantastic—"... and all ornamented in the same fantastic manner."

Page 132—heathful amended to healthful—"... and keep the atmosphere healthful and salubrious ..."

Page 166—Diveing amended to Diving—"Diving ... doo lock"

A table of contents has been added for the convenience of the reader.

Beard	Cor y ack
Iron	Maale
A sail	Wood je lah
An oar	Thib bet
Steering	Kib bet tebet
Sailing	Der rauk yruk
Sleep	Mad du rah
Awake	Mim mit
Dark	Mar roak
Light	Mar rum
Night	Boong
Day	Roun
Growing	Aung
Drowned	Mal long
Oil	Bin in yep
Water	Pir ren
[166]A long time	Et tow
Yourself	Guay
Sleepy	Mil tegee
Victuals	Cuck con
Scrape	Goo tock
Build	Ae
Hold on	Coppy dirry
Man	Mum marn
Woman	Civ rah
Boy	Lod rick
Girl	Lid rick
An infant	Hi dir ry
Black	Eg gil ly mit
White	Em mew it
Red	Em mirt
Drink	E ranck
Fingers	Jan thurt
A bird	Paw o
A knife	Noad rick
Begging	Angue ot
Work	Derry bol
An adze	Jal tosk
A nail	Mer ry
Grass	Oo joo et
Leaves	Bel ly bal
Counting	Bun ne bun
One	Jew on
Two	Roo ah
Three	Te lew
Four	A men
Five	Ri lim
Six	Dil je mo
Seven	Dil jil je ma jew on
Eight	Ad je no
Nine	Ad dil y mo jew on
Ten	Dongue ole
Musketoe	To cotch up
Fear	Cwurd
Giving	Hi dir inge
A rope	Tow
Wind	Gut to
Rain	Woot
Lay down	Bah boo
Get up	Der ry cock
Not good	Nah nah
Very good	En no
Talking	Com el tah to
Fighting	Tarr yin ia
Kill	Mon ny
Smoke	Bout
Sand	Boak
Diving	Doo lock
Digging	Cob e coob
Bury	Col ly boo ny
Sewing	Thil thil
Eat	Mong ah
Singing	Al lil
Sun	Al
Moon	Al lung
Star	E jew
Sky	I id ere lung
Sun down	Doo lock Al
Sun rise	Tuck in Al
To-day	Raun ene
Yesterday	In nay
To-night	Boon ene
Tomorrow	Geen a raun
Puking	Mom mit
A blanket	Cawd
A costume	Ene
Fuel	Con ny
Land	Yin ny
[167]A bottle	Buck ah
Cutting	Boo way
Fastening	Geal ing
Stealing	Mid dart
A rat	Kid dir rick
Hair	Co coa no bot
Ear	Lou dil lyg nui
Eyes	Mid dat
Nose	Baw thurt
Mouth	Loung ing
Chin	Chim in ny gne ad
Chief	Tam moon
Forward	A marn
Egg	Lip
Drift	Pay lock
Paddle	Aun arn
I know	E del lah
Yes	Ing ah
No	Aub
Backside	Al by gin
Playing	Cook ke ry
Medicine	Oo noe
Whale	Rat
A louse	Git
Strong	Mad jo jow
Enough	Em mut
Thread	Uer
Forget	Mer no lock wy
See	Lal ly
Bailing	An ain
Mast	Cod jew
A saw	Dir re ban
A sword	Jah jay
A handle	Je jew er
Running	Tit thurt
A musket	Boo wat
A cannon	Bac ca
Powder	Bow on ope
Fire	Kid ja ick
Hewing	Jick e jick
A house	Imm
Fish	Ikk
Stone	Buck ah
Head	Bur run
Hand	Bon
Foot	Nane
A shark	Bac co
A spear	Mor ry
Cocoanuts	Koree
Breadfruit	Mah
Go	Wy lum
Come	Wy to
Very large	El lip
Scar or cut	Gin net
Thunder	Daw roort
Lightning	Dar rum
Lizard	Cid re be lin
A canoe, or any vessel	Woa or Wah
Put it down there	Lickitin i genny
Throw it away	Jow lock y
I am thirsty	E mar row
Give me some drink	Letto lim ma dirick
Finger nails	Og guck
Your father	Gim mum
[168]His father	Gim men
My father	Gim mah
Your mother	Gin mum
His mother	Gin nen
My mother	Gin nah
Where are you going	Guay te wy jickut
What are you doing	Guay je thah
Where have you come from	Guay te wy to den air
Is there any	O ra cy
One hundred	Jib be wee
One thousand	Der rab bin
What is the news	Ere nin narn
A bag or pocket	Pau jaw
Do you know	Guay del larky
What is that	Mer root thany
What part	E thane
You must not	A mow
A cable or anchor	Em mi tock
A cask or chest	Tub be tub
Chips or rubbish	Men a ca noak
Laying a rope	Bit the bit
A cloud or squall	Cur raw
Fair weather	Em mon Lung
Don’t say a word	Tab co war roang aroang
Sharpening iron tools	Jim me jim mal
Day before yesterday	Jay marn
Take that and go	Book y em ettal
Sick at the stomach	Ma long a lung
How large is this Island	Rir ret Ilong ene
What’s the name of this Isle	I tan Iling ene
Going to sea	Gib be lak

A NARRATIVE OF THE MUTINY, ON BOARD THE SHIP GLOBE, OF NANTUCKET, IN THE PACIFIC OCEAN, Jan. 1824 AND THE JOURNAL OF A RESIDENCE OF TWO YEARS ON THE MULGRAVE ISLANDS;